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DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to the chefs who surrender
their lives to the professional kitchen so that we, the
guest, can imbibe with our friends and family.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to acknowledge the following people who have made this thesis possible.
Noelle Liddy for the vision and tenacity to challenge the ways in which culinary education
could be delivered in New Zealand paving the way for the establishment of the design-based
Bachelor of Culinary Arts degree programme. Without her personal strength none of this
would have been possible.
Five years ago I said to Dr Maxine Alterio if there was one certainty in life, it would be that I
would never do a Masters with an education focus. The irony of this statement is not lost on
me now! Fate has had its way and I have never regretted a moment of it. Personally it gives
me the greatest pleasure to see the years of guidance, support, mentoring and friendship
from her now being brought to life in this work.
My fellow work colleagues, I thank you for listening to (and putting up with!) my constant
outbursts about culinary education and the power that we, the teachers, hold over the
students in front of us. I never meant to cause you any pain, but I simply wanted you to join
me in basking in this newfound knowledge. I could talk of this being a moment from the
Allegory of the Cave, but I’ve troubled you enough with Plato for now!
Dr Aidan Hobson, thank you for the scenic route as I would have never ventured so far from
the highway. It’s a pity you didn’t see the final destination as I’m curious to know if it differed
from your own thoughts. I have already started to miss those conversations about elephants
in the room. Dr Catherine Robinson, thank you for the opportunity to discuss Foucault, he’s
never been easy to understand!
Dr Richard Mitchell, my port in a fierce storm. Words cannot express the gratitude I have for
the role that you have played in this work. In the culinary world you are what we call a
Tournant chef; the chef who relieves the other chefs in the kitchen when they are having their
day off. You have been my workplace mentor, editor, proof reader, word tutor and perhaps
most importantly, my academic supervisor. I wonder what conversations we will have on our
runs now that Plato has been put to rest?
To AJ and Eva, thank you for understanding and supporting your husband and father as he
worked tirelessly in the corner at night. Just like you, I am looking forward to spending a
summer together as a family.
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And finally to the endless people that I have engaged with in recent years, which in some
significant way informed the thinking that has brought me to this point. Your feedback and
critical dialogue has been invaluable in stimulating the internal dialogue which has led to this
critical analysis of culinary arts pedagogy. In particular I would like to acknowledge the
formal dialogue that I have had with the collaborators and reviewers of my previously
published work:
Woodhouse, A. and Mitchell, R. (2015) Culinary Education: The Missing Piece of the Puzzle
ConversatioNZ 4th of May 2015 Christchurch at the CHX Centre. http://www.conversationz.co.nz/.
Woodhouse, A. (2013) Learning Strategies for Transforming from a “Yes Chef” to a “Why Chef?”
Learning Environment Woodhouse,A. (2013)Sino-New Zealand Vocational forum 2013, Excellence in
Vocational Teaching .Qingdoa Polytechnic, China
Mitchell, R. Woodhouse, A. Heptinstall, T. and Camp, J. (2013) Why use design methodology in
culinary arts education? Hospitality & Society 3: 3, pp. 241–262
Mitchell,R. Woodhouse,A. Heptinstall,T. Camp, J. (2012) Why Use Design Thinking in Culinary
Arts Education, International Conference on Designing Food and Designing for Food (iFood Design
Conference), London Metropolitan University, London, 28-29 June 2012.
Woodhouse, A. (2012) Assessment Strategies for Transforming from “Yes Chef” to a “Why Chef?”
Learning Environment. Ako Aotearoa Symposium, Success is..., 7th December, Wellington, New
Zealand.
Woodhouse, A. (2012) Critical Reflection as a means of Radical Innovation in Curriculum Design.
Keynote Speech, Eastern Institute of Technology Staff Symposium “Pursue Excellence ,Think
Smarter” 15th July 2012.
Heptinstall, T. Woodhouse, A. Mitchell, R. and Camp, J. (2011) Exploration, Experimentation and
Experience: Multiple drivers for the future of culinary education. Australasian Regional Food Cultures
and Networks Food Conference. Salt Beach, Australia. 28th November – December 1 2011.
Woodhouse, A. (2011) Kai Tahutaka, Scope: Contemporary Research Topics, Kaupapa Kai Tahu 1,
November, 60-62.
Alterio. M. G & Woodhouse, A. (2010) Creating Digital Stories to Enhance Vocational Learning, Ako
Aotearoa,
Alterio, M. & Woodhouse, A., (2009) Using mobile learning technologies to support assessment
practices, Scope, contemporary research topics: Learning and Teaching 2. November. 60 – 69
Barton, M. Hanton, L. McAndrew, I. Woodhouse, A. (2008) Engaging students in Learning,
Spotlight on Tertiary Teaching and Learning, Otago University, Dunedin
Woodhouse, A. (2008) National Tertiary Teaching award, AKO Aotearoa.
Woodhouse, A. (2008) Supreme Award for Excellence in Training and Innovation, Hospitality
Standards Institute (HSI).
3
Table of Contents
1 PREFACE ........................................................................................................... 7
1.1 A Road Map to this Academic Journey ................................................................... 8
2 REFLECTION THROUGH STORYTELLING .................................................... 10
Insight One: The Early Years .................................................................................... 11
2.1 The Power of the Narrative ................................................................................... 13
2.2 Reflection in Practice ............................................................................................ 14
2.3 Phenomenology and Reflexivity ............................................................................ 15
3 CRITICAL CALLS FOR CHANGE: CHALLENGING THE ESTABLISHMENT 17
Insight Two: Selling the Illusion ................................................................................ 18
3.1 Culinary Arts Canon and Pedagogy ...................................................................... 20
3.1.1 The Guilds and Master-Apprentice Learning .................................................. 20
3.1.2 Auguste Escoffier ........................................................................................... 20
3.1.3 The Rise of Formalised Vocational Education ................................................ 22
3.2 Critical Calls for Change ....................................................................................... 23
3.2.1 Pedagogical Tensions within the Academy: Positivist and Phenomenological
Knowledge ................................................................................................................... 24
3.2.2 Culinary Master, Apprentice and Recipe Based Pedagogy ............................ 24
3.2.3 Reflexivity and Lifelong Learning ................................................................... 26
3.3 Pedagogical Inertia: Resistance to Change .......................................................... 29
4 CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION OF RELEVANCE TO
CULINARY ARTS: KNOWLEDGE, POWER AND IDENTITY ................................. 31
Insight Three: Book Smart vs Street Smart ............................................................... 32
4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 34
4.1.1 The History of Knowledge and Power ............................................................ 34
4.2 The Rise of the Post Modern Critical Theorists ..................................................... 37
4.2.1 Paulo Freire: Cultural Invasion and Identity Formation ................................... 38
4.2.2 Ivan Illich: Formalized Education as a Societal Consumable Commodity ....... 39
4.2.3 Ivan Illich: Education and Salvation ................................................................ 40
4.2.4 Bowles and Gintus: Social Structures and Egalitarian Access to Knowledge . 41
4.2.5 Michael Apple: Legitimate Knowledge and the Hidden Curriculum ................. 42
4.2.6 Michel Foucault: The Examining Gaze of Education ...................................... 44
4.3 A Critical Review of Plato’s Allegory ..................................................................... 45
5 THE ROLE OF THE PROSPECTUS AND THE FRANCOPHILE CULINARY
CURRICULUM ......................................................................................................... 47
Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds ................................................................ 48
4
5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 49
5.2 The Culinary Education Journey ........................................................................... 50
5.2.1 The Institutional Prospectus ........................................................................... 51
5.2.2 Critical Consequences of Access to Higher Education ................................... 53
5.3 Culinary Images and the Media............................................................................. 54
5.3.1 Lifestyle Realities ........................................................................................... 55
5.3.2 How One Should Dress ................................................................................. 56
5.3.3 Lecturer Influence .......................................................................................... 58
6 THE CLASSROOM EXPERIENCE ................................................................... 60
Insight Five: The Innocent Task of Cutting a Carrot .................................................. 61
6.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 62
6.2 Banking Knowledge .............................................................................................. 63
6.3 Society’s Desire for Legitimate Knowledge ........................................................... 65
6.4 The Hidden Curriculum ......................................................................................... 66
6.5 The Examining Gaze ............................................................................................ 66
6.6 Impact on Identity Formation ................................................................................. 67
7 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 69
7.1 Summary .............................................................................................................. 69
7.2 The Final Words ................................................................................................... 70
8 References ....................................................................................................... 74
5
Figures Table of Contents
Figure 3.1 Escoffier's Le Guide Culinaire ............................................................................ 21
Figure 3.2 Culinary Arts Inertia to Pedagogical Change ...................................................... 29
Figure 4.1 Critical Theorist’s Citations ................................................................................. 38
Figure 5.1 Students harvesting from the gardens ................................................................ 51
Figure 5.2 Students working in the kitchen .......................................................................... 51
Figure 5.3 A student preparing a tuile biscuit* ..................................................................... 52
Figure 5.4 A classic French charlotte .................................................................................. 52
Figure 5.5 White smoking after service ............................................................................... 56
Figure 5.6 White cleaning his kitchen .................................................................................. 56
Figure 5.7 Chef Danny Bowien of Mission Street Chinese .................................................. 58
Figure 5.8 Cover of the 2016 Otago Polytechnic Programme Guide ................................... 59
Figure 7.1 Knowledge Power Relationships in Institutional Culinary Arts Education ............ 70
6
1 PREFACE
Image from personal collection
7
1.1 A Road Map to this Academic Journey
This thesis has drawn inspiration and insight from my journeys into the professional cookery
kitchens of haute cuisine, through to my current position as a Principal Lecturer on the
Bachelor of Culinary Arts programme at Otago Polytechnic, Dunedin, New Zealand.
This is a philosophical enquiry and critique of the pedagogies and subsequent teaching and
learning practices that underpin Western culinary arts education. It is through this enquiry
that I will explore the question: what are the pedagogies that underpin culinary arts
education? Using a critical perspective to explore this question, I hope to provide a differing
lens on the role of power and knowledge in culinary arts education, and in turn, offer new
pedagogical perspectives on both my own professional practice and those of the wider
culinary arts education community of practice.
It is my intent that this thesis is a meeting ground where both academic and culinary
communities respect their differing cultural perspectives. It is my lasting wish that this work
be read by my community of practice so that it may contribute to this community in more
meaningful ways than the certification of my academic knowledge. As an academic leader
on a culinary programme, I am constantly torn between my academic and culinary identity
and the cultures that each practice embraces. To remain respected within each practice I
have to constantly morph my identity and language structures, whilst trying to find a balance
between “whose knowledge is best”. As Palmer states, due to the unsocial nature of the
culinary occupation, chefs view the world from a position of “us’ in the kitchen and “them” on
the outside world (Palmer, Cooper, & Burns, 2010). According to Palmer et al. (2010, p. 322)
Chefs are moreover, a community of common descent in that they share a
history, a tradition, a language of speaking and a language of being that bind
members together in the face of what some regard as a hostile world with little
understanding of what goes on behind the kitchen door. This is not to say that
everyone agrees with the values, attitudes and behaviour of all members of the
community.
Some readers may find the actions and language of the personal insights that appear at the
beginning of each chapter challenging, but to present them any other way would devalue the
authenticity of the experiences and the meta-cognition I hope to achieve in the supporting
academic theory. It is through the collision of the culinary and academic worlds that I hope to
engage both communities in critical reflective thought about their professional practice.
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It is at this time that I would like to remind the reader of the social theories proposed by
French philosopher and sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu (1984) suggests that each of
us operate within habitus of our various communities and as such we each bring certain
lifestyles, values and perspectives to our work. In effect we have our own socially and
culturally generated perspectives of the world and its reality. In his theory of reflexive
sociology, Bourdieu reminds us that we need to be aware of our own views and bias to
better understand the social reality of others (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). As such
behaviours that may seem unnatural to the reader are in essence not part of the social
realities or cultural identity that the reader maybe accustomed to (Bourdieu, 1984). Likewise
the philosophies of Bourdieu are not lost on me, the researcher. By presenting these
insights to you, the reader, now expose myself to you.
9
2 REFLECTION THROUGH STORYTELLING
Image retrieved 14/10/2015 from http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/51FkHE0HVRL._SX331_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg
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Insight One: The Early Years
I clearly remember my first year of teaching. It was 2002 and I was only 27 but had
already been in the hospitality industry for over a decade. I had worked in some
prestigious restaurants and had a fairly well informed intuition of what kind of student
would make it in the world of haute cuisine. Quite frankly you have to be fairly hard
arse to adapt and survive in those kitchens. It’s an environment where chefs like Marco
Pierre White and his bad boy rock star attitude are worshiped. Equally Jamie Oliver is
seen as a pretty Essex boy who had sold out to dinner party “wanna be’s” with his
carefree “lovely jubbly” salads.
Most of the kids in front of me wanted the glory and stardom that Jamie and television
provided. Sucked in by the media and signed up to a course which they believed would
provide them with a fast track into the world of celebrity chef. I distinctly remember
being allowed to write menus for the training restaurant. I actually enjoyed writing the
menus as it was a chance to escape the drudgery of unit standards and the state
controlled curriculum I had to teach. The irony was that I had the freedom to write and
implement the menus because the students weren’t being assessed during the
preparation and serving of them – it was just work experience with no learning credits
attached. I vividly remember one of the dishes on the menu “Duck Parfait with Granny
Smith Apple Gel, Star Anise Glaze and Toasted Fig Brioche” : a technical masterpiece
and a dish that I had co-created and prepared at the award winning Thornley’s
Restaurant in Christchurch.
I had busted my gut at Thornley’s, working 16 hours a day for shit pay (I literally
couldn’t even financially survive). But I did it because I was learning at a phenomenal
rate and I was gaining acceptance into an exclusive community of chefs. To my dismay
the kids in front of me didn’t give a shit about the dish, it wasn’t being assessed and
emotionally they didn’t own it. They hadn’t sat around after a hard service with their
mates conceiving potential new flavours and sensory aspects of the dish, in turn taking
ownership of it. Instead they had simply bought the dish via a student loan. If my chef
buddies knew that I had simply given this recipe to a group of students they would have
been mighty pissed off, everyone in the industry knows knowledge like that is not
shared freely and it is earned the hard way.
11
At the end of the year I took a one week course in basic teaching at the Dunedin
College of Education. This course was a revelation to me as I was introduced to the
theories of different types of student motivations and to pedagogy in general. From that
point forward I started to look at my students in a different light. It became apparent to
me that their motivations were different to mine. Maybe my world and their worlds were
different?
Unlike most of my students, I distinctly remember the day that I knew I wanted to be a
Chef. I didn’t choose to do it because I felt like something different in my life; it was a
conscious calling and, for me, a way of being.
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2.1 The Power of the Narrative
Insight One briefly introduces me to you (the reader) and starts the process of building my
personal landscape through the descriptive narrative which I will periodically delve into
throughout this thesis. It also captures one of the most significant times in my life, a time
when I am starting to transition from a cook who teaches to a teacher who cooks. It marks
a moment which challenged my preconceptions of students and the world of culinary arts; it
is in fact a moment of enlightenment through critical reflection. This was my first pedagogical
transformative learning moment and as this thesis will testify, it would not be my last.
This insight has been adapted from the teaching portfolio that I prepared for the New
Zealand National Tertiary Teaching Awards in 2008. It was initially written for an academic
readership which would determine if I was worthy of a national accolade for teaching (Ako
Aotearoa). The original version is non-abrasive and politically correct as it speaks of hopes
and dreams, aspirations and transformations. As this thesis testifies, this academic journey
has emancipated me from my perceptions of what is right and what is wrong in the
landscape of ‘true’ knowledge.
I intend my insights to be a raw account of my personal experiences, bringing the reader
closer to me and the community of culinary arts. I have no intention of them being purely
narcissistic accounts of my professional life but a behind-the-scenes snapshot of my haute
cuisine and teaching experiences presented similarly to the insightful literary recollections of
Anthony Bourdain (Bourdain, 2000), Bill Buford (Buford, 2007) and Macro Pierre White
(White & Steen, 2006).
The aforementioned Ako Aotearoa portfolio was co-curated by Dr Maxine Alterio, a staff
member at the time in the Higher Education Centre at Otago Polytechnic. She has been an
academic mentor of mine ever since. Dr Alterio is a respected academic in the use of
reflective storytelling in higher education. Under her mentorship I have embraced storytelling
and the power of the personal narrative as a meaningful learning and communication tool
(Alterio, 2008; Alterio & McDrury, 2003). According to Alterio (Alterio, 2008):
Stories often need to be told in different forms before they feel complete and
learning can be consolidated…as tellers and listeners we consciously and
subconsciously draw on our past experiences to make sense of current situations.
13
The use of reflective storytelling has long been associated with the construction of
knowledge and identity for learners (Alterio & McDrury, 2003; Durrance, 1997; Haigh &
Hardy, 2011; Jenny Moon & Fowler, 2008; Sobol, Qentile, & Sunwolf, 2004). I hope that my
insights may offer more than this to the reader. I intend to take you into a world that you may
not have encountered before, a world that Palmer (Palmer et al., 2010) calls the “underbelly”
of culinary arts and its associated pedagogies. For those of you already connected with the
world of culinary arts, I intend these insights to add an authentic voice and a means to segue
into the critical philosophical perspectives I explore. For me they act as the dissemination of
the reflective praxis that this journey has taken me on. As Paulo Freire (1970, p. 72) states
Looking at the past must only be a means of understanding more clearly
what and who they are so that they can more wisely build the future.
2.2 Reflection in Practice
As my critical enquiry has unfolded it has indirectly forced me to think about my own practice
and how I have come to be the person that I am today. Many times during this academic and
reflective journey I have been forced to stop and take an introspective look at myself and try
to make sense of who I am. In the words of Maxine Alterio “storytelling values emotional
realities, capture the complexities of the situations, encourage self-review, make sense of
experience” (Alterio, 2003, p. 2). In this process of emotive and reflective storytelling I
present myself in ontological and epistemological ways and expose my “set of embodied
dispositions” (Johnson & Duberley, 2003). As Feighery (2006, p. 271) proposes should be
the case, the process of reflexivity has forced me to reflect upon my values and actions
during my research process
The reflective narratives presented here capture my personal story in a process that has
allowed me to make sense of myself using my own culturally generated sense-making
processes (Bishop & Glynn, 1999). My early experiences of reflective practice were that of
reflection in practice (Schön, 1983) and were fundamental to my early professional culinary
career development. These were academically unconscious reflective practices that were
deeply informed by experience gained through working in practice. It was in the culinary
workplace that I was exposed to “the knowledge” a term which Michelin chef Gordon
Ramsey refers to as the normalities and realities of being a chef (Duncan, 2001). It is a world
in which “you have to bow down and stay focused until the knowledge is tucked away”
(Duncan, 2001, p. 10).
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Meanwhile, Stephen Brookfield describes this kind of knowledge acquisition as tacit and
intuitively based, “privately developed, proven ways of performing that are the contextually
specific, idiosyncratic and unmentioned in the textbooks of professional practice” (Brookfield,
1987 in Jennifer Moon, 2004, p. 39). Donald Schön also describes this type of tacit
knowledge as that of knowing-in-action (Schön, 1983) and others as theories in use (Argyris
& Schon, 1974; Brookfield, 1987). It is “the knowledge” in these insights which I hope those
from the global culinary arts community will emotionally and cognitively connect with and in
turn give credence to my voice.
As the opening insight indicates, through my continued academic studies my reflective
practices have evolved and I now more readily integrate reflection on action (Schön, 1983)
into my reflective framework and practice. The insights presented here are a blend of ‘in
action’ and ‘on action’ as they are a direct reflection of who I am. They are also a storying of
the tensions that exist between formal and informal education and the power struggles of
espoused theory and knowing in action (Argyris & Schon, 1974).
2.3 Phenomenology and Reflexivity
I have thought long and hard about these narrative insights and the role that they play in my
work. I was initially inspired by the autoenthnographical thesis of Richard Wright (Wright,
2011) and briefly considered using a pure autoethnographic methodology to convey my
academic thinking. The ability to write with emotional recall within the bounds of concrete
experience and intimate detail appealed to me. Equally, I could have chosen simply not to
have included these insights within my work and adopted a framework embracing positivist
and modernist philosophical principles. Under this approach I could have solely embraced a
doctrine of logic and epistemology to present my work. I have, however, chosen to go down
a more critical path and use the interpretive phenomenology of my lived experience to
integrate into my academic journey. I am not alone in this approach but have chosen to add
my voice to a growing number of hospitality and tourism critical theorists who call for the
lived experience to become a valued aspect of the academic “ways of knowing” within the
academy (R. Robinson, Solnet, & Breakey, 2014).
For me the process of including reflective narratives has been a personal and academic
challenge. It is the relationship and tension that exists between my professional reflexivity
and personal growth and the critical enquiry I so academically propose. As an emerging
researcher I am consciously aware of the reflexive sociology which operates within my thesis
and as such I wish to thank my academic supervisor Dr Richard Mitchell whom I have drawn
15
upon to ensure the balance of personal thought and critical academic enquiry remains
appropriate.
These insights have captured and articulated my personal and academic journey but I wish
them to offer something more reflective to the reader. It is my wish that you stop and think
about your own values and actions and how these influence your everyday thoughts and
actions within your community of practice. It is through the process of critical reflection that
we can better understand ourselves and grow as individuals.
This academic thesis is split into two distinctive parts. Part One (see Chapters 2, 3 and 4) is
a positioning of the academic literature and subsequent theories that inform Part Two (see
Chapters 5 and 6), the critical enquiry pertaining to culinary arts pedagogy.
Chapter 2 discusses an overview of my personal perspectives of culinary arts pedagogy and
introduces the research methodologies utilised within this thesis. Chapter 3 explores the
development of the pedagogy and hierarchical structures in culinary arts education and
presents a review of the literature pertaining to culinary arts pedagogy. The notions of power
and knowledge and their relationship to human development are introduced in Chapter 4,
along with a historical overview of the related historical tensions that exist. Chapter 4
concludes with an overview of the critical theories of Apple, Bowles, Friere, Gintus and Illich
which form the framework for Part Two, (Chapters 5, 6 and 7).
Building on from the literature reviews in Part One, Part Two is a critical investigation into
culinary arts media and classroom practices at Otago Polytechnic, Dunedin, New Zealand.
Chapter 5 examines the 2016 Institutional prospectus of Otago Polytechnic. Chapter 6
examines a typical classroom experience in relation to the pedagogy of the teacher and how
this experience impact on the knowledge and identity formation of the learner. Part Two
concludes with Chapter 7 which is a summary of the findings and a possible way forward for
the culinary arts community.
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3 CRITICAL CALLS FOR CHANGE:
CHALLENGING THE ESTABLISHMENT
Image from personal collection
17
Insight Two: Selling the Illusion
It was 2000 and I had just taken the position of Head Chef at the prestigious Brassiere
Flipp in Wellington, New Zealand. At the time Brassiere Flipp was listed as one of the
best restaurants in the world in Courvoisier’s Book of the Best. Brasserie Flipp was
viewed as a culinary mecca in the Wellington dining scene, with its pedigree of award
winning chefs and a dining room which radiated indulgence and opulence. As you
walked the marble lined stairs to the first floor of the restaurant you immediately
became overcome with a sense of affluence and sophistication. Even reading the
menu required a certain level of gastronomic intelligence…what the hell is an Agnolotti
of Cherve on Petit Legumes to the average Kiwi? Through the clever use of
architectural space, stylised service and menu design you certainly thought you were
experiencing something special and unique and to be honest, in the most part, you
were.
But Brassiere Flipp had a dirty secret that nobody spoke about. It was the signature
dish that patrons would come in every week to eat and would abruptly storm out if it
was not on the menu. Every night people would personally thank the chef for the most
amazing preparation of the dish that they had ever experienced - the perfect balance of
crispy exterior and soft melt-in-your-mouth interior.
Quietly I suspect a few patrons knew what Brassiere Flipp was selling but were too
scared to ask the question or point out the obvious. Surely in this award winning and
gastronomically praised environment they wouldn’t sell something as fraudulent as
that, it would have to be the real thing wouldn’t it? But it wasn’t the real thing; it was
exactly the same product that you could get at the fish ‘n’ chip shop for a fifth of the
price. It was just that in the environment of Brassiere Flipp it appeared to be real and
authentic and Brassiere Flipp had no issues charging people for the privilege of
experiencing it.
It was in the middle of service on a Saturday night when someone finally spoke up
against the dish. He was an elderly man and he demanded to see the chef and the
owner. He was irate to say the least but wanted to know why we had the audacity to
sell him commercially manufactured squid rings that he could buy at the supermarket in
the discount freezer section. That’s right, those homogenous textured squid rings that
18
are produced from the by-products of squid manufacturing and formed together with
transglutaminase or as it’s commonly known “meat glue”. Against all of the social,
cultural and symbolic power structures at play in the environment of Brassiere Flipp it
took the courage of one man to stand up against the business and say “this isn’t right”.
Just as it happened at Brassiere Flipp that night, there is a now a growing voice in the
educational culinary arts community questioning the status quo.
19
3.1 Culinary Arts Canon and Pedagogy
3.1.1 The Guilds and Master-Apprentice Learning
Western culinary arts and its accompanying pedagogy have their roots deeply embedded in
the European master craftsmen of the Middle Ages. It was during this time that these
craftsmen organized themselves in the form of guilds for the purposes of overseeing the
learning and the working rights of their workforce (Emms, 2005; Mills, 2007). Throughout this
era, the education of cooks and chefs was delivered through a workplace master-apprentice
model of pedagogy (Emms, 2005). This pedagogical learning model was based on an
apprentice spending time with a master craftsman and learning the vocational craft through
workplace observation. Through this process the apprentice would replicate the actions of
the master under the watchful eye of the master, with heavy emphasis on the application
and replication of the master’s skill and knowledge.
In this environment the apprentice developed an understanding of the medium of their craft
while honing their technical skills and becoming proficient in their masters trade. With time
and through the acquisition and proficiencies of these new skills, the apprentice transitioned
to become a journeyman and eventually a master of their craft in their own right (Mitchell,
Woodhouse, Heptinstall, & Camp, 2013). It was during the 18th Century Industrial Revolution
that the function and role of these guilds started to be relinquished as governments looked to
take on more responsibility for vocational education and make it more formalized and
contractual through the workplace apprenticeship system (Mills, 2007).
3.1.2 Auguste Escoffier
At the beginning of the 20th Century the pioneering work of French Chef Auguste Escoffier
was the catalyst for the most significant pedagogical structures of modern culinary education.
Escoffier, often cited as the father of modern cuisine, reorganised many of the professional
kitchens of leading European hotels to create a revolutionary new food production and
service model called service a la russe. A key component of Escoffier’s service a la russe
model was the development of the hierarchical brigade system (Mitchell et al., 2013).
Developed using 19th Century Taylorism principles, Escoffier divided the kitchen into the five
key areas of ‘entremetiers,’ for soups and vegetables ‘garde-manger’ for cold dishes,
‘rôtisseur’ for meat cookery ,‘saucier’ for the making of sauces; and a ‘pâtissier’ for sweet
production (Cullen, 2012) . To oversee the efficient production within each of these sections,
Escoffier developed a hierarchical work force system with the chef de cuisine at the top, the
20
sous chef as the overseer of general production, the chef de partie as section leader and the
demi-chef and commis chef as junior production chefs.
It was while working at the Savoy Hotel in London that Escoffier wrote his 1903 book Le
Guide Culinaire as a hotel training model for apprentices (Cullen, 2012). During this time
Escoffier advocated for formal culinary education for young boys and this lead to the opening
of Britain’s first cookery school at Westminster Technical Institute in 1910 (James, 2002).The
crossover of Le Guide Culinaire into formalized learning was in 1946 when two American
women, Katherine Angell and Frances Roth adopted Escoffier’s book as the core curriculum
for their new cookery school. In response to government funding for training returning World
War Two veterans, Angell and Roth formed The New Haven Restaurant Institute. This
school was to later change its name to the Restaurant Institute of Connecticut and, in 1951,
the Culinary Institute of America (CIA). The CIA has gone on to become recognised as one
of the Western world’s most preeminent culinary education institutes (Deutsch, 2014).
Figure 3.1 Escoffier's Le Guide Culinaire
Image sourced from Live Auctioners. (N.D.). Le Guide Culinaire https://www.liveauctioneers.com/item/6399714_le-guide-
culinaire-auguste-escoffier-1st-edition.
21
3.1.3 The Rise of Formalised Vocational Education
In the 1960’s and 1970’s, as a result of economic growth and increased post war funding
from governments, there was a rise in global culinary vocational education. Similarly, during
this time the culinary occupation status transitioned in the United States from domestic to a
professional status. With this elevation in status the education of the professional culinary
workforce rose as well (VanLandingham, 1995). Vocational culinary education was now no
longer informal and solely work-based but had morphed into something more institutionally
organised and structured with associated government certification.
Following an educational movement towards higher education within the sector of hospitality
and tourism, the 1990’s saw the emergence of the first culinary degrees in the United
Kingdom and the United States of America. As Joseph Hegarty, the then Head of School at
The Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT), stated, these higher education programmes were:
aimed to develop the intellectual capacity of the individual rather than the wrist-to-
fingertip drills of the traditional apprenticeship and to maximise the potential of
each individual student (Hegarty 2001 in Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire, 2008, p. 9).
Through a variety of differing education providers such as community colleges, polytechnics
and universities, institutional culinary arts education is now globally offered from certificate
through to postgraduate level.
Nevertheless, throughout all of the educational evolutions in the past one hundred years,
the pedagogical model has still primarily been based upon the master-apprentice framework
and the hierarchical structures developed by Auguste Escoffier (Cullen, 2012; Deutsch, 2014;
Mitchell et al., 2013). In most parts of the world, the formalised culinary curriculum is still
arranged around the content and structure of Escoffier’s 1903 book Le Guide Culinaire
(Deutsch, 2014). Even today it is still common practice for a culinary student to start their
education with simple vegetable preparation before transitioning to more technical tasks
such as meat production and cooking, in accordance with Escoffier’s book (Deutsch, 2014).
The segregation of the food preparation and service tasks through authoritarian delegation
has been a hallmark of formal and informal culinary education for the last century (Cullen,
2012). There is a strong emphasis on authority and discipline and to compliment these,
students and apprentices learn through a repetitive manner of observation and replication for
the judgement of the chef or their lecturer (Deutsch, 2014). In essence, students of the
22
culinary arts are taught not to question or challenge the ultimate knowledge or authority of
their masters (Deutsch, 2014).
Interestingly, however, it could be argued that Escoffier himself would be critical of the
current culinary arts community for continuing to utilise curriculum and kitchen structures that
he developed over a century ago. According to Escoffier (1907) cookery should be a
reflection of the society it serves and as such it should evolve and progress with the needs of
that society.
We must respect, love and study these great works…we ourselves should
seek out new approaches so that we too may leave behind us methods of
working that have been adapted to the customs and needs of our time
(Escoffier, 1907, p. 8).
3.2 Critical Calls for Change
The hospitality and tourism industry (of which culinary arts is part) has primarily been
focused on providing utilitarian services to willing buyers in return for economic gain (Mitchell
& Scott, 2013). As such tourism and hospitality education is often situated within business
schools which embrace the academic capitalistic ideals of neoliberals (Hall, 2010) and the
knowledge creation and dissemination in this sector has been predominantly situated within
the operational and economic management of these transactions of services (Mitchell &
Scott, 2013). This dominant positivist approach to knowledge within the sector has created a
series of disciplinary ‘truths’ which have informed the ways of knowing and operating that
had until recently remained unquestioned (Lugosi, Lynch, & Morrison, 2009). There are now
critical calls for change in hospitality and tourism education through a transformation and
restructuring to transition from “ivory towers” of knowledge to “watch towers” of co-created
knowledge (Liburd & Hjalager, 2011).
In the 1980’s some of the first criticisms of the traditional approaches to hospitality education
emerged. Ferguson and Berger (1985) asked questions of the role of hospitality education
and its function in the encouragement of creative problem solving processes. They
challenged hospitality education for its emphasis on conformity rather than individual thinking.
Their comments were to segue into a global discussion in the new millennium in relation to
how hospitality and tourism knowledge is taught and, in turn, constructed. This has seen a
call from critical hospitality, tourism and culinary academics for its education to be realigned
with its pedagogical emphasis to be on producing future-focused and critically reflective
23
practitioners with transferable skill sets (Ateljevic, Pritchard, & Morgan, 2007; Fullagar &
Wilson, 2012; Liburd & Hjalager, 2011; Lugosi, Lynch, & Morrison, 2009; Mitchell & Scott,
2013; Mitchell, Woodhouse, Heptinstall, & Camp, 2013; Schwarzin, 2013; Sheldon,
Fesenmaier, & Tribe, 2009). Cam Woolcock’s (2011) research suggests that future-focused
transferable learning skills are important in culinary arts, as chefs are likely to change their
profession within ten years due to workload and the lifestyle aspects of the profession. He
goes on to recommend a change in pedagogy and curriculum design in culinary arts to
“anticipate, promote, and prepare for the nexus between professional cooking and career
change” (Woolcock, 2011, p. 228).
3.2.1 Pedagogical Tensions within the Academy: Positivist and Phenomenological
Knowledge
The last decade has seen an emerging voice from critical theorists within the tourism and
hospitality academy questioning the fundamental ways in which the positivist knowledge
truths are constructed by the academy and the role of those truths within the lived
experiences of the practitioners its serves (Ateljevic et al., 2013; Fullagar & Wilson, 2012;
Tribe, 2002). With hospitality and culinary arts deeply entrenched within the human
experience there has been a growing critical call (Ateljevic, Harris, Wilson, & Collins, 2005)
to embrace the social sciences in the discipline with its interpretive, alternative and critical
modes of enquiry (Wilson, Harris, & Small, 2008).
Central to this critical turn in hospitality research and knowledge creation is the sociological
ontology of phenomenology (Robinson, Solnet, & Breakey, 2014). Unlike the positivist and
post-positivist methodologies, phenomenologists value the richness of the lived experience
to form the epistemology of knowledge. However, phenomenologists do not proclaim to
produce universal theory but ‘truths’ and not ‘the truth’ as predetermined by the hallmarks of
the positivists (Robinson, Solnet, & Breakey, 2014). Robinson proposes that interpretivist
phenomenological approaches to research and knowledge in hospitality provide illuminating
insights not facilitated by more conventional practices (Robinson et al., 2014).
3.2.2 Culinary Master, Apprentice and Recipe Based Pedagogy
With master-apprentice hierarchical structures and a firmly entrenched classical curriculum,
culinary arts education provides the ideal environment for perpetuating the “ivory towers’ of
culinary knowledge and practice.
24
Culinary arts lecturer Jonathan Deutsch from Drexel University, Philadelphia (USA) raises
critical questions of the dominant culinary learning methodology of master–apprentice
learning through demonstration and replication. This methodology involves a “recipe-based
pedagogy” where the chef teacher demonstrates a dish and the student replicates it for the
lecturer’s approval. Deutsch claims that traditional culinary arts education devalues the
individual and, in turn, their creative thinking process. The lack of questioning of the
conformed modes of practice inhibits a student’s ability to become better prepared for the
challenges they will face when having to think innovatively within the industry.
We produce good soldiers and even some generals, but no one who can talk their
way out of the conflict altogether. We produce skilled technicians who can replicate
a menu with efficiency and consistency but who struggle to adapt when the
unexpected happens (Deutsch, 2014, p. 6).
Robert Mills (2007) from the International College of Management in Sydney is supportive of
Duetsch’s position, challenging the role of rote learning in culinary education. Mills asks “do
the techniques and learning methods of this approach still have a place in the training
kitchen of a modern vocational college?” (2007, p. 266). Mills proposes that educators
should be “focused on the development and implementation of innovative teaching
techniques that include reflective practices” (2007, p. 271). Barry O’Mahony from Victoria
University in Melbourne also encourages culinary educators to move their curricula from
operational to critical enquiry as this will prepare students for the ever-changing market
place. This will require new schools of thought and fundamental to this is the embracement
of the culinary imagination (O'Mahony, 2007).
According to Deutsch the powers of uniformity and conformity deeply shape the culinary
curriculum at the expense of ‘suppressing and controlling desires’ of the students and their
passion for learning (2014, p. 3). Deutsch proposes that personal skills such as
communication, problem solving, initiative and a sound work ethic are more important
graduate attributes than technical skills as these “can be taught and developed over time”
(Deutsch, 2014, p. 8). Deutsch is critical of the traditional model as it does not provide
students with the opportunity to develop these skills. Accordingly, Drexel University has
developed courses to meet these needs through designing learning activities that embody
students and their desire to learn. Drexel University describe their course’s as fun, where
“students are placed in situations necessitating they apply culinary, interpersonal, problem
solving and critical thinking skills” (Deutsch, 2014, p. 8).
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3.2.3 Reflexivity and Lifelong Learning
Supporting calls to embrace reflexivity is academic Joseph Hegarty (retired). Himself a
noteworthy publisher on culinary pedagogy (Hegarty, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2011, 2014)
focuses on the transition from vocational to cognitive higher education. Hegarty’s scholarly
position echoes that of others within the wider tourism and hospitality community (Ateljevic,
Morgan, & Pritchard, 2013; Fullagar & Wilson, 2012; Tribe, 2002) and calls for higher
education to emancipate itself of traditional universal truths and power structures and to
rethink how we know what we know. Central to this liberation is critical reflexivity through
reflective practice for both the teacher and the student. Teachers are being called to
embrace critical pedagogy within their curricula to allow for different knowledge creations
within hospitality and tourism teaching (Fullagar & Wilson, 2012). Within this call to change
there is a radical reforming of the teacher-student learning model; where the teacher is the
universal purveyor of knowledge and the student the passive learner (Fullagar & Wilson,
2012; Wilson et al., 2008). With current educational content offering only a few years of
currency there is now more importance being placed on the role of reflectivity as a lifelong
learning tool (Cooper, Hofheinz, & Purdy, 2007). The use of work-integrated learning allows
students to explore critical perspectives and develop reflexive thinking skills further preparing
them for lifelong learning (Fullagar & Wilson, 2012, p. 4.
Hegarty (2011) calls for critical reflection as a fundamental cornerstone for culinary
excellence and lifelong learning beyond the academic classroom. Hegarty proposes that to
lift culinary arts beyond being a craft, educators and students need to become reflective
practitioners by studying their situations with a view of improving the quality actions within
them. Hegarty advocates that students need to “learn how to learn” (2011, p. 56) and to
become entrepreneurial citizens of the world with a sense of social and ethical responsibility
to the planet that they operate within. In order to achieve this, Hegarty proposes that
students need to develop cognitive skill sets utilizing both the “rational and spiritual
imagination” (2011, p. 56). This will require a knowledge epistemology which values
structured scientific processes while also nurturing the creative and cultural imagination of
students. To enable this, Hegarty advocates that culinary arts lecturers do not need to “think
our way into a new kind of living: rather, we live our way into a new kind of thinking.” (2011, p.
64). Fundamental to this pedagogical transformation is that the “traditional mindset within the
culinary schools” (2011, p. 60) will need to change. According to Hegarty the challenge in
higher education is for reflexivity to be considered a legitimate knowledge source as it is
based upon the construction of one’s own realities and contains elements of objectivity. To
effect these changes, culinary educators need to become reflexive ethnographers within
26
their institutes and apply self-analysis tools to question their own practices within their
context (2011). Hegarty (2011) attests that this pedagogical approach will improve the
chances of education becoming transformative and culturally responsive.
Like Hegarty, Sherlock and Williams (2014) propose that culinary arts education should be a
staircase of pedagogy, andragogy and heutagogy. They believe that culinary education
should be founded on the philosophy that students acquire knowledge through traditional
pedagogy and understanding, cultivating and processing this knowledge through andragogy
and finally developing autonomy through realization and heutagogy (Sherlock & Williamson,
2014). Underpinning their philosophical approach is the development of “professional and
reflective skills developed through a structured educational process” (Sherlock & Williamson,
2014, p. 1110)
Also supporting the use of reflective frameworks in higher culinary education is Frank Cullen
and Martin Mac Con Iomaire (Cullen, 2010; Mac Con Iomaire, 2008, 2003). They suggest
that industry work placement needs to transition from sole opportunities for technical skill
development to experiences to allow for self-identity formation. They attest that the role of
work placement is to allow for student generated knowledge (Cullen, 2010) through the use
of experiential and reflective practice (Martin Mac Con Iomaire, 2008).The culinary world is
particularly applicable to this epistemology as “chefs realities are largely informed by their
constructed experiences within an occupational community” (Robinson et al., 2014, p. 67).
Mac Con Iomaire is also a recognized award winning chef and is extremely critical of the
working conditions and the cyclic culture of violence and bullying in professional kitchens. He
advocates that to retain staff in these environments the culinary arts community needs to
develop a new generation of educated chefs. Mac Con Iomaire suggests that by students
developing and practicing reflexivity while on their work placement they will be better
prepared in the future to break this violent cycle. This is due to reflexivity practices forcing
students to think about the positive and negative aspects of their work placements with a
view of improvement (Martin Mac Con Iomaire, 2008). The implementation of a strong
mentoring partnership between DIT and the industry has begun the process of developing a
new generation of chefs who are no longer “perpetuating the myth, modeling themselves on
violent chefs, thereby maintaining a vicious circle of bullying” (2008, p. 3). To quote Mac Con
Iomaire’s (2008, p. 14):
27
The philosophy of mentoring needs to be generalised into the wider culinary
arts community in order to transform the nature of the kitchen into a nurturing
environment.
It is through the concept of self-identity that students can think critically about the future
culinarian that they want to be and what that means in terms of their approach to their
leadership and professional practice (Cullen, 2010).
Like Drexel University, my own work at Otago Polytechnic challenges the traditional master–
apprentice approaches to learning as this becomes limited by the knowledge of the master.
Until recently culinary arts education in New Zealand was predominantly focused on
competency based assessment and largely positioned within the polytechnic sector. In 2011
Otago Polytechnic commenced delivery of the first culinary arts degree in New Zealand and
this program was the first anywhere to embrace design as a methodology of learning and
practicing. Bachelor of Culinary Arts (BCA) students at Otago Polytechnic operate within an
enquiry based framework which allows them to explore, experiment and evaluate their work
and in turn create their own canons of knowledge. Supporting this framework is the
embedding of 21st Century learning skills (Partnership for 21st Century Learning) which
incorporate creative thinking, being a creator, communication and collaboration skills.
Utilising the methodologies of design, students explore their existing knowledge whilst
integrating this with newly acquired self-determined information. In this learning environment
the role of lecturer is transformed from the ‘master’ of knowledge to the facilitator of
knowledge, allowing for the co-construction of knowledge for both student and teacher.
Within this learning environment knowledge is constructed by learners in ways that allows it
to be meaningful to them and the design problem that they are solving. Students then apply
this knowledge, either individually or collaboratively, in practical ways and evaluate it through
the feedback of others and themselves. The application of this design methodology allows
for the experience to become a reflective learning opportunity and in turn a
phenomenological construction of knowledge. The evaluation and reflection stage is an
important aspect as it develops the student’s critical thinking skills with a long term aim of
developing these so that they may transfer into all aspects of culinary life (Mitchell et al.,
2013).
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3.3 Pedagogical Inertia: Resistance to Change
This review of literature highlights that the culinary arts community of practice is powerfully
structured around hierarchical cultures incorporating master-apprentice pedagogies. Since
the 1990’s and particularly since the adoption of degrees within culinary arts education there
has been a growing voice of culinary academics who have questioned these structures and
the ways in which knowledge is acquired and utilised by students. The research suggests
that there are a number of elements present within the community of practice and
educational frameworks that are reinforcing these cultures and in turn are acting as forms of
inertia that prevent the widespread adoption of pedagogical change. Figure 3.2 identifies the
development (over time) of these reinforcing power structures and their role in industry and
education.
Figure 3.2 Culinary Arts Inertia to Pedagogical Change
1500 1850 1875 1900 1925 1950 1975 2000
MASTER-APPRENTICE CRAFTS
AND GUILDS
ESCOFFIER’S BRIGADE SYSTEM
INTRODUCED TO INDUSTRY
LE GUIDE CULINAIRE ADOPTED BY
EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
WIDESPREAD FORMALISED
CULINARY EDUCATION
EMERGENCE OF
CRITICAL HOSPITALITY
INERTIA
CULINARY
ARTS DEGREES
29
Returning to the insight at the opening of this chapter (§ Insight Two: Selling the Illusion), the
similarities between the Brasserie Flipp scenario and the pedagogy of culinary arts are
evident. Within the environment of Brasserie Flipp, the power structures of the ambience,
menu design and food service helped perpetrate the illusion that those commercially
manufactured squid rings were the authentic product. These power structures within served
as mechanisms that normalised customers’ attitudes and expectations towards what they
were actually consuming. As Figure 3.2 illustrates, culinary arts pedagogy also has a
number of power structures in place that enable it to perpetuate the “normalised” behaviours
of master-apprentice learning and hierarchical structures. Just as the guest at Brasserie
Flipp challenged the establishment, the introduction of higher education to the culinary arts
landscape, has led to the emergence of a critical debate into the education of its future chefs.
Furthermore, these power structures present challenges to those wishing to embrace the
critical calls for change within the culinary arts community. In order to complete the
pedagogical transition from master-apprentice knowledge formation to a self-determining
and co-constructed methodology, the community of culinary arts must challenge - and at
times question - the ultimate knowledge of its culinary masters. This raises questions relating
to the power and control of knowledge, a subject which will be the focus of Chapter 4.
30
4 CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION
OF RELEVANCE TO CULINARY ARTS:
KNOWLEDGE, POWER AND IDENTITY
Image from personal collection
31
Insight Three: Book Smart vs Street Smart
It was 1994 and I had returned to Otago Polytechnic for my final year of full time study.
The course was coming to an end with a work placement component before the
summative assessments that would then qualify me as a trade certified chef. My
placement was at Bell Pepper Blues a local award winning fine dining restaurant.
My first week on placement was intriguing as the chef was utilising the then popular
Pacific Rim approach to designing dishes. It was a world apart from the traditional
Eurocentric repertoire that I was taught at the polytechnic. During my placement the
Sous Chef was leaving and various applicants applied for the job. In the end a chef from
a restaurant in Christchurch was offered the position. The two head chefs knew each
other through the community of fine dining. This is very much an old boy’s network that
operates on a high level of trust. It’s extremely covert and powerful and dictates who
you can work with and in what position within the network.
Just before the new Sous Chef was about to start he decided not to take the job. The
years of pressure had gotten the better of him and he needed time out from the stress
of fine dining kitchens. To my surprise I was offered the position but only on the
condition I left my polytechnic studies and commenced work immediately. I spoke to my
lecturers and they advised me that this was a great opportunity and to take up the offer.
They explained to me that my education could be finished down the track at a more
convenient time.
I flourished in the environment of Bell Pepper Blues as it rode the waves of fusion
cuisine and the identification of an emerging New Zealand cuisine. In 1995 we entered
the National Cervena Plates competition and 1996 we were successful in winning it. In
the final cook-offs we were up against other leading chefs in the country and the
experience deepened my connection to the fine dining community. By winning the
competition my acceptance within the fine dining culinary community was fully
legitimised. The media attention associated with winning such a competition meant that
Bell Pepper Blues was in every food publication in the country. As the Sous Chef I had
not only “become” a chef but I had actually become recognised nationally as one of the
better chefs.
32
In late 1998 I decided that I needed to complete my formal culinary education and
approached Otago Polytechnic looking for ways of doing so. They propositioned that I
needed to complete the State-dictated practical assessment and theory examination.
The theory test was effectively an assessment of the knowledge and application of
classical dishes from the Practical Professional Cookery book. Dishes such as Pommes
Delmonico: a potato dish of diced potato’s cooked in milk or o’euf en gelee, poached
eggs set in savory jelly with fresh herbs.
These classic French dishes where totally unrelated to what I was actually cooking in
the industry but I rote learnt them anyway. Despite their lack of currency and relevance
in the industry, these classical dishes had characteristics that had been defined over
time and they were placed into a textbook, creating truths that could be tested. The
dishes I was preparing in industry were novel and untested; and as such they were
harder to classify and required interpretation. Knowledge is easier to test when it has
defined certainties and not when it is subject to interpretation and subjectivity.
I achieved the top grade in the country for the theory exam in 1998.
The irony of my practical assessment was that I was required to cook a Cervena dish
for my main course. Even though I had won a national competition I was still required to
cook it in front of the assessors on the day. At the end of the practical assessment I had
passed, but the certification of my knowledge was still not complete. I still needed to
complete a work placement practical competency work log along with 6000 hours of
practical experience.
The networks within the fine dining community had served me well and I was fortunate
enough to work with some recognised chefs and get a number of head chef jobs as a
result. One such job led me to Wellington where by now my food was now being
classified by the media as sophisticated and “Jackson Pollock” influenced. It was in
Wellington 2001 that I initiated the process of finalising the accreditation of my formal
culinary education. By now I had lost my industry competency work log. When you work
60-80 hours a week, filling in a work log is the least of your concerns, never mind now
actually being the head chef who is meant to sign off such competencies! I phoned the
New Zealand Qualification Authority and explained my position. The man at the end of
the phone was accommodating and explained that all I had to do was pay the $150 fee
and supply a couple of references and the process would be complete.
33
Eleven years after I had entered the professional kitchen I became a fully integrated
member of the culinary community and a nationally certified chef. Both becoming a
member of the community and being formally State certified had been taxing on me in
their differing ways. My professional “being” was through my experiences within the
professional community and the ‘official’ certification of my knowledge through state
conformity and compliance. I had paid heavily for both; one in labour and the other in
money.
4.1 Introduction
While Chapter 3 (see § 3.2) discusses the critical calls for change within culinary arts and its
wider community, the critical questioning of the control of knowledge in society and its
associated power is not new. In order for me to contribute new thought to this critical
discussion, I have decided to explore the themes of knowledge, power and identity within my
own experiences and practices of culinary education. This chapter will introduce these
themes in two different parts.
The first of these will be a brief historical overview of the relationship between knowledge,
power and societal evolution (§ 4.1.1).This is intended to provide the reader with an overview
of the on-going human struggle that exists between those who control knowledge and how it
can be controlled for personal gain.
The second part will be the introduction of the power, knowledge and identity theories from
the critical theorists Apple, Bowles, Freire, Gintus and Illich (§ 4.2.1, 4.2.2, 4.2.3, 4.2.4, 4.2.5).
It is these theories that I will utilise as a theoretical framework for my critical enquiry of
culinary arts education in Chapters 5 and 6.
4.1.1 The History of Knowledge and Power
Philosophical thought and its ability to question human knowledge, reality and existence
have underpinned Western philosophy since the work of the Greek philosophers Socrates,
Plato and Aristotle (Nussbaum & Long, 1988). Throughout the literary recording of cognitive
development there has been a quest for humans to understand the keystones to their own
existence. One of the earliest recordings of idealism and the struggles between becoming
more human and philospohical critical thought can be traced to Plato’s Allegory of the Cave
34
and the Book of the Republic in which Plato (Plato & Cornford, 1945) discusses the effect of
education and the lack of it on our nature.
Plato’s Allegory of the Cave has been discussed, interpreted and disseminated by
academics (Bloom, 1991; Mayhew, 1997; Plato & Cornford, 1945; Santas, 2008) and
popular culture (Irwin, 2002) since its conception 2,500 years ago. It has been a key seminal
work of idealist educational ideology with its moralistic and humanistic messages of
education as an enabler of human liberation and emancipation (Vallée, 1990).
In the metaphorical narrative of The Allegory of the Cave, Plato presents his mentor
Socrates describing a gathering of prisoners forcefully chained together and facing a blank
wall in a dimly lit cave (Plato & Rouse, 2008). On the wall is a series of moving shadowy
images and the occasional sound which the prisoners believe to be the reality of their world.
In fact the images are just the shadows and the sounds of men and other living things
walking past a series of burning fires behind the prisoners that are projected onto the wall in
front of them. As these prisoners have spent their entire lives chained together and viewing
the images on the wall they believe that this is the reality of human existence and knowledge.
The story continues that one day a prisoner is released and forced to turn and see the fires
fuelling the illusion of their lives. Eventually the prisoner is dragged from the cave and after
an initial blindness from the sunlight they realise that the sun and its radiating beams is the
true knowledge or the “sun of the good”. Plato writes that it would initially hurt the prisoner’s
eyes and they would turn back to the darkness and the things which they were comfortable
with as it was clearer than what was being shown to him. The sunlight in the allegory is
representative of the new reality and knowledge that the freed prisoner is experiencing.
Upon the prisoners return to the dark cave they are partially blinded again and disoriented as
they readjust to the dark. Now they feel pity for their fellow prisoners as they try to explain
the limitations of their knowledge and conceived realities but sadly the chained prisoners do
not want to venture from the cave and to endure a similar fate of blindness observed by their
peer (Plato & Rouse, 2008).
The story is a means which allows Plato to claim the role of education in human liberation.
Plato urges society’s philosophers to speak of the truths and to drag each person as far out
of the cave as possible (Plato & Cornford, 1945). Even in this early postmodern era it is
evident from Plato’s allegory that there are fundamental themes of power and knowledge
and their direct relationship to the education and domination of certain members of society. It
is these key themes that I will explore in Chapters 5 and 6.
35
In Plato’s allegory he suggests that being shackled as a prisoner is not only a mere physical
act but a denial of ontological being through the deprivation of existentialistic enlightenment
(Thomson, 2001). However as history has demonstrated the powering controls of the truths
and its associated knowledge have not been solely at the disposition of the philosophies of
the metaphysics but other drivers such as religion, technology and neoliberalism.
Throughout the ages these have been critical in shaping and conditioning our notions of self-
identity and the communities and societies that we operate within.
One cannot talk of the control of power and knowledge without bearing in mind the role of
moral ideologies. An example of the co-existence of moral ideologies and education
occurred in the Middle Ages in Europe. During this time the Church offered education to train
and indoctrinate priest’s into their religious philosophies and rituals (Fletcher, 1961). With
time, the Church took on the dominant role of “the educator” through the use of the written
word and civic public education. Children were taught obedience through reading and
reciting the bible and its associated doctrine. They were instructed in plain “truths” that they
could understand and interpret, such as how to regulate their manners and better their lives
to allow for improvement in their faith (Lawson & Silver, 2013). In these monastic
communities the power of religious and educational salvation served to benefit the Church
as it bolstered the religious ranks while continuing to spread the ideologies of the Church.
However agencies of power are not immune to challenges to themselves. Advancement in
technologies can threaten knowledge and its power structures. Again taking the Church
example, while the Church dominated the written word up until the 1500’s the introduction of
the printing press altered the then structures of society (Lawson & Silver, 2013). The
religious and political authorities and their accompanying power structures were threatened
as the ease of knowledge and unrestricted ideas circulated throughout the middle classes
and, in turn, broke educational domination of the literate elite (Emms, 2005). This infers that
whether it is a book, radio, television or the internet, the control of these media and
technologies has been critical in controlling who sees what knowledge and how they can
access it. While this was an issue for the Church over 500 years ago, we still see the same
tensions occurring today between open access information and copyright protected
academic knowledge (Lidburd & Hjalager, 2013).
While moral ideology and technology are central cogs in the mechanism of power and
knowledge, so are those of personal wealth and political control. Capitalism and politics were
major juggernauts in the education of the working class of Great Britain during the Industrial
Revolution (Gillard, 2011). The invention of new technologies such as the steam engine
36
freed workers from the everyday toils of working on the land, while new mega factories
emerged in the Midland and North of England to accommodate a new vocational workforce.
With this new workforce came vocational education to enable these farming labourers to be
educated into productive factory labourers. With child labour a key aspect of these factories,
education was now starting at a much earlier age and with a focus on education for
commercial gain (Gillard, 2011). The following excerpt from Hadow (1926, p. 104) paints a
picture of the role of vocational education at the time.
The children were taught reading and writing, geography and religion. Thirty of
the older girls were employed in knitting, sewing, spinning and housework, and
36 younger girls were employed in knitting only. The older boys were taught
shoemaking, and the younger boys prepared machinery for carding wool
As the above historical illustrations (§ 4.1.1) testify, the control of knowledge has been an
integral facet of our human evolution since the time of Plato. In doing so they have
presented philosophers with critical questions relating to the control of knowledge and the
human benefits associated with it. Historical actions have led us to believe that education for
the purpose of producing an effective societal workforce is a normalised way of thinking.
However in the last forty years some philosophers and critical theorists have begun to
challenge our educational discourse and its function in shaping the structures of our
societies and the identities which exist within it.
4.2 The Rise of the Post Modern Critical Theorists
The 1970’s saw the emergence of critical pedagogy as a social movement that embraces
both education and critical theory (Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1997). A fundamental role of
critical theory is to challenge the ways in which schools and their educational offerings
impact on the social, cultural and political lives of their students (21st Century Schools, N.D.).
Shor defines (2012, p. 129) critical pedagogy as:
Habits of thought, reading, writing, and speaking which go beneath surface
meaning, first impressions, dominant myths, official pronouncements,
traditional clichés, received wisdom, and mere opinions, to understand the
deep meaning, root causes, social context, ideology, and personal
consequences of any action, event, object, process, organization, experience,
text, subject matter, policy, mass media, or discourse.
37
Within a wider group of critical education theorists (including bell hooks, Jacques Derrida and
Ira Shor), sits the critical positions held by Paulo Freire, Samuel Bowles, Herbert Gintus, Ivan
Illich and Michael Apple. Between these critical theorists some of the most significant
seminal texts have been written on the subject of education and power and have been
instrumental in the formulation of academic critical discussion since their early publication.
The impact of these theorists work is evident in the number of academic citations their works
have received. The following table outlines five of the key critical theory publications by these
authors and the number of citations associated with each.
Figure 4.1 Critical Theorist’s Citations
Author
Year
Seminal Text
Citations*
Paulo Freire
1970
Pedagogy of the Oppressed
48,279
Ivan Illich
1971
Deschooling Society
4,762
Samuel Bowles,
Herbert Gintus
1976
Schooling in Capitalist America: Education reform
and the contradictions of Economic Life
5,270
Michael Apple
1982
Education and Power
3,136
1979
Ideology and Curriculum
5,719
*:Citations as per Google Scholar 5th July 2015
4.2.1 Paulo Freire: Cultural Invasion and Identity Formation
One of the early pioneers of the critical theory movement was Brazilian educationalist Paulo
Freire (1970) who wrote the seminal text Pedagogy of the Oppressed. His work commenced
a critical conversation about the power relationships between teachers and students and the
associated dehumanizing processes that is still on-going today (Darder, 2014). Freire
proposes that critical education can be a means to engage learners in a praxis of learning
that liberates them from the conformity of their world “Liberation is a praxis: the action and
reflection of men and women upon their world in order to transform it” (Freire, 1970, p. 60).
In particular Freire is critical of the learning environments in which knowledge banking is
performed (Freire, 1970). The knowledge banking learning framework occurs when students
are seen solely as vessels into which knowledge from teachers can be deposited (Freire,
1970). According to Freire the role of the teacher in this learning relationship is that of the
“oppressor” and their role is to transform the minds of the students to the teacher’s dominant
ideologies. He continues that creating a learning environment in which people become
passive and adaptive to the views of the dominant ideologies, results in the oppressors
emerging as the sole benefactors (Freire, 1970). To this end “the oppressed, whose
tranquility rests on how well people fit the world the oppressors have created, and how little
they question it” (Freire, 1970, p. 57).
38
Instead, Freire proposes that students problematise their own lives in order to realise that
they can achieve a different status. He suggests that both teacher and student need to
engage in meaningful critical conversations within a problematised learning framework with
both sharing an equal voice. For Freire, it should not be that the teacher is doing all of the
dialogue as this would be knowledge banking, but both acting together in a mutual dialogue.
Democracy and respect between teacher and learner are fundamental to dialogical learning
and that mutual dialogue is an essential component of this. Accordingly Freire (1970, p. 15)
says that
Society is rapidly making objects of us and subtly programming us into
conformity to the logic of its system to the degree that this happens, we are also
becoming submerged in a new "Culture of Silence” (Freire, 1970, p. 15).
Friere suggests that within these oppressive learning environments students do not think
critically about their conditions. As such they become acquiescent to existing practices and
conditions of the times, rather than constructing new means of critical thought to improve
theirs and others lives. He proposes that individuals should form their own identities rather
than have their identities formed for them. In this instance, identity formation is ‘antidialogical’
and is an act of cultural invasion. Accordingly “cultural conquest leads to the cultural
inauthenticity of those who are invaded; they begin to respond to the values, the standards,
and the goals of the invaders” (1970, p. 122)’. However he continues that for cultural
invasion to succeed, it is essential for the oppressed learner to be convinced of their
inferiority. While Freire’s (1970) book is critical of the role of cultural invasion and identity
formation in education, the following year saw the publication of Ivan Illich’s (1971)
Deschooling Society which was to challenge our very notions of society’s need for formal
education at all.
4.2.2 Ivan Illich: Formalized Education as a Societal Consumable Commodity
In 1971 Ivan Illich wrote the book Deschooling Society. Illich’s book is based upon the
premise that Western Society has been schooled to believe that to learn; learners need to
engage in, and become active consumers of formalised education. In his book, Illich
introduces the concept of “societal deschooling” which is the ideology of releasing ourselves
of our institutional needs for learning and to become dependent on ourselves for learning.
Formalised education is challenged in the book as it packages knowledge into commodities
which can be bought by willing consumers. Illich proposes that the schooling environment
conditions people to accept that packages of knowledge developed by “technocratic”
39
institutes are necessary in life. Once this formalised knowledge has been consumed it
becomes legitimized through grades and official certification. According to Illich (1971, p. 78):
Schools are designed on the assumption that there is a secret to everything in life;
that the quality of life depends on knowing that secret; that secrets can be known
only in orderly successions; and that only teachers can properly reveal these
secrets.
Critical questions are raised in Illichs work of our dependence on formalised education for
learning and he suggests we have lost our natural incentive to learn independently. Illich
(1971, p. 39) proclaims that in formalised education:
Once the lesson is learned, people lose their incentive to grow independence:
they no longer find relatedness attractive, and close themselves off to the
surprises which life offers when it is not predetermined by institutional definition
Power and knowledge relationships underpin the work of Illich. In his book he proposes that
the education system presents an illusion that the most significant learning in society
correlates to learning under taken from institutional teaching. To this end, Illich claims that
formalised educational serves only for the benefit of itself through its own advancements and
purposes. In contrary Illich suggests that knowledge constructed outside of formalised
learning is as valuable, if not more so at times, than that dictated in formalised education.
This type of unformalised learning is described as an unhampered participation within a
meaningful setting in which learners can be “with it”, whilst formalised education is based
upon students identifying their personal growth with planning and manipulation (Illich, 1971).
4.2.3 Ivan Illich: Education and Salvation
One of Illich’s most poignant criticisms in Deschooling Society is the relationship between
formalised education and salvation. Here he presents schools as the new world of religion,
offering salvation to the poor through thier rites of passage. Using the church metaphor, Illich
proposes that due to teachers dictating where the energies should be placed on certain
aspects of students learning, they assume the role of “custodian, preacher, and therapist”
(Illich, 1971, p. 30). In the ‘custodian’ role the teacher acts as the master of ceremonies,
arbitrating students through the rituals and obligations of academia. In the role of ‘preacher’,
Illich states that teachers act as moralists in indoctrinating students into what is right and
wrong not only in learning but in society as well; hence the teacher becomes the substitute
for parents, God or the state. And finally in the ‘therapist’ role the teacher delves into the
40
personal lives of the students believing that they will assist them with their growth, but when
combined with roles of custodian and preacher roles Illich suggests that this can allow a
dominant view to be forced onto a student.
4.2.4 Bowles and Gintus: Social Structures and Egalitarian Access to Knowledge
In the 1970’s, while Freire was asking critical questions about the relationship between
learning and becoming fully human, Bowles and Gintus (1976) were asking questions of the
relationship between school and social reproduction. With the rise in vocational education in
post war America, Bowles and Gintus wrote their groundbreaking book Schooling in
Capitalistic America which challenged the work of progressive education (Rofes & Stulberg,
2004). The major claim which these neo-marxist theorists propose, is that indirectly the
education system reproduces the social and hierarchical relationships that exist within the
vocational workplaces of America.
Their work challenges the “hidden assumptions” of progressive education in that it should be
integrative, egalitarian and allows for students to develop their own interests and fully
realised potential. Bowles and Gintus (1976) developed the concept of the “Meritocratic
Ideology” which is based upon the assumption that the workplace is based upon a hierarchy
of skills and cognitive ability and the ownership of these qualities will result in financial and
social reward. With each year of schooling there is the development and evaluation of these
skills, so that students can be prepared for a working role suitable to their skills which have
been developed in school (Rosenberg, 2004).
The structure of social relations in education not only introduces the student
to the discipline of the workplace, but develops the types of personal
demeanor, modes of self-presentation, self-image, and social class
identifications which are the crucial ingredients of job adequacy (Bowles &
Gintis, 1976, p. 131).
However, Bowles and Gintus (1976) also found that the correlation between education and
income did not always transpire and social hierarchy (and its associated social and cultural
capital) were more likely to be determining factors for achieving higher income.
Fundamental to their work is the notion of the “Correspondence Principle” and its claims that
the learning and acceptance of society’s social relationships are more at play than the
cognitive development (Bowles and Gintus, 1976). Like workplaces, they propose that the
school environment exhibits attributes of inequality, hierarchy and authoritarianism. Within
41
the correspondence principle they propose three specific facets: ‘legitimisation’,
‘acclimatisation’ and ‘stratification’.
‘Legitimisation’ is the process by which repeated student contact with the education system
perpetuates the ideology that students become socialised to their expected place in society.
The students become accepting of the role and function of their lives in society as a result of
this legitimisation process (Bowles & Gintis, 1976).
Accroding to Bowles and Gintus (1976), ‘acclimatisation’ is the notion that students display
certain characteristics based on their expected social and economic position, thus fostering
social relationships in the education environment where, for example, such students are
autopmatically subordinate to the authority of the teacher. Similar to Freire’s (1970) position,
Bowles and Gintus (1976) propose that schools foster these types of personal developments
such as dominance and subordinancy. Students who display actions such as punctuality,
persistence, reliability and conformity are rewarded academically while creativity and
independence are discouraged.
‘Stratification’ is the principle that students from certain demographic and social backgrounds
are prepared for different positions within the social and economic hierarchy (Bowles and
Gintus, 1976). These differing student backgrounds present non equalitarian systems and
lead students to resign themselves to their rightful places in the workforce.
4.2.5 Michael Apple: Legitimate Knowledge and the Hidden Curriculum
Michael Apple (1982) wrote the book Education and Power. This work followed on from the
critical theme of “legitimate knowledge” that he introduced in his previous work in 1979,
Ideology and Curriculum. The three main critical themes to emerge from Apple’s work are
that of ‘social reproduction’, ‘hegemony’, and the ‘hidden curriculum’. Like other Marxist
theorists (e.g. Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Illich, 1971), Apple (1982) aligns with the position that
schools are agents for social reproduction. Apple claims that schools are distribution systems
for one’s social class and economic trajectory. As such, schools operate in two fundamental
ways, as: 1) ‘productive apparatuses’, and; 2) ‘reproductive apparatuses’. Within the
‘productive’ context, Apple (1982) sees schools as producing technical knowledge and
associated ideologies that are embued with the principles of the economy, the State and the
school. These forms of technical knowledge become referred to as “cultural capital’
(Bourdieu, 1984) and provide schools with a dominant position of defining what is high status
and ‘legitimate’ knowledge (Apple, 1982). Apple is critical of how the education system
divides this legitimate knowledge into units of capitalistic value which then become cultural
42
commodities in an education marketplace. According to Apple (1982, p. 38) the educational
system associated with this knowledge, allows schools to teach the “norms, values,
dispositions and culture that contribute to the ideological hegemony of the dominant group”.
For Apple (1979, p. 63)
Schools do not only control people; they also help control meaning. Since they
preserve and distribute what is perceived to be ‘legitimate knowledge’—the
knowledge that ‘we all must have,’ schools confer cultural legitimacy on the
knowledge of specific groups. But this is not all, for the ability of a group to make
its knowledge into ‘knowledge for all’ is related to that group’s power in the larger
political and economic arena
In particular, Apple (1982, p. 19) asks the critical question: “how may official knowledge
represent the dominant interests in society?”. Apple (1982) claims that the school acts as the
filter between the home and labour market by deciding what is ‘normal’ or ‘deviant’ behaviour
and how these behaviours correlate to the needs of the working economy.
Apple’s work is interwoven with the work of sociologist and philosopher Pierre Bourdieu.
Apple draws heavily on the notion of cultural capital and the distinction of taste as forms of
social control through its interrelations on the student’s curricular studies and associated
pedagogy. Pierre Bourdieu (1984) proposes that “tastes” are socially conditioned and are a
reflection of the hierarchical domination of certain sectors of society. Thus for Bourdieu
“taste” becomes a power tool to differentiate the legitimate from the illegitimate. According to
Bourdieu (1984) the cultural, educational and linguistic worlds are areas of struggle for
legitimate knowledge and at the heart of these is the school which perpetuates the dominant
ideologies. The use of symbolic capital in the form of qualifications, awards and honours
serves as agents of power within formalised education and its quest to legitimatise its
knowledge offerings.
For Apple (1993) it is these dominant tastes within the education system that count as
legitimate knowledge. More importantly he queries who is empowered to teach this
legitimate knowledge and what amounts to a successful portrayal of having learnt this
knowledge. For Apple (1993) this control of legitimate knowledge is a way in which
dominance and sub-ordination are reproduced in society.
Apple (1993) also introduces the notion of the “hidden curriculum” and ‘correspondence
theory’. Correspondence theories imply that the behavioral characteristics, working traits,
skills and dispositions that an economy requires are embedded in the social interactions
43
within student’s schooling. In effect the student learning experience mirrors the working life
that students will expect to encounter when they leave education. In particular, Apple
focuses on the hidden curriculum as a means to incubate habits of work such as submission
to authority and time-keeping.
4.2.6 Michel Foucault: The Examining Gaze of Education
As illustrated in this chapter, the work of Apple, Bowles, Freire, Gintus and Illich raised
critical questions of the role and impact of education on learners and the societies they serve
in. However these pedagogical critical theorists were not alone in challenging the
relationship between power and knowledge. Philosophers such as Michel Foucault (1972)
(who is not usually refered to as a critical theorist) have also examined the role of power and
knowledge and its impact on selected members of society.
While Foucault is not considered to be a critical theorist, he is a respected historian and
philosopher whose work has impacted across multiple aspects of society’s interactions with
hierarchical structures. Foucault’s (1972, 1973, 1977, 1988) work is broader than the
previous critical theorists as his focus is on the power structures that exist within the wider
aspects of society such as religion, medical care and the military as well as education. For
Foucault, power is a relationship and not an entity and is the exercise of a vision by one
dominant group (Foucault, 2002). The social controlling of students through the structures of
school and the examining gaze of teachers is one of a number of fundamental philosophical
perspectives of his work. In 1963 Michel Foucault introduced the term “the gaze” in his book
Birth of the Clinic. This term was to be explored further in relation to normalized behavior
through self-surveillance in 1977 in the book, Discipline and Punishment. In Discipline and
Punishment Foucault (1977) analyses punishment in its social context in order to examine
how changing power relations affect punishment. Foucault proposes that observation and
the “gaze” act as instruments of surveillance and power over others. Foucault proposes that
disciplinary power is present when the following three factors are present; hierarchical
observation, normalising judgment and examination.
To illustrate this concept, Foucault (1977) utilises criminology as an example. Foucault (1977)
describes Betham’s Panoptican which was a conceptual Victorian viewing tower designed
for controlling prisoners behaviors while incarcerated. The tower was designed to be placed
into the middle of a circular structure surrounded by celled prisoners. Its designers proposed
that because the prisoners never knew when they were being watched they would eventually
normalise their behaviors to that required of the prison to avoid receiving punishment. The
Panoptican Tower was a move away from the dungeon imprisonment system, which at the
44
time was a physical means to alter the behaviour and actions of its prisoners. It is through
the Panoptican metaphor that Foucault introduces the concept of “the gaze” and self-
surveillance as a form of social control. Foucault (1977) further proposes that schools (and
other hierarchical institutes) operate forms of “examinational gaze” on their students to
control what is deemed acceptable behaviour.
The workshop, the school, the army were subject to a whole micro penalty of
time (lateness, absence’s, interruptions of tasks), of activity (inattention,
negligence), of behavior (impoliteness, disobedience), of speech (idle chatter,
insolence), of the body (incorrect attitudes, irregular gestures, lack of
cleanliness) (Foucault, 1977, p. 178).
Foucault (1977) also discusses the term ‘bio power’ which is associated with the examining
gaze of the expert. Foucault argues that those who are positioned as experts act as the
judge and juror of what is deemed normal and abnormal behaviours. In turn those who rebel
against these structures are outcast from society. For Foucault, knowing within the education
system that your actions are being watched and assessed against metrics of what has been
deemed acceptable and normalized behavior, allows for a mass control of thoughts and
actions. Fundamentally the pedagogical concept underlying Foucault’s gaze theory is the
notion that students must accept what is deemed structurally as normalized actions and
behaviors or their life will be difficult.
4.3 A Critical Review of Plato’s Allegory
By revisiting Plato’s allegory in light of these more recent critical theorists we can now put a
new lens on the metaphor. A critical review of Plato’s allegory by the above critical theorists
would ask a series of questions still relevant to our current times. In the allegory the fires are
constantly burning to create the illusion of reality for the prisoners. But who keeps these fires
fuelled and what is their motive for doing so? It could be suggested the bourgeois fuel these
fires through their necessity for social and economic control over the oppressed working
class (Bowles & Gintis, 1976; Freire, 1970). The fires could be fuelled by the state and the
academy and they could be utilising the objects to send overt messages that these images
are the only true images or realities in life (Apple, 1982).
Some may ask the question: do the prisoners actually perceive themselves as prisoners?
Are they actually physically chained or are their chains socially constructed? (Foucault,
1977). Maybe the prisoners unconsciously sit down and shackle themselves and take their
rightful place within the line of fellow prisoners, schooled to believe that such a pathway is
45
the meaning of their existence (Illich, 1971). Maybe their fellow prisoners are telling them to
sit down and stare at the images, for to do so will result in a more favourable position within
the shackled line up (Apple, 1982). What factors determine which prisoners are freed, why
are they privileged over their peers?
As I refer back to the insight at the beginning of this chapter (Insight Three: Book Smart vs
Street Smart) it now becomes evident that the legitimatization of my own culinary knowledge
was being controlled by the State. The State was telling me to look at the images on the
cave wall as this was the “legitimate” knowledge in life. Meanwhile I had ventured from the
darkness of the cave only to realise that true culinary knowledge (from the “sun of the good”)
existed in the community of practice.
While Plato’s Allegory of the Cave has acted as a stimulus and catalyst for the critical
thought that underpins this enquiry, it is however not its primary focus. In the next chapter I
intend to turn the critical lens from the above theorists into the paradigm of culinary arts
education and explore the way in which knowledge can be controlled in the formalised
educational journey of the culinary arts student. To borrow a phrase from critical theorist Ira
Shor (1996) I intend this enquiry to be a “rainbow in the cave” of culinary arts education
through images from the “sun of the good” and not the masters of the fire.
46
5 THE ROLE OF THE PROSPECTUS AND THE
FRANCOPHILE CULINARY CURRICULUM
Image from personal collection
47
Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds
When I was sixteen I got my first job in a commercial kitchen at the Shoreline Hotel
in Dunedin. It was the early 1990’s and the menu was a staple of grilled meat,
seventies retro and just about everything else that you could drop into a deep fryer.
I worked for no pay for three months just so that I could get some industry
experience to improve my chances of studying to be a chef at Otago Polytechnic. In
those days you would automatically be turned down on the first attempt at culinary
college as it was a test to see if you were determined enough to survive or just
some dreamer who had nothing better to do with their time.
I loved working in the Shoreline kitchen with the adrenaline rush of service and
crass banter amongst the chefs. The kitchen was its own little secluded world with
its own language, customs and rituals. I really looked up to the head chef Scotty, for
he had taken me under his paternal wing and spent extra time training and
mentoring me in basic kitchen practices and techniques. Each week I asked him to
fill in a notebook with the tasks that I had completed and would get him to duly sign
it. It would become my evidence that I had spent time in industry and was worthy of
a place on the catering course at Otago Polytechnic.
Finally the day came for me to have my interview for a position on the programme. I
was as nervous as hell but I thought I had prepared myself well. The staff member
interviewing me took a look at my CV and asked a few random questions about my
favourite dishes to cook. I responded with something “a la” as I wanted to sound
informed and intellectual enough for the programme. Later that day I got the phone
call that I was accepted onto the programme; it all seemed a little too easy.
I told Scotty of my acceptance and he shook my hand as a proud father would his
son. He explained that I would love the dishes, flavours and new techniques that
the programme would introduce to me. It would be as rewarding for me as it was for
him and for the next two months Scotty would enlighten me with descriptions of the
dishes that he prepared while he was an apprentice at college. His stories of
college were that of a utopian world of freshly churned ice cream and thick luscious
Crème Anglaise. It sounded magical and was a distant place from the glorified pub
grub that I was currently cooking.
48
My first week in the kitchens at college was foreign to me. Most of the lecturers
were European and all the kitchen language was in French. The first technique that
I was to do was to cut a chiffonade of lettuce. I felt comfortable with the task as I
prepared lettuce this way for the shrimp cocktails at work. I was scorned while I was
preparing it as some of my cutting skills were “industry cowboy” according to the
lecturer. I was told to “slow down and stay focused and there might be a chance
that you will become a real chef”. Of course the lecturers “must be right” because
they came from Europe and the curriculum food we were preparing was European-
focused. Even the cookbook we operated from had a picture of an English dressed
crab on its cover.
That week I was very mindful of my actions in class and slowed all my work down to
develop the “correct” cutting technique. I was also now thinking that the Shoreline
was actually a pretty crappy establishment and the chefs I once admired were now
greasy spoon cooks.
At the end of the week I returned to the Shoreline Hotel to complete my weekend
shift. I walked into the kitchen and started to cut the lettuce for the shrimp cocktail,
now much more mindful due to my new learnings. As I did so, Scotty walked into the
kitchen. I expected him to ask me about my week at college but he didn’t. Instead he
slowly turned to me and raised his head and said “move your arse boy, you’re not at
Wally World now’. I then realised that I was a pawn in the differing worlds of formal
and informal education and that I had better learn to be quiet and adapt to both if I
was to survive in either world.
5.1 Introduction
The above insight typifies the reflection on the new learning that I have commenced since
the beginning of this academic journey. As I have explored new theoretical perspectives, I
have had the opportunity to look back at my own culinary learning journey and make sense
of it through a new critical lens. While it has been twenty years since the completion of my
own formal culinary education, the hallmarks of a Francophile culinary curriculum,
hierarchical structures and the powers of uniformity and conformity are still largely at play in
culinary arts education (Deutsch, 2014).
49
I now intend to refocus my critical lens back onto the landscape of culinary education and
explore it through new perspectives. My culinary insights have conveyed my personal story
of applying for formalized culinary education (§ Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds),
my experiences within the learning environment (§ Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds)
and the legitimisation and certification of my official knowledge by the State (§ Insight Three:
Book Smart vs Street Smart). It is through these student experiences that I now wish to re-
examine more closely the relationship between power and knowledge in culinary arts
education in the 21st Century and address the critical question: “What are the underpinning
pedagogies that inform culinary arts teaching practices?”
While culinary pedagogy as an academic field of enquiry is still emerging, I intend this
exploration to build on the work of my fellow culinary academics by investigating the
everyday activities that culinary teaching staff engage in. My critical examination is not to be
seen as the “truth” but as a phenomenological experience which, like Robinson et al (2014)
suggest, may form an epistemology of knowledge from which other critical perspectives may
be built upon.
5.2 The Culinary Education Journey
Chef Definition : a professional cook who usually is in charge of a kitchen in a restaurant
: a person who prepares food for people to eat (Merriam-Webster, n.d)
The commencement of an academic journey for a potential culinary student usually begins
with them looking through an institutional prospectus for potential programmes of study.
These visually stimulating brochures are marketing tools developed by educational
institutions to promote their offerings and in turn recruit students into potential programmes.
Primarily they inform the potential student of the programme entry requirements, learning
expectations, learning packages and potential job prospects. In many ways they are similar
to a travel brochure which highlights the experience and value that the student, the
consumer, will extract from the journey. While every institute’s prospectus is different, it is
not unusual to find stories of students happily interacting in their learning environments,
successful working graduates and notable teaching and professional practice accolades
associated with the teaching staff. In effect this potential first media contact with an
educational institute is a mechanism for perpetuating dominant hegemonic ideologies
(§ 4.2.5), the stratification of learners (§ 4.2.4) and the legitimisation of institutional
knowledge (§ 4.2.2, 4.2.5).
50
The purpose of this critique is to illustrate how these hegemonic ideologies are subliminally
presented to students in innocent ways. It is through the critical examination of these
institutional artifacts, that we can explore questions of the control of knowledge
(§ 4.2.1, 4.2.2, 4.2.4), the under-pinning dominant ideologies (§ 4.2.5) and the consequences
of these.
5.2.1 The Institutional Prospectus
For the purpose of this critical enquiry into the institutional prospectus I have chosen the
2016 Otago Polytechnic prospectus as my enquiry medium. Like many other prospectuses,
it contains images of chefs in freshly pressed white uniforms, adorned with beautifully folded
neckerchiefs (see figures Figure 5.1, Figure 5.2, Figure 5.3) students harvesting from the
garden (Figure 5.1) while others are working in a happy environment (Figure 5.2) or
preparing pastry dishes (Figure 5.3). There are also sections dedicated to an overview of the
variety of cookery programmes on offer from introductory certificates and intermediate
diplomas through to bachelor degrees.
Figure 5.1 Students harvesting from the
gardens
Figure 5.2 Students working in the
kitchen
51
Figure 5.3 A student preparing a tuile
biscuit*
Figure 5.4 A classic French charlotte
*Images are from 2016 Otago Polytechnic prospectus Parson, H. (2015). Otago Polytechnic Programme Guide: BJBall
Publishers. Pg36-39
Within Otago Polytechnic there are differing culinary educational and pedagogical offerings
for students. The prospectus declares that the introductory certificate programme will offer
the skills to become a competent junior chef. The following excerpt is taken from the level 3
basic cookery course description and describes the learning (Otago Polytechnic, 2015, p. 35)
Learn the fundamental cookery techniques to prepare, cook and present a range
of basic dishes using products commonly used in the industry. Health and safety,
effective communication, professional customer service and standard commercial
kitchen operating procedures are also covered.
While at the other end of the spectrum, the Bachelor of Culinary Arts (BCA) programme
offers the student a diverse range of career outcomes from chef to artisan producer kitchen
manager, food journalist or photographer (food media) or teacher:
This advanced, applied degree will provide you with the knowledge, tools and
techniques that will increase your employment potential in the professional
Culinary Arts. With an emphasis on creativity and problem solving, you can focus
on one of five specialties: Restaurant/Hotel Chef, Artisan Producer, Management,
Media and Technology, or Tertiary Teaching.(Otago Polytechnic, 2015, p. 36)
Similar to other international culinary programmes (Deutsch, 2014; Woolcock, 2011) the
certificate programme is taught via master-apprentice pedagogy and adopts a technique-
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commodity based practice methodology. The programme has clearly defined learning
objectives and these have been developed for the purpose of gaining skills for an entry level
chef position.
Meanwhile, the BCA programme is taught through an enquiry-based design methodology
and has a heavy focus on student autonomy and future-focused 21st Century skill set
development (Mitchell et al., 2013). The BCA learning framework reflects the critical turn
within the sector (§ 3.2) and embraces creativity, problem solving and reflectivity as
fundamental tools for the development of adaptive and future-focused culinarians (Deutsch,
2014; Hegarty, 2011; Mitchell et al., 2013; O'Mahony, 2007). As such, the BCA programme
and learning environment is devised in such a way as to prepare students for the changing
world whilst equipping them with the necessary tools to navigate these future landscapes.
Underpinning the BCA programme is a set of transferable cognitive tools to enable students
to think critically about their actions and to provide them with options in the future. Skills that
have been identified by the academy as being essential for practicing in the future (§ 3.2.3).
In terms of entry into the programmes, BCA students are required to have successfully
completed the State-regulated higher education academic requirements, while the certificate
programme is open entry. Therefore for a potential student to gain academic entry into the
BCA, it would have required them to have succeeded in the secondary school system prior
to their tertiary studies. In turn, to have access to formalised culinary education that values
the cognitive development as equally as practical application, the student would need to
have conformed, adapted and succeeded in the conventional State-regulated school system
(§ 4.2.4).
5.2.2 Critical Consequences of Access to Higher Education
The critical issue here is that, while higher education in culinary arts has been developed to
foster the intellectual ability of the culinary work force (Hegarty, 2001), the role of the state
still functions as a driver of the stratification of knowledge (Bowles & Gintis, 1976). It is
through the intervention of the regulatory controls of the State, that a student and their
potential access to higher cognitive knowledge can be strongly influenced by their conformity
to State dictated academic achievement principles.
Exploring deeper within the course descriptors there is also evidence of what Apple (1982)
would describe as social reproduction. According to Apple access to knowledge can have an
indirect impact on the social reproduction and social identity of learners. The prospectus
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suggests that BCA students with their skills of creativity and problem solving are portrayed
as the leaders and thinkers within the practice. The BCA programme offers access to
knowledge that will prepare students for a career as a creative artistic chef or a professional
such as an artisan producer, manager, media personality or teacher.
The Bachelor of Culinary Arts programme allows students to learn in a creative,
flexible and collaborative environment within a culture that promotes and
supports culinary driven entrepreneurial opportunities. Specifically the
programme aims to equip students with the design tools, techniques and
competence required to work in their chosen career path within the extremely
broad field of professional culinary art (Mitchell et al., 2013, p. 254).
Meanwhile, the certificate students are portrayed as the mere workers through their
application of their practical skills in a commercial kitchen. As Bowles and Gintus (1976)
would propose this repeated contact with education helps to legitimise students’ thinking that
failing in the conventional educational system validates their role as workers as opposed to
the thinkers in society. This could be viewed as an act of the hidden curriculum as discussed
by Apple (1982). The potential consequence of this social stratification in culinary arts, is that
students on certificate programmes could be less likely to re-engage in higher education in
the future and potentially could view themselves as low skilled workers for life. This claim is
supported by Cam Woolcock’s study (2011) into level 3 commercial cookery lecturers and
students in Australia. His research findings indicated that due to the lack of future-focused
and career planning skills on certificate programmes, many chefs exiting the industry were
more inclined to take jobs as unskilled labourers, just to escape the harsh realities of the
commercial cookery world (Woolcock, 2011). This would suggest that the link between
possible social stratification and identity is potentially present within the offerings of the
culinary arts educational framework.
5.3 Culinary Images and the Media
I now return to Figures 5.1-5.4 (above). As discussed previously, one of the students (see
Figure 5.1 Students harvesting from the gardens) is engaged in the activity of picking
vegetables from the institute’s edible gardens. This is reminiscent of popular food media
celebrities such as Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall relaxing in his garden at River Cottage,
Jamie Oliver happily picking thyme from his apartment herb window box or Rick Stein
purchasing fish from the local fishmonger.
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The other images are of students smiling and laughing with each other, radiating a sense of
fun and energised enthusiasm within their workplace. There is another image (see
Figure 5.3) of a student preparing a classical French tuile biscuit and yet another picture of a
classical French product (see Figure 5.4). These images should not be a surprise to us, as
western culinary education is firmly entrenched within the foundations of French chef
Escoffier (Deutsch, 2014). You will also observe in the images that the students are dressed
in French chef uniforms, manifesting notions of tradition and professionalism.
While at first these images appear innocent, I would like to examine them more closely as
they act as symbols of cultural ideology. In fact, these images presented within the
prospectus only speak of a selected perspective of culinary attire and approach to cuisine.
These images portray a utopian lifestyle and the uniform and approach to cuisine is from a
hegemonic French perspective. I would suggest that these images do not reflect all of the
perspectives of the culinary community.
5.3.1 Lifestyle Realities
In 1990 Marco Pierre White released the book White Heat and subsequently it has gone on
to become a seminal cookbook for the culinary industry (Paulo, 2015). For the first time its
black and white images by photographer Bob Clarke revealed the harsh realities of
professional kitchens in haute cuisine restaurants. Anthony Bourdain described that, when
initially opening the cookbook, it was the first time in his culinary career that he saw a media
image of a chef that he recognized ( see image Figure 5.5 White smoking after serviceHe
writes:
We didn’t have time to be happy. What we had time for was work and stress.
Marco, unlike any chef we’d ever seen, in any cookbook ever, looked
stressed. It was carved into his face. Look! He’s smoking, leaning up against
the kitchen wall, pulling on that cigarette as if he’s trying to suck that whole
thing down in one go. We knew that feeling. We knew how that cigarette
tasted. We were grateful to finally see a chef who admitted to stress and
exhaustion like us (Bourdain as cited in Paulo, 2015).
Many years after the publication of White Heat being a chef is still highly stressful (Murray-
Gibbons & Gibbons, 2007) ,contains elements of dirty work (Fine, 2008) and has a high staff
burn out rate (Woolcock, 2011). As Marco Pierre White once said “I swear it’s the job that
has carved my face. It’s the hours, the stress and the pressure. It’s not me trying to look like
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this” (1990, p. 44). To show these images of stressed and dirty workers to potential students
would surely place doubt in their minds as to whether this is a suitable choice of industry for
them. It is through the selection of utopian lifestyle images that educational institutes have
the power to control the honest representations of the realities of many of the working lives
of chefs for its potential students. This raises ethical issues in relation to role of educational
marketing and the products it promotes.
Figure 5.5 White smoking after service
Figure 5.6 White cleaning his kitchen
Images retrieved from Clarke, B. (2000). White Heat. Private Collection.
5.3.2 How One Should Dress
These student images presented in the prospectus speak of classic French tradition. Otago
Polytechnic is not alone in adopting these ideologies. The cover of Michael Ruhlmans (1997)
autobiography into his own culinary education at the Culinary Institute of America portrays
similar images of chefs in traditional uniforms (see image on right hand side of page 47) and
contains personal accounts of preparing classic French dishes from scratch . The connection
of the French chef uniform and bourgeois cuisine seems from its designer Marie-Antoine
Carême, a celebrity chef who cooked for the royalty of Europe in the ninetieth century (Kelly,
2005). It is the same uniform that the contestants on Master Chef wear and the same
uniform that its judges (such as Gordon Ramsey, Michael Roux and Josh Emmett) adorn.
We also see these chef’s uniforms extensively utilised in the sector of haute cuisine; which is
the sector of cuisine that is often associated with accolades such as Michelin Stars and the
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World’s Top 50 Best Restaurant awards. As such the chef uniform has become a
recognisable aesthetic of culinary knowledge and identity. Within education and the media
these French chef uniforms act as symbols of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984) enabling the
perpetration of the French culinary structure as legitimate “high status” culinary knowledge
within society. Emms (2005) refers to the use of these French ideologies as the “French
Condition”. She goes on to say “the French methodology being the selling point (i.e. the
branding) is used to promote various chefs, restaurants, hotels, tertiary courses and culinary
tourism” (Emms, 2005, p. 104).
According to Apple (1982) it is these dominant cultural tastes within the education system
that counts as legitimate knowledge. Therefore knowing how to prepare food from a
Francophile perspective is considered legitimate knowledge in the formalised education of
the culinary arts. It is through the power relationships of the media and education that their
dominant portrayal of what it means to be a culinarian is reinforced. Those who do not
conform in uniform or in their approach to fresh cuisine are shunned from the public eye in
the institutional prospectus. A student who chooses not to conform in dress sense would
simply not be chosen for the prospectus, whereas those who have conformed are featured.
In Ben Shewry’s book (2012) Origin, he discusses being lined up at the beginning of each
day at catering college to have his chef uniform inspected by his lecturers. Illich (1971) is
critical of such actions in education because the institution acts as the moral judge and juror
and decides how a chef should act (in this case how a chef student should dress). Due to
the differing sectors within the culinary profession there are varying ways of dressing. These
range from bandanna’s and baseball caps to cover the head, through to smocks, tee shirts
and overall’s to cover the body. It is similar to the hip hop artist and their “bling”, the heavy
metal singer and their black tee shirt or the concert pianist in their wing tail suit, how a
community of practice dresses signifies the values and ideologies it adheres to.
One might ask the question “where are the images of tattooed student chefs cooking in their
tee shirts and baseball caps?” These chefs do exist in culinary practice and are leaders
within the culinary community. No one would question the ability or integrity of respected
chef Danny Bowien from Mission Street Chinese (MAD, 2012).
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Figure 5.7 Chef Danny Bowien of Mission Street Chinese
Image sourced from Smith, H. (2010). Danny Bowein. Mission Local.org: Mission Local.
Where are the images of the chefs throwing handfuls of instant stock powder into dishes to
give them that much needed umami boost? And where are the images of the chefs
exhausted at the end of a 14 hour day scrubbing the hot stoves (see Figure 5.6) only to
repeat the process the next day? So long as formalized culinary education continues to
follow and present to the public the hierarchical and curriculum structures of Escoffier’s
classical brigade system, Western culinary education will continue to perpetuate the
hegemonic position that legitimate culinary knowledge comes from adopting a classical
French position.
5.3.3 Lecturer Influence
The 2016 Otago Polytechnic prospectus is different to other years as it is the 50th
anniversary of the institute and as such it features a birthday cake designed by a Bachelor of
Culinary Arts (BCA) graduate on its front cover (Figure 5.8). The cake is modernist cuisine-
inspired and highlights the innovative nature of the BCA progamme. In doing so, the Institute
and the School (Food Design Institute) hope to entice potential students into the exciting
world of professional cookery. But why was that graduate selected to design and prepare the
cake?
I had three graduates who could have undertaken the task. The first graduate would likely
have prepared a classical enrobed fruit cake with petit flowers made of royal icing. This
would have highlighted the respect for tradition in both gastronomy and technique. The
second graduate would likely have prepared a comfort home-style cake, with lush layers of
decadent fillings and a velvety frosting to top. This would have showcased approachability
and the trend towards the casualisation in dining movement (Naylor, 2014). The third
58
graduate, and subsequently the one who was chosen, reinvented a classic Bombe Alaska
which incorporated the Institute’s branding and featured a Modernist plating technique of dry
ice.
Figure 5.8 Cover of the 2016 Otago Polytechnic Programme Guide
To understand the thinking, I need to explain the situation a little more clearly. I was
approached by our marketing department to select and commission a graduate from the
BCA programme to design and prepare a cake to celebrate the Institute’s birthday. The
graduate was to work to the brief that the cake’s design needed to include the Institute’s
branding and demonstrate the Institute’s values of future-focused education. These
requirements alone ruled out the traditionalist graduate as her practice did not align with the
values of the Institute. As for the other two graduates, either of them would have easily met
the requirements of future focus, but it was me who made the decision and me alone. Herein
lies an important fact, my personal ideologies regarding what is future-focused was the
dominating factor in the final decision. As Bourdieu (1984) would propose my bias towards
the “field’ of fine dining, where innovation, novelty and highly manipulated techniques are
revered, was reflected in the selection of the student and in turn the cake that featured on
the cover of the prospectus. Reflecting back, it was me, the chef, who acted as the judge
and jury of what, was appropriate and what was not. This appears the most simple of acts,
but to analyse our actions more critically helps us know more about the factors that influence
our actions and, in turn, the educational experience of our learners. I now turn to the
educational culinary kitchen to explore how our everyday actions can impact on the learners
in both their access to and construction of knowledge and its potential impact on culinary
identity.
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6 THE CLASSROOM EXPERIENCE
Image from personal collection
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Insight Five: The Innocent Task of Cutting a Carrot
Just like my first days polytechnic, the task of chopping and cooking vegetables to a
prescribed standard is fairly normal occurrence within the classical hierarchical French
culinary curriculum. Michael Ruhlman talks of being presented on his first day in the
CIA culinary kitchen with a prep list of mirepoix, tomato concasse and minced onion
(Michael, 1997, p. 6). For me, it was cutting carrots into brunoise shaped vegetables,
with the trim being placed aside for utilization in a “fond brun” or brown stock. For those
uninitiated into the culinary language, a brunoise cut is a 2mm cubed dice usually
pertaining to vegetables or fruit.
For me the day started out like many other sessions would, the morning was spent
with a theory lesson lead by the chef lecturer going through the classical vegetable cuts
with diagrams of the scaled vegetable cuts as reference points. We were instructed
that this learning was part of the entremietier section of the kitchen and that the skills
learnt were the foundations of other more technical dishes that we would learn in the
future. That morning there was also a basic instruction on how to prepare a stock. This
learning included an introduction into its ingredients and terms such as mirepoix and
bouquet garni. The rules of stock preparation were clearly stipulated. White stocks
have a low percentage of carrot to prevent discoloring while brown stocks are allowed
the addition of tomato and mushroom to assist with the coloring of the stock. We were
then informed that these stocks were to be the basis of many sauces and with time
advanced technical soups such as consommés1.
After the theory lesson was completed we would then enter the kitchen for a practical
demonstration led by our lecturer before we were allowed to undertake the task
ourselves. The practical demonstration commenced with my lecturer giving us a
discussion as to why we were undertaking the task in such a set way.
Firstly we were instructed that to be a good chef we needed to learn to master the
knife. Our lecturer explained that as a chef we would be expected to chop vegetables
at a quick speed as “time is money in the restaurant industry”. We were then instructed
that upon mastering the cut we could then utilize it in a potage and later in the year for
1 I must state that this knowledge is still taught like this on the certificate programmes in my institute
except we have the aid of video resources to make the lessons more engaging for our digital native
learners.
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a consommé brunoise. It was made clear to us that mastering this skill was important
as we would be assessed on the production of both soups in the future. Our lecturer
then proceeded to wash, peel and rewash the carrot, meanwhile explaining that this
was to prevent soil contamination and that the use of a peeler is the most cost effective
way of removing the minimum amount of skin. Next the carrot was squarely blocked is
as to make the task of slicing it thinly easier and safer.
My lecturer then took his knife and with its precision slowly transformed this once
cylindrical carrot into a mound of perfect small dice. The trim was to be placed into a
bowl and to be used for stock; as my lecturer explained “you wouldn’t throw twenty
cents into the rubbish bin, so we waste nothing in a kitchen”.
We were then given 30 minutes to cut our carrots into brunoise before placing them
onto a plate for the judgment of our lecturer. As we worked there was the sound of
activity in the kitchen but no one was talking as we were focused on the task ahead.
We did not question the reasons for our task as we assumed our expert lecturer; with
years of industry experience knew what was good for our learning. With time we would
learn that those who failed at the task or did not conform to the approved ways of
cooking would be moved closer to our lecturer’s bench so that their practice could be
watched more closely. A simple glance of the eye or a brief comment from the lecturer
was all that was required to change your behaviors. Those of us who were lucky
enough to adapt our skills and conform were spared such actions.
6.1 Introduction
Just as I have attempted to paint a picture of my institution’s prospectus I now wish to
introduce the formalised classical French classroom through my own journey. For me these
first learning experiences were to be the frameworks of the master-apprentice learning that I
would engage in for the remainder of my formal culinary education. I appreciate that not all
culinary students have had such an indoctrination to the culinary arts community, however
my experiences echo the claims of other culinary academics (Deutsch, 2014).
Now let’s take this simple task of a student cutting a carrot into the classic French brunoise
cut as a case study that we can examine from a knowledge and power perspective. What
are the critical implications for what appears at first to be a learning activity with the best
intent?
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6.2 Banking Knowledge
As a teaching strategy the stair-casing of knowledge from brunoise cut to potage (a basic
soup) to consommé brunoise has pedagogical value (Hodson & Hodson, 1998). Likewise,
from an industry perspective, chefs are still required to cut vegetables into small pieces for
such actions as sauté, salsa sauces and garnish. It is therefore without question that the skill
of cutting is a fundamental component in haute cuisine. Likewise, the ability to slice fish for
sashimi in Japanese cuisine is considered an art form.
Like potage, we also see within the different cultures of the world many examples of
mankind’s ability to flavour liquids to form a multitude of gastronomic creations; tom yum
(Thailand), avgolemeno (Greece) and gazpacho (Spain) are all examples of this. Even as a
young chef I was required to make a different soup each day from the offerings in the chiller,
but would struggle as the classical repertoire taught to me at polytechnic only contained 12
soups.
It is through the action of being instructed to learn to prepare a brunoise that we can see the
principles of knowledge banking and the adherence to the ideologies of the French
repertoire present (Freire, 1970). According to Freire (1970) the action of knowledge banking
is an act of cultural invasion as the ideologies of the French repertoire and approach to
technique are being forced upon the student. Primarily, I was being asked to learn the skill of
cutting a brunoise because at some predetermined time I would be assessed against it.
Could I cut vegetables to an industry standard? Yes I could, because I was working in a
hotel where I prepared up to ten different salads a day. The knowledge at college of how to
cut a carrot is what Schön (1983) would call “espoused theory”. In this situation this
knowledge was completely different from the knowledge of cutting vegetables that I had
gained from knowing in action (Schön, 1983). I was now operating within a different
knowledge framework from my lecturers. As discussed in Insight Four: One Discipline - Two
Worlds, I was now operating between different fields of play (Bourdieu, 1984) and the doxa,
or rules, were different for each. I was constantly moving between my Institute’s and my
workplace’s perception of legitimate and illegitimate forms of knowledge.
At the Shoreline Hotel we used a mandolin slicer to cut our vegetables as we would prepare
twenty litre buckets of carrots for the vegetable of the day. They weren’t perfect in size but
the customers were more focused on value for money from food as opposed to precision
and artistic expression.
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According to Ira Shor (2012), the teacher assumes a position of authority and legitimate
knowledge even before a student walks into a classroom. Shor attests that through years of
conditioning students learn that the teacher’s knowledge is the only true knowledge and they
are there to receive it without question. Further, as Illich (1971) would propose, I had been
schooled to believe that school would teach me how to cut a carrot when the most important
and meaningful learning for me in terms of cutting carrots had already occurred through my
practice in industry. This is legitimate knowledge in the industry but to take out a mandolin
when cutting a brunoise in formal education would have been illegitimate through its act of
disobedience. In effect the purpose of learning this espoused knowledge of how to cut a
carrot was to bank knowledge for institutional assessment. In my certification of culinary
knowledge, state certified knowledge was the only knowledge that would be formally
recognized and assessed.
Friere (1970) would also describe this type of learning environment as anti-dialectic as the
lecturer is doing the majority of the talking. While there is a physical silence in the classroom,
there is a hidden silence, because as students we would not challenge the knowledge of our
lecturer. For Freire when there is not the presence of equal dialogue between the lecturer
and the student there is not a democratic learning process happening. The lecturer had
taken the role of the master of knowledge and now, due to his dominant role in the formation
of knowledge, the students have entered into a code of silence. While this could be put down
to first day nerves amongst the students, there was certainly no questioning the lecturer as
to why we were undertaking such a task. As Deutsch (2014) would say, we were being
indoctrinated into not questioning or challenging the ultimate knowledge or authority of our
master. We were now learning to say ‘oui chef’ and not ‘why chef’. As Ben Shewry (2012, p.
86) attests in his own culinary education:
There was no place for creativity, poetic license, individuality or
freedom…very much like the military. When you address me you call me
Chef. When I bark orders at you, you respond, “chef, oui chef.”
Within Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds you can see how my Francophile
indoctrination was now impacting on my perspectives of my workplace the Shoreline Hotel at
the time. While I believe that my teachers were working in what they perceived to be the best
interests of the students, Freire (1970) would propose that the consequence of their actions
was the indoctrination of their dominant cultural ideologies onto us the students.
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6.3 Society’s Desire for Legitimate Knowledge
A student cutting a vegetable in a manner that is approved of by an educational institute
(and in turn the State) legitimises the student’s knowledge and actions as official knowledge
(Apple, 1982). I now propose that determining that a carrot be cut in accordance with the
principles of the French classical repertoire, in turn, legitimises the French repertoire as a
component of the official body of culinary arts knowledge.
The discourse of how to cut this carrot becomes an educational commodity which now has
capital value and can therefore be sold to willing buyers (Apple, 1982; Illich, 1971). Why is it
that a student would willingly sign up for a course and pay money to learn to transform a
carrot into a small dice, when this information is freely available on the internet in the form of
step by step on line videos? Even Otago Polytechnic has open access videos (some
developed by me) on every assessment dish that students were required to make for their
course as part of a blended delivery model. As Illich (1971) proposes, it is the power that
educational institutes have over society as to what constitutes legitimate knowledge and
what does not, that is key in society’s need to be educated by formal means. Even as a chef
you do not need certification to practice. Certification is optional and there are many well-
known chefs such as Heston Blumenthal and Ferran Adria who did not go to culinary school.
Illich (1971) is critical of such actions and states that we need to become deschooled and
learn how to educate ourselves again as a society. Society can freely educate itself on how
to cut a carrot through online, high definition video, incorporating step by step instruction.
However, and more importantly, it is the institute (as approved by the State) that has the
power to assess this knowledge and award a qualification which recognises it as legitimate
knowledge. As Illich (1971) would suggest, it is the pressures of our meritocratic and
technocratic society that continue to drive students to culinary college to seek the
certification of their culinary knowledge when this knowledge is already widely available. As
Illich (1971) suggests students have been schooled in society to believe that all the secrets
to culinary life can be learnt at school. In essence, for Illich, society needs to relearn how to
learn again. But for students to have their knowledge legitimatised they must submit their
practices to the culinary culture and ideologies of the French and, as Freire (1970), proposes
this is an act of cultural invasion.
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6.4 The Hidden Curriculum
Returning back to that carrot, I now ask the question; why was the decision made to
transform this piece of nature into something so manipulated? Why did my culinary
education begin with a lesson on the control and manipulation of an ingredient instead of a
lesson on the respect for that ingredient and an understanding of its taste and the place that
it came from? One could argue that the carrot is just an affordable medium for the
development of technical knife skills and this would be true. As mentioned in § 3.1.2, the
classical culinary educational framework is based upon Escoffier’s Le Guide de Culinaire
(Escoffier, 2011/1903) which transitions from simple dishes through to more complex dishes.
The hallmark of the French culinary curriculum is the stair-casing of learning through the
advanced manipulation of ingredients and techniques (Deutsch, 2014). This follows as the
highest form of French cuisine is haute cuisine.
Haute cuisine requires high levels of professional competency and the food is characterised
by its technical manipulation. But where are the other philosophical approaches towards
food? Where are the perspectives of those culinarians who choose to respect nature and
work with it as opposed trying to control it through technical manipulation? As Chef Margo
Henderson said where are the feminine perspectives in cooking? - these are the
perspectives that are excluded from the limelight of haute cuisine as they are seen as being
too domestic (Henderson, 2013). Meanwhile food philosopher David Hume proposes that
matters of taste are personally subjective:
Beauty is no quality in things themselves; it only exists merely in the mind
which contemplates them; and each mind perceives a different beauty. One
person may even perceive deformity, where another is sensible of beauty
(Hume, 1985, p. 230)
6.5 The Examining Gaze
In Insight Five: The Innocent Task of Cutting a Carrot, those who failed to meet the
expectations of the lecturer would be moved closer to the lecturer’s bench so that their
actions could be monitored more closely. It is in this act that we can see what Foucault
(1977) refers to as the examining gaze. As my lecturer would ‘gaze’ at the non-conforming
students in the front benches it was a reminder to them that their actions were being
observed and judged. These actions of observation ensured that with time the students
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would adjust their practices through self-regulation until they conformed to the normalised
practices of the lecturer.
As Foucault would propose this examining gaze acts as a form of disciplinary power to
enable self-surveillance and in turn normalising the student’s behaviors to those of the
lecturers. As I discussed in Insight Four: One Discipline - Two Worlds, I too had to adjust my
approaches to cutting vegetables from efficiency in the work place to precision in the culinary
college.
6.6 Impact on Identity Formation
Apple (1982) proposes that the ‘hidden curriculum’ of education, the socailisation process of
schooling is a fundamental factor in the determining our roles and identities in society. I now
ask the critical question; was my identity predetermined before I entered the kitchen? Fine
(2008) proposes that the organisational tasks that are delegated to chefs have a significant
influence on the chef’s identity of themselves; as such chefs working identities are socially
constructed in the workplace that they operate within. According to Fine, depending upon the
allocations of these tasks, a chef can see themselves as an artist, a business person, a
professional, a labourer or a blend of these (Fine, 2008). For Fine the organization is not a
factor in the formation of identity but the tasks allocated within it. Therefore a chef in a fine
dining restaurant who prepares basic vegetables can view themselves as a labourer
because they do a manual job, while a cook in a school canteen can perceive themselves as
an artist because they have the power to present the food as they wish. It is through the
actions within our workplaces that our identity can be formed. The classical French brigade
system has resulted in such identities with apprentices as labourers, senior chefs as
professionals and Chef de Cuisines as artists and/or business people.
Looking back at my first task at polytechnic (brunoise of carrot) it could be argued that my
identity was predetermined as that of a labourer. The speed at which I could cut the carrot
would determine how fast I could get the job done and therefore create efficiencies for the
business and my ability to utilize the trim would help me make money for them. However, as
Fine (2008) would propose, many chefs view the preparation of food as artistic expression.
It could be argued that I was being socially stratified to the role of worker by the well-
meaning comments of my lecturer. From Apples (1982) perspective the needs of the
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hospitality industry, institute and the State were taking precedence over my own culinary
aspirations and desires.
These personal comments from lecturers give us an insight into how they perceive students’
culinary identity. Apple (1982) proposes that these repeat messages of being sub-ordinate to
authority and being a cost efficient worker are part of the indoctrination process within a
capitalist work force. From my own perspective, culinary arts students who display these
actions are viewed in favorable ways in education. In this situation I believe my access to
culinary knowledge was for the purposes of a predetermined social identity, one determined
by the working ‘fields’ and cultural ‘habitus’ of my lecturer. But what happens to those
students who wish to acquire culinary knowledge not for the purposes of working in the
industry; those who chose to learn for their own needs? I now propose that the working and
financial needs of the hospitality industry are seen as the major benefactors of formalised
culinary education.
What of those students in my class who saw culinary arts as a true form of artistic
expression? To assume the identity of an artist would have meant that the power of
knowledge would need to be released from my lecturer and assigned to the learner. It would
have been “take this carrot and create with it what you want”. To take such a position means
that the lecturer would have to engage in a democratic dialogue and to submit to the notion
that the student brings a level of culinary and life knowledge to the classroom. As an
experienced lecturer I can testify that all students have such knowledge and it is just as
varied as each of us are.
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7 Conclusion
7.1 Summary
This philosophical enquiry proposes that the power relationships between the educational
institute, its media and the culinary teachers act as important factors that can impact on a
student’s access to knowledge and, in turn, ways of knowing and being. This enquiry
proposes that these interrelated power relationships act in both overt and covert ways within
the educational journey of a culinary arts student.
In the first instance the educational institution is a gatekeeper of the educational ideologies
of the government through its ability to control access to culinary education and knowledge.
It is the student’s access to culinary knowledge through the State-controlled academic entry
requirements which ultimately decides who has access to culinary education and the social
roles associated with these. Even when students meet adult entry requirements to degree
based education this is still at the discretion of the education institution. This controlling
power of educational institutions has consequences for students of the culinary arts in the
form of social stratification and professional identity formation. This enquiry proposes that
the diverse offerings of culinary education are now segregating its community into the
professional “thinkers” and the labouring “doers”.
It is through the prospectus’ images that the educational institution can reinforce to students
the legitimatisation of their offerings of a French Haute Cuisine culinary epistemology and
ideologies. These media images help reinforce the Francophile methodologies which are
adopted by the culinary lecturers as the professional practice of the discipline. These power
relationships coexist in ways that benefit both the institution and the teacher as ways of
legitimising the knowledge and actions of both parties. Underpinning these power
relationships is the teacher, who, through their institutional investiture, has the ability to
decide and certify the knowledge and actions of French Haute Cuisine as the most legitimate
forms of culinary practice.
The final power relationship is between the culinary lecturer and the student. Within the
hidden curriculum there are pedagogical approaches and teaching activities which reflect the
teacher’s own personal culinary values in relation to knowledge creation and student culinary
identity. I now propose that the relationship between teaching methodology and knowledge
creation can be a factor in the formation of a student’s culinary identity. To return to the
carrot, the task of cutting this humble vegetable can be the action of a labourer, an artist or a
69
professional, but this culinary identity is influenced by the words and actions of the teacher
and their view of the professional practice. Perpetuating this situation is the fact that students
have been socially conditioned to accept that their culinary teachers are the universal source
of knowledge and their practice is not to be questioned.
Figure 6.1 is a visualisation of the power and knowledge relationships with institutional
culinary education discussed above.
Figure 7.1 Knowledge Power Relationships in Institutional Culinary Arts Education
7.2 The Final Words
As an emerging higher education discipline, culinary arts pedagogy and its critical dialogue
is still in its infancy. As mentioned in § 1.1, the intent of this critical enquiry is not to provide
the positivist ‘truth’ or the way forward for the culinary arts community but to add to the body
of knowledge within a critical paradigm.
70
The stories that I have shared have been my own personal experiences and have allowed
me to fuse the worlds of practice and theory through an interpretive enquiry methodology.
These insights have allowed you (the reader) to “stand at the workbench” of the culinary arts
student and experience their daily learning environment. More importantly for me, they have
allowed me to build a richer and deeper understanding of my own practice and the
classroom experience of my students through the process of praxis. As Manen (1990)
suggests, this critical enquiry has allowed me to engage in a mode of pedagogical
thoughtfulness with the intent of bettering, not only my own practice, but the practices of
other culinary institutes.
My own professional practice at Otago Polytechnic (see § 3.2.3) has been acknowledged in
New Zealand in recent years for its innovative approach to teaching and learning and
sustained educational excellence. Through this academic enquiry I have now discovered
(and started to connect with) a global community of like-minded culinary educators whose
approaches to the philosophy of education are similar to mine. Like my own practice, this
community adopts a pedagogy which embrace’s “ways of being” as opposed to the
conventional “ways of knowing”. Within this community of practice the traditional notion of
the chef lecturer as the “ultimate source of knowledge” has been abandoned in favour of an
open learning environment in which knowledge is co-created through multiple sources.
Knowledge no longer comes from a series of “truths” from a book or the mind of the teacher
but is constructed in meaningful ways from a student’s own reality of the lived experience.
The role of professional practice within my own practice has been transformed from a
process for the sole development of practical skills to an experience from which to reflect
and learn and construct true and meaningful knowledge. As a result of this critical enquiry, in
2015 the BCA programme (which I teach on) adopted an “in practice” teaching and learning
methodology for third year students. This “in practice” framework now allows students to
undertake the majority of their third year study in an applied learning environment, thus
enabling them to develop authentic interpretive knowledge from their own realities. This
differs from the BCA’s previous teaching methodologies which were based upon students
applying and understanding academically theorised models of practice.
Throughout my academic journey I have been in a constant state of praxis. Through
constant engagement in critical theory I have reflected on the overt and covert power that I
have within my classroom. Underpinning these reflections has been the critical question
71
“whose interests are being served when I act in a classroom?” Within my classroom I am
constantly torn between the needs of the government, the industry and the student.
Chapter 3 discusses the development of the master-apprentice and hierarchical structures
(see § 3.1.1) within the culinary arts community. As illustrated in Figure 3.2 Culinary Arts
Inertia to Pedagogical Changethe master-apprentice approach and hierarchical structures
are deeply entrenched within culinary arts practice. Through the integration of higher
education within the discipline; these pedagogical practices are now being challenged
through the process of self-critical examination.
Some may suggest that the challenge of transformational change is too great for the culinary
arts community; the inertia of kitchen hierarchy and master-apprentice pedagogies are too
powerful. However we need only look to medicine and McMaster University in 1969 as
inspiration for change. In 1969 McMaster University radically transformed global medical
education by abandoning the structured and directed curriculum and adopting a problem
based learning (PBL) environment. Through PBL, McMaster University medical students
develop a deeper level of learning whilst acquiring transferable life skills (Lee & Kwan, 1997).
McMaster University has been described as a “trail blazer” in medical education and its
approach teaching and learning has been adopted by multiple medical institutes across the
globe (Lee & Kwan, 1997).
The wheels of change turn slowly for the culinary arts teaching community but a possible
inspiration exists in the work of chef Rene Redzepi from restaurant Noma in Copenhagen,
Denmark. Redzepi has redefined his approach to cooking through the abandonment of
French culinary conformity and a rediscovery and adoption of traditional Nordic ingredients
and culinary techniques into his practice. His approach utilizes only Scandinavian
ingredients and embraces the Nordic culinary practices of foraging, fermentation and
preservation. The result of Redzepi’s work has been the adoption of Danish culinary values
into his every day practice and, in turn, the development of a new food approach referred to
as Nordic Cuisine. This transformation by Redzepi demonstrates the potential that exists
when chefs engage in critical thought and when they are allowed to express their personal
identities freely. By engaging in these processes Redzepi has redefined to the gastronomic
world what it means to be Scandinavian.
Like Plato’s Allegory of the Cave, Redzepi’s story is a metaphor for a similar transformation
that could exist in culinary education. Through a paradigm shift in knowledge construction
the culinary arts teaching community could refine what it means to study and learn to ‘be a
72
chef’. This paradigm shift will mean that critically reflective chefs who challenge the
hegemonic practices and offerings of their times may become the norm and not the
exception. The last century has seen Auguste Escoffier, Paul Bocuse, Ferran Adria and Alex
Atala think critically about their practice and make radical changes to them. Likewise each of
these chefs has left their distinctive and lasting mark on the culinary landscape. However
with the current hierarchical kitchen structures and a supporting culinary education system
which perpetuates the culture of not questioning the status quo, it will be difficult to imagine a
future where chefs of this ilk will be the exceptions and not the norm.
The final words in this critical enquiry are from Sir Ken Robinson and summarize the
challenges that face, not only culinary arts education, but all of Western education (2011, p.
49).
Current systems of education were not designed to meet the challenges we now
face. They were developed to meet the needs of a former age. Reform is not
enough: they need to be transformed.
73
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