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Cultural processes: Basic principles
... This difference, which is similar to the difference between independent and interdependent selfconstruals (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), is particularly likely to distinguish Western and East Asian cultures, respectively. Such a difference in self-perceptions, which is socially learned, could give rise to a more general difference in the disposition to think of both one's own and others' behaviors as either situationally independent or in relation to the social context in which they occur (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Markus & Kitayama, 1991;Triandis, 1995). ...
... Situational cues that make people think of themselves as independent or separate from the group can activate an individualist mindset whereas thinking of oneself as part of a group or interdependent might activate a collectivist mindset. These mindsets, once activated, can induce a general disposition to process information in a particular way and can influence judgments and behavior in much the same way that activating individuals' cultural identity influences them (Kühnen & Oyserman, 2002;Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002; see also Chiu & Hong, 2007). , for instance, showed that the activation of an individualist mindset facilitated participants' tendency to pull out or separate things from the context whereas a collectivist mindset disposed them to think contextually and to make connections between objects. ...
... As suggested by previous research (cf . Aaker & Lee, 2001;Chiu & Hong, 2007;Kühnen & Oyserman, 2002;Nisbett & Masuda, 2003), chronic differences in information processing and situationally-induced differences have similar effects. This is particularly true in bicultural societies where individuals are likely to access different cultural mindsets depending on the situation with which they are confronted. ...
The processing strategies that are activated by cultural mindsets can influence the type of stereotypic knowledge that people draw upon when they encounter a member of a social category. Five experiments show that participants with a collectivist mindset are less likely to use trait descriptions and respond more slowly to traits when they are primed with a concept of the elderly than when they are not. However, they are more likely to use trait-related behaviors and respond more quickly to behaviors in the former condition. These differences suggest that cultural mindsets do not simply affect the likelihood of applying stereotypes. In addition, they influence the type of stereotypic knowledge that comes to mind when people encounter a member of a stereotyped group. This has important implications for how elderly employees are judged and treated in an organizational setting.
... This difference, which is similar to the difference between independent and interdependent self-construals (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), is particularly likely to distinguish Western and East Asian cultures, respectively. Such a difference in self-perceptions, which is socially learned, could give rise to a more general difference in the disposition to think of both one's own and others' behaviors as either situationally independent or in relation to the social context in which they occur (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Markus & Kitayama, 1991;Triandis, 1995). ...
... Situational cues that make people think of themselves as independent or separate from the group can activate an individualist mindset whereas thinking of oneself as part of a group or interdependent might activate a collectivist mindset. These mindsets, once activated, can induce a general disposition to process information in a particular way and can influence judgments and behavior in much the same way that activating individuals' cultural identity influences them (Kuhnen & Oyserman, 2002;Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002; see also Chiu & Hong, 2007). Oyserman, Sorensen, Reber, & Chen, 2009), for instance, showed that the activation of an individualist mindset facilitated participants' tendency to pull out or separate things from the context whereas a collectivist mindset disposed them to think contextually and to make connections between objects. ...
... Our results were obtained by activating differences in mindsets within a culture rather than by comparing effects across cultures. As suggested by previous research (cf . Chiu & Hong, 2007;Nisbett & Masuda, 2003;Kuhnen & Oyserman, 2002;Aaker & Lee, 2001), chronic differences in information processing and situationally-induced differences have similar effects. This is particularly true in bicultural societies where individuals are likely to access different cultural mindsets depending on the situation with which they are co ...
The processing strategies that are activated by cultural mindsets can influence the type of stereotypic knowledge that people draw upon when they encounter a member of a social category. Five experiments show that participants with a collectivist mindset are less likely to use trait descriptions and respond more slowly to traits when they are primed with
a concept of the elderly than when they are not. However, they are more likely to use trait-related behaviors and respond more quickly to behaviors in the former condition. These differences suggest that cultural mindsets do not simply affect the likelihood of applying stereotypes. In addition, they influence the type of stereotypic knowledge that comes to mind when people encounter a member of a stereotyped group. This has important implications for how elderly employees are judged and treated in an organizational setting.
... Essentially almost all aspects of meaning-making, from the way we perceive and interpret ourselves and our life circumstances and events, to the way we construct our goals and values or turn to different sources for MIL, are embedded in a sociocultural context. This underscores the interplay between individuals and the sociocultural context in which they live and operate (Baumeister, 2005;Chao & Kesebir, 2013;Chiu & Hong, 2007). The uniquely human search for meaning is shaped and influenced by forces and frameworks embedded in culture, and, in turn, individuals' search for meaning also simultaneously recreates and affects culture (Chao & Kesebir, 2013). ...
... The uniquely human search for meaning is shaped and influenced by forces and frameworks embedded in culture, and, in turn, individuals' search for meaning also simultaneously recreates and affects culture (Chao & Kesebir, 2013). The dynamic interplay between meaning and culture is evident when a shared network of meaning is being constructed, distributed, and reconstructed among a collective of interconnected individuals which constitute a given culture (Chiu & Hong, 2007). Culture, thus, represents a framework or a web of meaning and enables individuals to function in a given ecology (Fiske, 2000). ...
This chapter summarizes the unique perspectives and contributions in this volume, to offer insights regarding search for meaning in life in a post-modern socio-cultural context. We suggest that instead of major overarching cultural schemes, institutions or narratives for meaning in life which were prominent and dominant in the past, such as religion, contemporary societies in the post-modern era offer a large variety of narratives, termed here 'master narratives of meaning'. Individuals adopt and adapt such narratives to fulfil their need for meaning in life and to have clarity and stability, and specifically to satisfy their need for comprehension, purpose and mattering. Exploring illustrative case studies within the Israeli scene, we identified several broad dimensions of the search for meaning that might be relevant in other cultures as well, such as, the mix and match quality of the narratives, the centrality of spirituality both within and outside established religions, the centrality of legitimation of a variety of narratives versus their de-legitimation and adoption of a rigid dogma, and a self-focused process versus the focus on belonging to a community or becoming a 'citizen of the world' with responsibility to make it a better place. These master narratives of meaning weave cultural characteristics and contextual imperatives with personal processes of meaning-making and appear to also highlight broader processes of search for meaning around the globe.
... In addition to the differences between CHC and Western learning cultures, and the proficiency gap between English L1 and L2 speakers, the challenges identified above are also partly caused by Chinese students' lack of cultural knowledge. Chiu and Hong [53] define "culture" as a network of loosely organised and shared knowledge, that provides its members with standard operating procedures, unstated assumptions, norms, and values. Although a monolithic nation-based culture does not exist, there are nonetheless differences between two countries when it comes to education [26,54] and everyday life [15]. ...
... As indicated in the literature [35,44], Chinese students face an information gap that affects their academic and social experiences. As cultural novices, they have limited knowledge about standards, unstated assumptions, and norms of the local community [53], which hinders the adjustment process. They know that learning about local culture, such as watching and playing Australian football, would make it easier for them to communicate with local peers, but many felt the gap was too big to fill. ...
Despite the rapid increase in international students in the education sector, this area remains an under-researched. In Australia, many schools welcome international learners, but are also aware that the support they can offer cannot fully address the student’s needs. Drawing on surveys (n = 51) and focus group interviews (n = 16), this case study considers how Chinese international students at four Australian schools understand their everyday experiences. The findings show that students learn and socialise in ways that make sense to them, based on their observations and interpretations of everyday events. Although the support from the school, teachers, and local peers were appreciated, they did not completely solve students’ problems, nor were they necessarily interpreted and accepted by our participants as intended. It is important for educators to develop a more nuanced understanding of the challenges faced by international students in everyday life, and the kind of support that the students need.
... Holistic-thinkers emphasize the connectedness between themselves and others (C. Chiu & Hong, 2007), promoting "an orientation to the context or field as a whole, including attention to relationships between a focal object and the field and a preference for explaining and predicting events on the basis of such relationships" (Nisbett et al., 2001, p. 293). By contrast, analytic thinkers tend to evaluate themselves as independent from others, involving "a detachment of the object from its context, a tendency to focus on attributes of the object to assign it to categories, and preference for using rules about the categories to explain and predict the object's behavior" (Nisbett et al., 2001, p. 293). ...
... In contrast, analytic thinking is more common in markets like the USA (C. Chiu & Hong, 2007;Masuda & Nisbett, 2001;Monga & John, 2007. ...
Referral reward programs (RRPs) are a widely used tool to stimulate word-of-mouth. However, marketers still face a dilemma—while incentivization encourages senders to make referrals, recipients often react negatively towards such incentives. We propose a solution—referral scarcity—to improve referral effectiveness depending on thinking style. Three experiments show that limiting the number of referral rewards makes holistic-thinking recipients feel more special, boosting their referral acceptance and RRP evaluations. We replicate these effects across various contexts and in the relationship norm most common for referrals—exchange norm. Our findings theoretically contribute to the research on incentivized word-of-mouth, scarcity appeals, and thinking styles. We also demonstrate how marketers can adopt sender-benefiting referral rewards to maximize its dissemination and acceptance while identifying the consumer segment where it would be most effective.
... 2 A. B. I. Bernardo et al. Culture and the PWE-Justifier Meaning Different definitions of culture have been proposed in psychology, but for our study we define culture as a system of knowledge (e.g., concepts, values, expectations, ways of thinking) that is shared within a group of individuals who collaborate to construct and perpetuate this shared knowledge (Chao & Wong, 2014;Chiu & Hong, 2007;Kashima, 2014). Different types of cultural knowledge may relate to and activate either of the PWE meanings, so that one meaning may become more chronically accessible in some cultural environments, but less so in others (Hong et al., 2001). ...
... As regards PWE, we find indications that cultures emphasizing individualism, personal control and responsibility, and dispositional attributions of negative outcomes are likely to activate and bring about the use of the PWE-Justifier meaning in intergroup contexts. Note that although we do not directly provide evidence for the accessibility of and dissemination of the concepts of individualism, personal control and responsibility in our study, we make this theoretical assumption based on established theories regarding the transmission and maintenance of cultural knowledge (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Kashima, 2014). ...
The Protestant work ethic (PWE), or the belief that hard work leads to success, is a popular belief across cultures. Much work indicates that PWE contributes to negative evaluations of disadvantaged groups presumably through the notion that they deserve their disadvantage for not working hard enough (“PWE-Justifier”). But there is another dimension of PWE that expresses the belief that everyone could succeed through hard work (“PWE-Equalizer”). We propose that the PWE-Justifier is meaningful in cultures that emphasize individualism and personal responsibility, but not in others. In a cross-cultural study, we compare how PWE-Justifier relates to evaluations of poor persons in the USA (individualist culture) and the Philippines (low individualist culture). In the USA sample, regression analysis indicated that internal attributions of poverty mediated the relationships of PWE-Justifier with negative stereotypes ( R² = .32) and with negative attitudes towards poor persons ( R² = .13). Bootstrapping analysis indicated that both indirect effects of PWE-Justifier were significant: Negative stereotypes, B = .17, SE = .03, p < .0001, 95% CI [.11, .24]; negative attitudes, B = 2.52, SE = 1.11, p = .014, 95% CI [0.49, 4.84]. The results were not found in the Philippine sample, where instead, PWE-Equalizer negatively predicted negative attitudes ( R² = .05) and positively predicted empathy ( R² = .05) for poor persons. The results are discussed in terms of how the negative consequences of PWE may derive from the cultural syndrome of individualism that emphasizes personal control and responsibility.
... Whereas an independent self-construal highlights the personal and centralizes individuals as the unit of analysis, an interdependent self-construal highlights the social and contextualizes individuals as parts of socially connected units. Unsurprisingly, then, interdependents are more likely to emphasize social roles, obligations, and relationships (Chiu and Hong 2007; Oyserman, Sakamoto, and Lauffer 1998; Shen et al. 2011). Consistent with this view, studies have found positive correlations between interdependence and charitable behavior (Moorman and Blakely 1995; Skarmeas and Shabbir 2011; Swaminathan, Page, and Gürhan-Canli 2007). ...
... In contrast, consumers marked by an interdependent self-construal are inclusive of others as harmonious relationships give meaning to their lives and selves. Interdependents exhibit a stronger need for connectedness; they strive to fit in and be attentive to others (Chiu and Hong 2007; Hong et al. 2001). Their dedication to balanced relations is such that personal happiness often derives from promoting group welfare (Markus and Kitayama 1991b; Oyserman and Markus 1993; Shen et al. 2011; Singelis 1994; Triandis 1995; Wyer, Chiu, and Hong 2009). ...
This research examines the interplay of self-construal orientation and victim group-membership on prosocial behavior. Whereas consumers primed with an independent self-construal demonstrate similar propensities to help needy in-group and out-group others, an interdependent orientation fosters stronger commitments to aid in-group than out-group members. This interaction holds in both individualistic (i.e., the United States) and collectivistic (i.e., China) nations and seems driven by a belief system. For interdependents, the prospect of helping needy in-group (relative to out-group) members heightens the belief that helping others contributes to their own personal happiness, which in turn increases their propensity to act benevolently. Such in-group/out-group distinctions do not seem to operate among independents. The article concludes by discussing the theoretical implications of our findings for the cross-cultural, intergroup-relations, and prosocial literatures before deriving insights for practice.
... However, a cultural-psychological approach externalizes part of the appraisal process and explains the above examples as natural consequences of the activation of cultural schemas (Chiu & Hong, 2007, 2013. Cultural-psychological research shows that culturecongruent behavior is triggered mostly outside one's awareness through external cues, also called cultural cues or artifacts. ...
Microaggression research has made great strides over the past decade while steadily pushing itself into mainstream psychological science. Yet the field remains firmly situated within the Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) cultural context. Correspondingly, recurring criticisms against the validity of microaggressions are often rooted in individualist, decontextualized understandings of behavior, and critics’ rebuttals are often grounded in a philosophical and reflective understanding of the cultural context. In this article, I put forward that (a) the enactments and appraisals of microaggressions are the behavioral results of the cognitive salience of cultural schemas; (b) cultural schemas are informed by cultural ideologies, underlining their methodological and empirical relevance for future research; and (c) cultures are dynamic by highlighting the effects of geopolitical events on the content of cultural schemas that may moderate the perception and enactment of microaggressions. For these reasons, I argue that a cultural psychology of microaggressions may help to depathologize the individual by situating behavior in its cultural context while at the same time necessitating the inclusion of communities residing in non-WEIRD societies.
... Ryan and Deci (2009) further elaborated that individuals internalize values and behaviors that are viewed positively by their culture, even if they are not initially intrinsically motivated to display them. The culture-specific goals, motives, values and behaviors influence learning and development and also are a source of cultural differences in motivation (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Gelfand & Triandis, 1998). To the extent that cultures teach the importance of mastery and achievement in particular domains, one would expect children to show greater mastery motivation in that culture in those domains. ...
... Ryan and Deci (2009) further elaborated that individuals internalize values and behaviors that are viewed positively by their culture, even if they are not initially intrinsically motivated to display them. The culture-specific goals, motives, values and behaviors influence learning and development and also are a source of cultural differences in motivation (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Gelfand & Triandis, 1998). To the extent that cultures teach the importance of mastery and achievement in particular domains, one would expect children to show greater mastery motivation in that culture in those domains. ...
... This requires routines and structures that provide a context for self-exploration, reflection, and active contribution. And since these processes do not occur in a vacuum, there must be a dynamic interplay between meaning and context, which is evident when a shared network of meaning is being constructed, distributed, and reconstructed among a collective of interconnected individuals who constitute a given culture (Chiu & Hong, 2007). Future efforts should consider cross-cultural and multicultural variations in these conceptualizations and application of such a potential platform to further explore the question of meaning in education. ...
Education is among the most powerful gateways to social change and mobility. It is also a potentially vital backbone for the development of young people’s sense of meaning, purpose, and responsibility, enhancing their ability to face the unique challenges of our volatile, uncertain, complex, and ambiguous (VUCA) world. The global scale of the current wave of political and social changes heightens the need for a renewed examination of the educational system and its challenges. This paper asserts the importance of education for meaning and meaningful education as essential ingredients in preparing children and adolescents for the changing and uncertain world of the future. Yet meaning in life, which is almost unanimously recognized as a fundamental component of subjective well-being, has received little attention in education. This paper considers empirical evidence of the importance of meaning to the education and healthy development of children and adolescents and then proposes a heuristic model for intervention.
... The notion of meaning as a point of view, a way of considering, an aspect or face of something, on the other hand, refers to the issue of diversity and cultural aspects involved in studying MIL and opens space to reflect on how MIL can be a different experience in each part of the world, in every culture. It is worth considering culture in its definition of a network for sharing meanings and expectations, produced, distributed and modified by a group of interconnected individuals as a great source of MIL (Chiu & Hong, 2007). ...
Resumo Sentido de vida é uma variável que tem sido considerada central para compreensão do bem-estar humano nas últimas décadas. Entretanto, o estudo desse conceito é muito mais antigo e ele já recebeu contribuições da filosofia, da psicologia humanista, da logoterapia e, recentemente, da psicologia positiva e da psicometria, o que possibilitou que tal construto fosse mensurado. Este artigo explora os caminhos de sentido de vida enquanto construto ao longo do tempo, discutindo as contribuições que o conceito recebeu de diversas teorias psicológicas, incluindo o recente modelo tripartite de sentido de vida. Por fim, são discutidos os desafios enfrentados por pesquisadores e clínicos que buscam trabalhar com essa variável.
... Ryan and Deci (2009) further elaborated that individuals internalize values and behaviors that are viewed positively by their culture, even if they are not initially intrinsically motivated to display them. The culture-specific goals, motives, values and behaviors influence learning and development and also are a source of cultural differences in motivation (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Gelfand & Triandis, 1998). To the extent that cultures teach the importance of mastery and achievement in particular domains, one would expect children to show greater mastery motivation in that culture in those domains. ...
This chapter provides a broad overview of the current research about the concept of mastery motivation, which is shown most clearly by a child’s instrumental behaviors, especially persistent attempts to master skills, solve problems, and by expressive or affective behaviors, especially pleasure when solving problems (Barrett & Morgan, 2018; Morgan et al., 2017a). The chapter begins with an introduction on mastery motivation and its importance for children’s development and competence. Then the chapter describes several methods for assessing mastery motivation, including some newer methods, and covers a broad age span from infants to young adults. Next, the chapter describes the historical development of the current Dimensions of Mastery Questionnaire, namely DMQ 18. Finally, the chapter includes an overview of each chapter in the book, as well as a conclusion. The book includes research and co-authors from six continents (Africa, Asia and the Middle East, Europe, North and South America, and Oceania/Australia) and covers a wide range of topics related to the Dimensions of Mastery Questionnaire, which is the focus of the book.
... The integration of know-how and know-that leads to a cognitive definition of knowledge that is used across disciplines (cf. Barth, 2002;Chiu & Hong, 2007;Lizardo, 2017;Patterson, 2014, among others). It assumes cognition as the biological foundation of knowledge. ...
The objective of the present thesis is to offer a socio-cultural answer to the question of why
persons disagree about climate change. Past comparative research on attitudes toward climate
change has offered a great deal of insight into the political context of climate change attitudes.
However, the socio-cultural context of thoughts on climate change is, to a certain extent, still
terra incognita (cf. Brechin, 2010, p. 203; Shwom et al., 2015, p. 287). I argue that the
predominantly applied public opinion approach (cf. Shwom et al., 2015) does not offer the
tools for a vital cultural analysis. To add to a better understanding of the cultural context, I
advocate a person-centered approach to culture. Drawing on Orlando Patterson's (2014)
concept of culture, I argue that the socio-cultural context of attitudes toward climate change
can be found in the knowledge structure – consisting of unequally shared cultural knowledge
– surrounding evaluations of climate change. Empirically, the master’s thesis offers an
exploration of the associations between forms of cultural knowledge and attitudes toward
climate change, as well as an exploration of interactions between regional factors and forms of
cultural knowledge in predicting those attitudes. Methodologically, I apply quantitative
multilevel linear analysis of European Social Survey (2016) data with a sample of 35,450
persons within 83 regions of 18 EU countries. Results show that domain-congruent cultural
knowledge is highly effective in predicting attitudes toward climate change. Moreover, I find
that political orientation is not as predictive as prior research has suggested. Lastly, I show that
particularly the regional economic output amplifies the association between the personal value
dimensions of conservation and self-transcendence and one’s attitude toward potential
mitigation policies.
... On the other hand, socialization within a certain culture requires the acquisition of the norms and values of this culture. Cultural knowledge has been recognized by cultural psychologists working with social cognition as a knowledge structure that operates through principles characteristic of other types of cognitive and mental processes (Chiu & Hong 2007). Hewlett et al. (2011) call the norms and values pertaining to a culture "foundational schema". ...
« Marcher sur les pas de son grand-père »: parenté et transmission du savoir chez les Juǀ’hoansi (Namibie). Les récentes approches sur l’apprentissage chez les peuples chasseurs-cueilleurs actuels ou chez les post-chasseurs-cueilleurs examinent les rôles respectifs de la transmission verticale et horizontale du savoir. L’organisation de la parenté et l’organisation sociale chez les Juǀ’hoansi de Namibie nous encouragent à privilégier une approche alternative pour comprendre les modalités de transmission du savoir. Dans cet article, nous pointons deux variables essentielles : le lien de parenté (relation d’homonymie) et le type de savoir (compétences pratiques versus normes sociales). Nous démontrons que les liens de parenté font l’objet d’un apprentissage actif et que les homonymies sont motrices en tant que modèles dans l’acquisition des normes sociales de la société Juǀ’hoan. En revanche, les compétences pratiques sont acquises sur des périodes plus longues dans une ambiance détendue auprès d’adultes accompagnants, le plus souvent les parents. Par le biais de ces processus, les enfants jouent un rôle actif dans ce processus d’apprentissage et deviennent des partenaires importants dans les relations réciproques basées sur la parenté.
... Oyserman & Yan, 2018). In contrast to individual knowledge, cultural traits are not idiosyncratic but distributed knowledge, that does not reside primarily in the head of the individual but is shared in a group of people (Chiu & Hong, 2007). Cultural traits can be constructed as more general latent models (e.g., collectivism) or as specific knowledge structures (e.g., a specific ritual; cf. ...
When it comes to the understanding and investigation of criminal behavior, the role of culture is often overlooked. Despite the fact that populations of individuals who offend are culturally diverse, theories, risk assessment procedures, and intervention methods in forensic psychology have been developed based on research with predominantly white, male, and Euro-American populations. In this paper we outline a preliminary model depicting hypothesized psychological processes that underpin criminal behavior, which can be applied within various cultural contexts: a perspective based on the construct of agency and its social and cultural underpinnings. The Cultural Agency-Model of Criminal Behavior (CAMCB) depicts the general processes underpinning human beings’ goal-directed behavior and is intended to explain why there are variations in the relationship between dynamic risk factors and behavior across cultural contexts. In describing the model, we use a number of examples to illustrate the relationship between culture and offending related factors at the different phases of the offending action sequence. Following the depiction of the CAMCB, we discuss its research and practice implications.
... Ryan and Deci (2009) further elaborated that individuals internalize values and behaviors that are viewed positively by their culture, even if they are not initially intrinsically motivated to display them. The culture-specific goals, motives, values and behaviors influence learning and development and also are a source of cultural differences in motivation (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Gelfand & Triandis, 1998). To the extent that cultures teach the importance of mastery and achievement in particular domains, one would expect children to show greater mastery motivation in that culture in those domains. ...
Adaptation of Questionnaire and Task Measures into a different culture for Educational Assessment of 3- 8-year-old children
Research has demonstrated that, if tools developed and normed from one culture are adopted to another without following proper adaptation procedures, they suffer from cultural hegemony and their results should be treated with caution (Sperber, 2004). Furthermore, there are many advantages when a tool is adapted rather than developing a new one (Hambleton, 1999). This paper aims to explore strategies for adapting, translating and validating questionnaire and task measures for 3-8 year old children. For task measures, a computer-based app called FOCUS(Finding Out Children’s Unique Strengths) which was initially designed for Hungarian and American (USA) cultures (Józsa et al., 2017) was adapted to Swahili. Similarly, the dimension of motivation questionnaire 18 preschool version (DMQ 18; Morgan et al., 2019) was adopted to Swahili to fit the Kenyan context.
The Committee approach (Sousa & Rojjanasrirat, 2011) and decentring technique (Marin & Marin, 1980) were adopted within the International Testing Commission guidelines for translating and adapting tests (ITC,2017). We also followed a six stage process (Holtsch et al., 2016) to adapt the computer-based task measures of Mastery Motivation and Executive functions from English to Kiswahili to suit the Kenyan context. An all-inclusive committee approach is instrumental in navigating words and vocabularies that are not available in the translated language. Nevertheless, child context and vocabularies should be given priority rather than analytical expressions. Research institutions with linguistic departments can be instrumental in this. After adaptation, proper validation and reliability measures should be adopted based on theory. Especially for behavioural measures, exploratory factor analysis will help to identify further problems with the translation and the adaptation process. Both behavioural and task measures complement one another and should be integrated into child educational measures.
Since customised questionnaires and task measures in Mastery Motivation and Executive Function are lacking in Low and Middle-Income Countries such as Kenya (Willoughby et al., 2019), based on these procedures, FOCUS app and the DMQ 18 in Kiswahili are new data collection tools that will be applicable in the Kenyan context. We recommend the use of ITC guidelines in translation and adaptation of questionnaires.
Keywords: Adaptation Strategies, FOCUS app, Preschool Motivation Questionnaire 18, Mastery Motivation, Executive Functions, ITC, Kiswahili
... Oyserman & Yan, 2018). In contrast to individual knowledge, cultural traits are not idiosyncratic but distributed knowledge, that does not reside primarily in the head of the individual but is shared in a group of people (Chiu & Hong, 2007). Cultural traits can be constructed as more general latent models (e.g., collectivism) or as specific knowledge structures (e.g., a specific ritual; cf. ...
Even though offender populations are culturally diverse, theories, risk assessment procedures, and intervention methods in forensic psychology have been developed based on research with predominantly white, male, and Euro-American populations. There is no approach that acknowledges cultural influences, depicts universal underlying processes, and explains why there are variations in the relationship between dynamic risk factors and behavior across cultural contexts. Our paper aims to fill this gap.
... 41. See Chiu and Hong (2007); also Pool and Schwegler (2007). 42. ...
... Further, proverbs spontaneously retrieved from memory are presumably important to the pertinent context and are highly accessible. Cultural values with high accessibility may lead to more frequent endorsement and application when culturally conventional solutions become the default response in a given situation (Chiu & Hong, 2007). ...
Proverbs listed by Chinese college students, who are often at the leading edge of cultural change, provide a window into the dynamic interplay of traditionality and modernity. Using thematic analysis, Study 1 examined popular proverbs listed frequently by Chinese college students (n = 298) and the embedded values. Study 2, which was a survey, examined Chinese college students’ (n = 240) endorsement of individualism, collectivism, and the values identified in Study 1, and the predictive associations of individualism and collectivism with the values. Findings in Study 1 revealed 103 frequently listed proverbs and eight embedded values (i.e., Learnedness, Diligence, Practical Orientation, Collective Orientation, Social Relationship, Moral Virtue, Free Spirit, and Optimism). Findings in Study 2 indicated participants endorsed Practical Orientation and Learnedness the most, followed by Diligence, Moral Virtue, Social Relationship, Collective Orientation, Optimism, and Free Spirit. Furthermore, although Chinese young adults are more individualistic than collectivistic, collectivism remains a stronger predictor of the values uncovered in the proverbs. The value dynamics in general revealed tensions and harmony between Confucianism and Daoism and the hybridisation of tradition, modernisation, and Western individualism, thus reflecting the complexity of Chinese young adults’ social psychology.
... Self-construal is an individual characteristic that directly influences how people relate to others and how similar and connected to (vs different and distinct from) others they feel (Markus and Kitayama, 1991). People with an independent self-construal perceive the self as unique and separate from others and prioritize the individual, whereas those with an interdependent self-construal are more connected to others and prioritize relationships and groups (Hong et al., 2001;Chiu and Hong, 2007). This greater relatedness has been shown to influence how interdependent individuals respond to others. ...
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of interdependent vs independent self-construal on service satisfaction, following the observation of failure and recovery experienced by a fellow customer.
Design/methodology/approach
Three experiments were conducted to test the research hypotheses.
Findings
After service failure, interdependent observers react less favorably compared to independent observers. After high recovery compensation, interdependent observers react more favorably compared to independent observers. The effects are driven by differences in perceived interactional and distributive justice.
Research limitations/implications
This study uses three scenario-based experiments to test the hypotheses. While providing greater control of the experimental conditions, the external validity of the results is to some extent sacrificed. Moreover, this research does not investigate observers’ reactions to the interactional aspect of recovery.
Practical implications
When handling service failure, firms are required to anticipate and address not only the responses of the target customers involved but also those of potential observers. Providers can accordingly use available customer information to gauge customers’ likely self-construal and to adjust their service delivery and recovery tactics. Providers can influence observing customers’ reactions by creating a servicescape that activates a desired self-construal.
Originality/value
This research is one of a few to examine the effect of service failure and recovery on observing customers, and the first to do so via the lens of self-construal. It contributes to the literature on service failure and recovery and the literature on self-construal and has practical implications for service providers. The value of this research is further highlighted given the increasingly public nature of services and the multicultural context of service delivery.
... In both cases, those with a more interdependent self-construal tend to conceive of the self as interconnected with, and non-differentiated from, others. This tendency results in an interpersonal focus, emphasizing social roles, obligations, and relationships (Chiu and Hong 2007;Oyserman et al. 1998). Indeed, for those who view the self as interdependent with others, their identities tend to be related to goals that they share with other members of their group (Chen et al. 1998). ...
This research merges literature from organizational behavior and marketing to garner insight into how organizations can maximize the benefits of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) for enhanced CSR and organizational engagement of employees. Across two field experiments, the authors demonstrate that the effectiveness of employee co-creation activities in increasing employees’ positive CSR perceptions is moderated by self-construal (i.e., whether an individual views the self as relatively independent from or interdependent with others). In particular, the positive effect of co-creation on CSR perceptions emerges only for employees with a salient interdependent self-construal (either measured as an individual difference or experimentally manipulated). Moreover, the results demonstrate that increased positive CSR perceptions then predict increased CSR engagement and organizational engagement. The research thus highlights the need to consider self-construal when trying to utilize co-creation to predict CSR engagement and organizational engagement, via CSR perceptions.
... Existentialist thinkers argue that there is no objective meaning in the world (e.g., Camus, 1955;Heidegger, 1927). Without an objective truth to rely on, people turn to each other for meaning through their relationships and communities to create a sense of shared reality (Baumeister, 1991;Chiu & Hong, 2007;Hardin & Higgins, 1996;Sullivan, Kosloff, & Greenberg, 2012). A part of this process involves individuals feeling as though their personal perspectives are validated in social interactions (Swann, Stein-Seroussl, & Giesler, 1992). ...
... Further, the self-identity orientation construct is conceptualized and measured as an individual differ- ence variable, such that people with high or low levels of collec- tive, relational, and individual level orientation may exist in all cultures. Indeed, although extant research on cultural differences does reveal differences in social-identity orientation patterns across cultures (e.g., Chiu & Hong, 2007;Kashima et al., 1995;Singelis, Bond, Sharkley, & Lai, 1999), there is variability in the internalization by individuals of their culture's dominant perspec- tive (Meglino & Ravlin, 1998). Much of the extant empirical work on identification in organizations has been conducted in Western cultures, such as the United Kingdom and the United States (e.g., Brewer & Gardner, 1996;Dukerich et al., 2002;Johnson & Jackson, 2009;Richter, West, Van Dick, & Dawson, 2006). ...
In this article we build on relational Sociometer Theory (Leary, 2005; Leary & Baumeister, 2000) to posit the impact of the belongingness threat of experienced incivility in one’s work team on employee feelings of ostracism and subsequent engagement in proactive performance. Integrating the social-relational framework of Self-Identity Orientation Theory (Brewer & Gardner, 1996; Cooper & Thatcher, 2010), we nuance our predictions by hypothesizing that chronic self-identification orientations influence both the effect that experiencing incivility in one’s work team exerts on feeling ostracized, and the impact that feeling ostracized has on subsequent employee proactive performance. Using a sample of 212 employees and their 51 supervising managers employed in an Internet service and solution company in China, we found support for our hypothesized model. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.
... Building upon the situational influence of culture, the dynamic constructivist theory of culture (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000) proposes that culture is stored in memory as an associative network of knowledge. It is internalized in the form of a loose network of domain-specific knowledge structures consisting of a central concept (e.g., American culture) and its associated categories (e.g., individualist values of freedom and self-reliance), implicit theories (e.g., an individual's behavior originates in internal dispositions), and cultural icons (e.g., the Statue of Liberty or the American flag) (Hong et al., 2000;Torelli & Ahluwalia, 2012;Torelli & Cheng, 2011). ...
In this chapter, we review academic research on how culture impacts consumer behavior and persuasion. We focus on findings related to the two most common approaches used to model the behavior of cross-cultural consumers: the cultural syndromes approach and the dynamic constructivist theory of culture. We close the chapter by outlining a future agenda for research in cross-cultural consumer behavior.
... In cultural psychology, culture is usually defined as 'shared attitudes, beliefs, categorizations, expectations, norms, roles, self-definitions, values and other such elements of subjective culture found among individuals whose interactions are facilitated by shared language, historical period and geographic regions' (Triandis, 1972;p. 3) or 'a collection of loosely organized shared knowledge constantly being created, maintained, reproduced, and transformed by a collection of interconnected individuals' (Chiu & Hong, 2007;p. 799). ...
The present article is inspired by Liu's (2017) idea on how Asian philosophy can, in general, and Confucianism, in particular, contribute to psychological science and practice. We first clarify potential misunderstandings of Liu's (2017) paper as a theoretical argument for indigenous psychology or as a debate on philosophy or the philosophy of science. To interpret and develop Liu's idea, we then conceptualize the concept of culture as canonic (abstract, philosophical and as it appears in classical books or articles) vs. popular (concrete, experiential and as it appears in people's daily lives). Further, since Liu's main point is about canonic rather than popular culture, we focus on canonic culture and propose three principles of it, namely the principle of diversity, the principle of hermeneutics and the principle of inspiration. These principles respectively reveal the characteristics, the interpretation process and the beneficial function of a canonic culture like Confucianism.
... People in different societies should be sensitive to cues to use individualistic, collectivistic, and honor mindsets (6). While initially linked to particular practices, these mindsets, once activated, should induce a general disposition to process information in a particular way and influence judgments and behavior in much the same way that activating cultural identity influences them (7,38,39). Whether a cued mindset helps or hinders performance depends on its fit to the task at hand (40). Evidence for this flexibility abounds, and individualistic and Culture-as-situated-cognition 7 collectivistic mindsets are easily activated across different modern (6) and traditional societies (41,42). ...
“Between-group” comparison models of culture imply that adaptations to group living are not represented cross-culturally, but if people are either individualists who make sense of the world by separating out main issues and underlying rules or collectivists who make sense of the world by connecting and relating, how is it that people can do both?, Culture-as-situated cognition theory explains how: Many seemingly fixed cultural differences can be traced to differences in the accessible constructs—cultural mindsets—that come to mind when situations render them accessible. Social priming paradigms demonstrate that people from ostensibly different cultures have more than their chronically accessible cultural mindset available for use, and that momentarily accessible mindset matters, influencing cognitive processing, judgment, reasoning, and performance.
... Recent work by dynamic constructivists demonstrates that individuals hold distinct schemas from different meaning systems (Hong, 2009;Hong et al., 2000). These scholars examine how bi-cultural individuals often switch between schemas as they perceive situational cues such as cultural icons (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Hong, 2009;Hong et al., 2000), a process they refer to as "cultural frame switching" (Benet-Martı´nez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002). Frame switching, in this sense, refers to the conscious or non-conscious activation of a particular schema, such as an implicit theory, when individuals could readily apply more than one schema in a situation. ...
Although scholars increasingly use institutional logics to explain macro-level phenomena, we still know little about the psychological mechanisms by which institutional logics shape individual action. We propose that individuals internalize institutional logics as an associative network of entity schemas (i.e., persons, objects, and places) and event schemas (i.e., stories, histories, and implicit theories). We argue that individuals draw on this associative network of schemas to interpret situational cues and to develop a cognitive frame that provides them with contextual understanding of a situation, shaping their choices and actions. We then argue that one particular associated schema—implicit theory—serves as the primary cognitive frame that shapes individual action in ways that differ from traditional institutional perspectives that rely on mechanisms of normative imitation. Specifically, we hypothesize that exposure to cues associated with a particular logic increases the likelihood that individuals will adopt and act upon the implicit theory associated with that logic. We label this process “institutional frame switching,” and test our hypotheses in two novel experiments. By clarifying how schemas connect institutional logics and individual action, we further develop the psychological underpinnings of the institutional logics perspective that connect macro-level cultural understandings with situational behavior.
... The question of how to give effective negative feedback becomes even more complicated as the internationalization of society has led to the question of how to communicate feedback effectively across cultures. On one side, individuals across cultures differ in the way they make sense of the world (Chiu & Hong, 2007). One major difference lies in the way they feel motivated to pursue a goal: some are more focused on changes in growth, while others are focused on maintaining security. ...
Giving effective negative feedback is not only important but also challenging. Often people struggle as to how; and perhaps even more so when the feedback receiver comes from a different culture . Building on the regulatory fit theory, the current research examined how negative feedback framing (gain- vs. loss framed) would affect feedback receivers’ motivation as a function of their regulatory focus. We found that European Americans were in general more promotion-focused than Chinese (Study 1) and Indians (Study 2), such that promotion-focused (vs. prevention-focused) participants showed higher motivation after receiving gain-framed (vs. loss-framed) negative feedback. Across two studies, with student and work samples, our findings answered the question of how to give more effective negative feedback and suggested that regulatory fit can be a universal strategy for increasing motivation across the East and West.
... Dado que o ambiente em que o indivíduo desenvolve a sua atividade é influenciado pela sociedade, o auto conceito é naturalmente também sujeito à influência da cultura (Triandis, 1994;Kashima et al., 1995;Cross & Madson, 1997;Chiu & Hong, 2007). ...
... Theories of cultural cognition (Chiu & Hong, 2007;Markus & Kitayama, 1991;Nisbett, 2003;Oyserman & Lee, 2008b) postulate how cultural differences in (a) the value placed on fitting in with social institutions and (b) the value attached to individual striving affect the disposition to think about stimulus features independently or in relation to one another. Oyserman (2011) (see also Oyserman & Lee, 2008a) suggests that these dispositions (called cultural mindsets) can spill over from human relationships to affect cognitive processes more generally (Mourey, Oyserman, & Yoon, 2013). ...
The cultural lens through which an ad is viewed can affect the extent to which an endorser of the product in an ad and the message s(he) communicates are thought about in relation to one another. Consumers with a collectivist mindset tend to think about information relationally. Consequently, they consider the endorsement in relation to the endorser and this affects their memory for both. It also affects recipients’ concern with the fit between the endorser’s message and the endorser and consequently influences their judgments of both the ad and the product being advertised. When people have an individualist mindset, on the other hand, they appear to treat the endorser and the endorsement as independent pieces of information and are less sensitive to their fit. Four studies support these conclusions and provide insights into how endorser-message relatedness impacts persuasion under different cultural mindset conditions.
... Although early theorists assumed that people around the world assign causation in the same way, much research now establishes that East Asians and Westerners diverge in the way they perceive and understand their worlds generally (see Chiu & Hong, 2007;Kirkman , Lowe, & Gibson 2006;Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001) and in the way they assign causation in particular (e.g., Choi, Dalal, Kim-Prieto, & Park, 2003;Maddux & Yuki, 2006). East Asian's tend to assign causation "holistically," meaning that they consider many factors to be relevant to an outcome. ...
This paper begins by outlining the different values highlighted by Western and Eastern philosophies and how these values are reflected in cultural differences in psychology generally. Next it argues that these cultural differences in philosophy and cognition are reflected in reasoning about causation in particular. Specifically, Westerners rely heavily on counterfactual reasoning whereas Easterners may not. Finally, it proposes that instead of relying on counterfactual reasoning, Easterners are particularly likely to rely on analogical reasoning. To support this proposition, the paper provides preliminary empirical evidence suggesting that Easterners are more adept at analogical reasoning than Westerners.
... Cultural differences in forming person impressions from behaviors arise from many sources, including differences in habitual attentional patterns (e.g., Miyamoto , Nisbett, & Masuda, 2006), in the cultural meanings of behaviors (Miyamoto & Kitayama, 2002), and in the degree to which situations and roles rather than traits are used for social prediction (Gelfand, Spurlock, Sniezek, & Shao, 2000; see Chiu & Hong, 2007, for a recent review). Within the model of Gilbert et al. (1988), the earliest stage at which cultural differences in impressions can appear is the second one, when traits are bound to persons. ...
Cultural differences in impression formation are well known and multiply determined. Spontaneous impressions (which occur relatively freely from conscious strategies) are basic components of impressions, and spontaneous trait transference (STT) is perhaps the most elemental form. We used process dissociation procedures to estimate the contribution of automatic and controlled processes to STT among Japanese and American participants. STT occurred in both samples, but more frequently among Americans. Controlled processes were equally important in both samples, but automatic processes were weaker among Japanese. Thus, these cultural differences in the most elemental form of impression formation were largely attributable to automatic processes. The results are discussed in terms of both stage theories of trait inference and views of culture as consisting of automatic patterns of thought and action.
... Indeed, culture priming has been shown to be a prevalent and potent form of cultural influence (Oyserman & Lee, 2008). Although the effects of culture priming are well documented (see Chiu & Hong, 2007), an unanswered question is how they occur. ...
Past research has shown that exposure to cultural symbols can influence personal preferences. The present research extends this finding by showing that cultural symbols acquire their cultural significance in part through their associations with intersubjectively important values-values that are perceived to be prevalent in the culture. In addition, cultural symbols can influence personal preferences through the activation of perceived normative preferences. In Study 1, perceived liking of Bush among Americans was linked to the perceived popularity of intersubjectively important values in the USA. In Study 2, both priming Bush and personal endorsement of intersubjectively important values increased Americans' liking of iconic brands (brands that symbolize American culture). Furthermore, perceived normative preferences for iconic brands fully mediated this effect.
... According to Chiu and Hong (2007) "culture is defined as a network of knowledge that is both procedural (learned sequence of responses to particular cues) and declarative (representations of people, events, and norms) and is produced, distributed, and reproduced among a collection of interconnected people" (p. 787). ...
This paper is a theoretical investigation into the effects of cultural differences on emotional intelligence of individuals from Western and Eastern cultures. The emotional intelligence models conceptualized by Mayer and Salovey (1997) and Petrides and Furnham (2001) are used to develop propositions about the dimensions of emotional intelligence that might be affected by individualism-collectivism dimension of the culture. It is proposed that the individuals from individualistic cultures would score higher on emotional intelligence than individuals from collectivistic cultures. Implications for practicing international human resource managers are discussed.
Research indicates that identity development is impacted by implicit motives. Because research in non-Western cultures is scarce, a sample from Zambia is examined; moreover, because previous research has exclusively focused on communal motives (n Affiliation), agentic motives (n Power) are taken into account additionally. We hypothesized that implicit motives relate to identity development only when adolescents report positive parenting experiences. Adolescents (N = 407) provided information on implicit motives, perceived parenting quality, and identity in interpersonal and ideological domains. Results indicate that adolescents with positive parenting experiences make more motive-congruent identity commitments and reconsider them less (at least in the interpersonal domain). Findings open up new questions about the universality of the influence of implicit motives on identity development.
语言学研究 Linguistic Research, 20(2), 119-130.
http://www.cqvip.com/QK/72097X/201602/89858965504849544850484948.html
Global language and culture flow has brought about linguistic and cultural hybridity and multiplicity of cultural identities. Intercultural communication research based on presupposed, a priori cultural differences needs to draw on the theoretical construct of hybridity to tackle more real-world issues. This paper seeks to explore the concept of hybridity and its related academic discourses from the perspective of three interrelated areas of language, culture, and identity, address challenges posed by the concept in intercultural communication research and review some responses to these challenges. It is hoped that the current discussion will help lay a theoretical foundation for
future research on hybridity and intercultural communication.
Despite a vast body of work published on the business model—a concept used to generally refer to how a firm conducts business and how it creates and captures value —remarkably, the literature to date has not yet explored the business model from a national culture perspective. Therefore, this PhD dissertation seeks to explore the business model concept through the lens of national culture, posing the following research questions: Do actors in different cultural settings experience their concepts of business (“their business models") differently? If they do, what are the differences, and how and why do these differences occur? To address these research questions, I adopt a qualitative multiple case study of three restaurants: a German restaurant in Germany, an Arab Yemeni restaurant in Jordan, and an Arab Syrian restaurant in Germany. My analysis is based on data collected from a range of sources, including 34 semi-structured interviews, informal follow-up interviews, direct observations, restaurants’ documents, and archival materials, such as press coverage, restaurants’ websites, restaurants’ social media postings, and video excerpts. The emergent findings reveal eight dimensions and their constitutive themes, which shed light on how German and Arab actors experience the business models. While German and Arab actors show a common understanding of some themes relevant to the business model concept, they differ significantly in many themes, suggesting considerable differences in pursuing value creation and capture. Overall, this PhD dissertation makes several contributions to the business model and national culture literatures. More specifically, I contribute to the business model literature by delineating the nature of activities and classifying them into structured and semi-structured activities performed by German and Arab actors, respectively, refining the revenue concept, introducing the concepts of Al-Niyyah (good intention) and fated revenues, and providing insights into the different relationships between the business model participants. In addition, this PhD dissertation adds to the limited antecedent literature of business model innovation by indicating that a firm operating in a new national culture is more likely to innovate its business model. Further, this V PhD dissertation provides insights into the national culture literature by suggesting that Arab culture seems to be a culture of intention, fatalism, and particularism. Finally, this PhD dissertation offers insights for practitioners and concludes with limitations and suggestions for future research.
Zusammenfassung
Die hohe kulturelle Diversität der Straffälligenpopulation bringt eine ganze Reihe an Herausforderungen für Forschung und Praxis mit sich. Diesen Herausforderungen ist mit gängigen Erklärungsmodellen von Delinquenz jedoch kaum zu begegnen. Einerseits bestehen erhebliche Zweifel an deren allgemeiner Gültigkeit im interkulturellen Kontext, weil sie fast ausschließlich für den euroamerikanischen Raum entwickelt wurden. Andererseits bauen viele der Theorien auf dem Konzept der dynamischen Risikofaktoren auf, welches vage definiert ist. Viele dieser Theorien können Delinquenz kaum erklären, weil sie die zugrunde liegenden psychologischen Mechanismen nur wenig spezifizieren. Mit dem Cultural Agency-Model of Criminal Behavior (CAMCB) schlagen die Autoren ein Rahmenmodell vor, das auf die zugrunde liegenden individuellen psychologischen Mechanismen zielgerichteten Handelns abhebt und dabei systematisch zwischen universellen Komponenten und deren kulturell und individuell gefärbten Ausprägungen differenziert. Im CAMCB wird der Einfluss der kulturellen Sozialisation nicht an eine geografische oder ethnische Herkunft gebunden, sondern an kulturelle „traits“ (z. B. interdependenter Verarbeitungsstil), welche die Verhaltensgenese allgemein beeinflussen. An einem Beispiel wird gezeigt, dass delinquentes Verhalten je nach angenommenem kulturellen Trait unterschiedlich erklärt werden kann, während sich die Situation und die Reaktion nicht unterscheiden müssen. Wesentlich sind: erstens die Identifikation der universellen Verhaltenskomponenten, zweitens die Beschreibung deren kulturell und individuell gefärbter Ausprägungen und drittens die Erklärung von Delinquenz auf der Grundlage dieses Wissens. Dieses stufenweise Vorgehen erscheint nicht nur für die kriminalpsychologische Theorieentwicklung von Bedeutung, sondern auch für die forensische Praxis, bei der für jeden Einzelfall kultursensibel eine individuelle Delinquenztheorie formuliert werden muss.
This study examines how individuals may engage with online donation behaviors by comparing two donation conditions: a public context and a private context. The study findings suggest that interdependent self-construal is likely to play a role in promoting donation behavior when individuals consider making a donation on a Facebook page. Furthermore, this study showed that impression outcome expectancy is the underlying mechanism mediating the effect of interdependent self-construal on willingness to donate, moderated by the donation contexts (public context: Facebook vs. private context: e-mail). This outcome suggests that high levels of interdependent self-construal alone do not prompt individuals to give, but that understanding the advertising medium and its interaction with underlying impression-outcome motives does so prompt individuals.
This research explores transnational consumption of Korean entertainment among Asian viewers. To explain the appeal of Korean entertainment, this research focuses on mixed response of two opposing states (e.g., laughing and crying) that are induced, and examines the theoretical framework of personality trait (need for affect) vs. cultural trait (naïve dialecticism). Results from a survey (n = 745) reveal that mixed response mediates the positive association between naïve dialecticism (not need for affect) and the appeal. Findings are discussed regarding a cultural trait that predicts Asian viewers’ gratification from experiencing culturally fit emotions that fulfill central cultural (vs. personal) goals.
In this chapter, we use the story of culture in psychological research and a return journey from personology to normology to comment on the global relevance of Asian indigenous psychology (IP). The return journey reveals the inconvenient truth that all theories have their cultural blind spots. Even cultural theories that seek to explain collective phenomena also embody a personological bias. Thus, Asian indigenous theories can have important epistemic functions. These theories may confront the researcher with alternative viewpoints that are grounded in different cultural logics. These alternative viewpoints may destabilize the researcher’s knowledge structure, evoke cognitive dissonance and motivate theoretical innovations. The story of culture in psychology highlights the conditions that must be met for the potential contributions of Asian IPs to be actualized. Three necessary conditions are: (1) a shift in the emphasis from cultures as independent, historically stable entities to cultures in the making, (2) recognition that cultural influence on behaviors are partial, plural, dynamic, intermittent and situated, and (3) an embrace of foreign cultural ideas and practices as precious resources for advancing the psychological science of culture.
The current study explores four types of emotions reflecting distinct dimensions of social orientation—interpersonal affiliation vs. distance, and valence—positive vs. negative, that users may experience on Facebook and their relationship to psychological well-being through two distinct routes: perceived relationship harmony and perceived control. A survey was conducted in the U.S. (n = 320) and South Korea (n = 336) to explore these relationships, as well as the moderating role of culture (i.e., valuing interdependence vs. independence). Results show that experiencing socially engaging emotions, whether positive (e.g., friendliness) or negative (e.g., shame), is positively associated with life satisfaction through perceived relationship harmony with Facebook friends for users valuing interdependence (vs. independence). In contrast, experiencing positive disengaging emotions (e.g., pride) is positively associated with perceived control in a Facebook context for users valuing independence (vs. interdependence). Perceived control is positively related to life satisfaction for users valuing independence (vs. interdependence) when experiencing positive emotions, whether engaging or disengaging (e.g., anger). Implications regarding adaptive consequences of experiencing culturally fit emotions on Facebook are discussed.
Culture shapes how we interpret behavior, symbols, customs, and more. Its operation is largely implicit, unnoticed until we encounter other cultures. Therefore deep cultural differences should be most evident in automatic processes for interpreting events, including behavior. In two studies, we compared American and Japanese undergraduates' spontaneous (unintended and unconscious) trait inferences (STIs) from behavior descriptions. Both groups made STIs but Japanese made fewer. More important, estimates of the controlled (C) and automatic (A) components of their recall performance showed no differences on C, but A was greater for Americans. Thus westerners' greater reliance on traits, in intentional and spontaneous impressions, may reflect cultural differences in automatic processes for making and recalling meaning. The advantages of locating cultural differences in automatic processes are discussed.
As globalization increases, the world is becoming smaller and the consciousness of the world as a whole is intensifying rapidly. With the rapid growth of global linkages and global consciousness, the marketplace is also growing in cultural diversity both in terms of the demand side (i.e., consumer markets) and the supply side (i.e., brand offerings). Increased cultural diversity in the demand side of the market is fueled by the emergence of a robust middle class in emerging economies (such as those of China, Russia, Brazil, and India), the immigration patterns changing the cultural landscape of developed markets (e.g., growth of Hispanics in the United States or that of Muslim populations in Europe), and the increased cultural curiosity of worldwide consumers thanks to Internet connectivity, social media platforms, and global travel. The supply side of the market is witnessing the emergence of global brands from every corner of the developed and developing world. Specifically, the last decade has witnessed a tremendous growth in the number of new American and European brands successfully establishing a global presence in emerging markets. For instance, one may consider the American brand Jack Daniel's success in China and Europe, which has helped the company to sell more whiskey abroad than in the United States (Kiley, 2007). Or consider the high-stakes expansion of Spanish phone company Telefónica into Latin America, which has been instrumental for helping the company become the largest telecommunications company in Europe (O'Brien, 2012). More importantly, brands from emerging markets have also recently emerged as global challengers. Consider, for example, the leadership position achieved in recent years by Chinese Lenovo Group in the personal computer industry, overtaking competitors Hewlett-Packard and Dell in worldwide sales (Hachman, 2014), the recent entry of India's Tata Group into the luxury cars segment via the acquisition of the Jaguar and Land Rover brands, or the growth of Brazilian's Embraer in the Western-dominated aerospace industry. As a result of these global market trends, a wide range of brands bring a variety of cultures to a consumer population that is also growing culturally diverse.
The current studies were designed to explore the structure of sources of meaning in life among Chinese university students. In Study 1, we content-analyzed 171 students’ answers to the question of what made their lives meaningful and derived 74 frequently mentioned ideas. Then, we composed a questionnaire based on these ideas and administered it to another sample of 523 university students in Study 2. Seven underlying dimensions were identified through exploratory factor analysis: Self-development (i.e., to accomplish one’s aspirations and actualize one’s potential), social commitment (i.e., to contribute to society and to adhere to moral principles), interpersonal relationships (i.e., relationships with family members, friends and others), secular pursuits (i.e., stable jobs, material possessions and social status), experiences in life (i.e., to experience all the joys and sorrows in life), civilization (i.e., reading, thinking, music and arts), and autonomy (i.e., to make decisions freely and take charge of one’s own life). Results are discussed in light of the philosophical influences in Chinese culture, especially those from Confucianism and Taoism.
I present a brief review of problems in the sociological study of culture, followed by an integrated, interdisciplinary view of culture that eschews extreme contextualism and other orthodoxies. Culture is defined as the conjugate product of two reciprocal, componential processes. The first is a dynamically stable process of collectively made, reproduced, and unevenly shared knowledge structures that are informational and meaningful, internally embodied, and externally represented and that provide predictability, coordination equilibria, continuity, and meaning in human actions and interactions. The second is a pragmatic component of culture that grounds the first, and it has its own rules of usage and a pragmatically derived structure of practical knowledge. I also offer an account of change and draw on knowledge activation theory in exploring the microdynamics of cultural practice and propose the concept of cultural configuration as a better way of studying cultural practice in highly heterogeneous modern societies where people shift between multiple, overlapping configurations.
Power, power everywhere, And how the signs do shrink, Power, power everywhere, And nothing else to think. —Marshall Sahlins (2002) , Waiting for Foucault, Still O how they cling and wrangle, some who claim For preacher and monk the honored name! For, quarreling, each to his view they cling. Such folk see only one side of a thing. —Parable of the Blind Men and the Elephant Udanam vi.4 (transl. F.L. Woodward, 1948 , p. 83)
In cultural contexts in which sexist beliefs are considered traditional, shifts toward gender equality represent an example of cultural change. Polyculturalism is defined as the belief that cultures change constantly through different racial and ethnic groups' interactions, influences, and exchanges with each other and, therefore, are dynamic and socially constructed rather than static. Thus, polyculturalism may involve openness to cultural change and, thereby, would be expected to be associated with lower sexist attitudes. Four studies (both cross-sectional and longitudinal) with undergraduate and community samples in the Northeastern United States tested whether endorsement of polyculturalism is inversely associated with sexism, above and beyond potentially confounding belief systems. Across studies, for both women and men, endorsement of polyculturalism was associated with lower sexist attitudes for two classes of sexism measures: (a) attitudes toward the rights and roles of women and (b) ambivalent sexist attitudes toward women. Associations remained significant while controlling for potentially confounding variables (colorblindness, conservatism, egalitarianism, gender and ethnic identity, gender and race essentialism, multiculturalism, right-wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation). Greater openness to criticizing one's culture mediated polyculturalism's association with attitudes toward the rights and roles of women but not with ambivalent sexist attitudes toward women. Studying polyculturalism may provide unique insights into sexism, and more work is needed to understand the mechanisms involved.
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