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Formování španělského regionalismu a jeho proměny ve 20. století
Tanto los partidos pol?ticos como la opini?n p?blica espa?ola han mantenido una actitud muy favorable al proyecto de integraci?n europea desde que se solicit? la adhesi?n en 1977 hasta hoy Ese consenso general ha sido compatible con las distintas concepciones de la integraci?n europea sostenidas por los diferentes partidos.In Spain both the political parties and public opini?n have been quite in favour of the European integration, ever since Spain asked tojoin the European Community in 1977. This general consensus has been compatible with the different ideas of Europe maintained by the various parties.
Both amibivalent state building and national formation in Spain's modern history explain the duality of the way in which citizens identify themselves, t oa considerable degree. This concepto of dual identity --or compound nationality-- concernes the manner citizens identiy themselves in sub-state communities within pluri-ethnic polities. It incorporates --in variable proportions, individually or subjectively asserted.. the local/ethno-territorial self-ascribed identity and te state/national identity produced by political integration --or rather, mal-integration-- in the state-building process. As a result of this, citizens share their institutional loyalties at both levels of política legitimacy without any apparent fracture between them.
The progressive federalization of the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías ('State of Autonomies') is in accordance with a model of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence. The process of territorial accommodation in Spain relates sub-state ethnic mobilisation with the competitive interplay among Spanish regions and nationalities in pursuit of political and economic power. They also strive for the achievement of legitimisation for their institutional development. This article reviews developments and features which have set the type of plural competition and solidarity put into play in Spain at the turn of the millennium.
Translated by Cameron Watson and William A. Douglass. Foreword by William A. Douglass. The Basque people have preserved their ethnic identity and sense of themselves as a separate community despite centuries of repression, diaspora, and economic and social upheaval-one of the most remarkable achievements in the history of the phenomenon we call nationalism. In The Social Roots of Basque Nationalism, sociologist Alfonso Pérez-Agote addresses the social mechanisms that Basques employed to sustain their ethnic identity under the Franco Regime and demonstrates how persecution actually encouraged the extension of Basque nationalist consciousness. He also reveals how state political pressure radicalized one element of the Basque-nationalist movement, resulting in the formation of ETA, an armed terrorist wing that itself became a mechanism for extending nationalist consciousness. Finally, he examines the subsequent changes in Basque nationalism following Franco’s death and the extension of democracy in Spain, which resulted in the institutionalization of the movement into an autonomous political power. This work is based in part on interviews and polls with informants in the Basque Country and abroad, eliciting such data as the role that family, education, social contacts, and religious environment play in the evolution of political attitudes; the place of violence in the Basque world view and contemporary political culture; regional variations in Basque nationalism; and the factors that contributed to the resilience of Basque nationalism in adapting to new historical conditions. The result is a sophisticated discussion of the various ways in which Basque social reality is constituted and how this reality helps to create political culture. Because Pérez-Agote situates his discussion within the broader frameworks of ethnic identity, group dynamics, and the nature of nationalism, the book makes a significant contribution not only to our understanding of the Basques but to the broader study of the evolution of nationalism and the nation-state, political violence, and the complicated transition of any society from dictatorship to democracy.
Acknowledging Spain's diversity, this article assesses the impact of nationalism, regionalism, and other factors on public opinion about the country's young democratic institutions. Utilizing survey data, the analysis focuses on national and regional variations in public preferences for central state institutions and federalist or other designs for state-regional relations. It concludes that a strong base of support exists for the current democratic system and the institutions through which it is implemented. Nevertheless, some doubts remain about the basic state structure of central-regional relations.
Intergovernmental relations in Spain have undergone a significant transformation during the past 22 years. With the transition to democracy, Spain has developed from a unitary-centralist into a quasifederal polity in which the 17 autonomous communities enjoy significant political autonomy. However, Spain is not only moving toward federal democracy, it is also approaching a cooperative model of federalism in which multilateral intergovernmental cooperation and joint decision-making supersede the bilateral negotiations and regional competition that traditionally characterized intergovernmental relations. The shift from competitive regionalism to cooperative federalism is the result of the progressive Europeanization of the Spanish state and its autonomous communities, which has encouraged consultation and cooperation between the national government and the regions. As traditional forms of intergovernmental relations proved ineffective for necessary coordination and cooperation, the Spanish government and the autonomous communities established a new procedure for cooperating in European affairs - the first institutional framework to provide for the joint participation of all 17 autonomous communities in central-state decision-making.
A number of studies suggest that European integration impacts upon the domestic institutions of the Member States by changing the distribution of resources among domestic actors. I argue in this article that resource dependency needs to be embedded in an institutionalist understanding of Europeanization in order to explain when and how Europe affects the domestic institutions of the Member States. First, domestic institutions determine the distribution of resources among the domestic actors in a given Member State. Second, the compatibility of European and domestic institutions determines the degree to which Europeanization changes this distribution of resources and hence the degree of pressure for institutional adaptation. Third, the domestic institutional culture determines the dominant strategies of actors by which they respond to such a redistribution of resources facilitating or prohibiting institutional adaptation. I demonstrate my argument empirically by comparing the impact of Europeanization on the territorial institutions of Germany and Spain. I conclude with some considerations on whether we are likely to see convergence among the domestic institutions of the Member States.
A comparative study of ethnic identity in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay that illustrates the effects of globalization on the daily lives of Basques living abroad, which reveals the complex universe of the dispersed Basques.
Many minority nationalist movements in Europe are abandoning the search for independent statehood, embracing European integration, and adopting a ‘post-sovereigntist’ stance, emphasizing shared sovereignty and divided powers. This provides a promising way of escaping the classical difficulty of aligning nations with states. Basque nationalism has evolved in this direction, drawing on earlier traditions. The Ibarretxe Plan, approved by the Basque parliament in 2004 but subsequently rejected by Spain's national parliament, was presented as an effort to formulate such a third way between separatism and unionism. Yet ironically its effect was in large part to reaffirm actors' language of traditional sovereignty. This is partly thanks to the political context, but also to the power of doctrinal, ideological and symbolic issues related to sovereignty, the nation and boundaries. National self-determination may have entered a new phase but it still faces great difficulties in principle as well as in practice.
This paper provides a descriptive and normative analysis of the federalization process in Spain. Initial attention is paid to the considerable weight of history and historical interpretations on the shaping of attitudes, ideas and perceptions concerning the territorial unity and plurality of Spain. The followingsection analyses the effects of the diversity of the Spanish languages, the identity policies and the dual identities as a cultural and social basis for the federal logic in Spain. Then there is discussion of the options of confederal or federal structuring of the Spanish “State of Autonomies” in the 21st. This paper provides a descriptive and normative analysis of the federalization process in Spain. Initial attention is paid to the considerable weight of his century. The conclusions emphasize the convenience of in-depth examination of de facto federalization, as an evolution arising from the regional logic.The aim would be to continue, in the reality of matters, the path of accommodation and integration of the internal plurality of Spain and consolidation of a shared political project in federal terms.
by-passu státu, kdy centrální orgány jsou "obcházeny" lokálními aktéry, kteří posilují právě na jejich úkor. Příkladem může být koncept "Evropy regionů" počítající s oslabováním státu na úkor substátních hráčů
- Hovoříme O Tzv
Hovoříme o tzv. by-passu státu, kdy centrální orgány jsou "obcházeny" lokálními aktéry,
kteří posilují právě na jejich úkor. Příkladem může být koncept "Evropy regionů"
počítající s oslabováním státu na úkor substátních hráčů (Börzel 1999: 576).
Ibarretxe je nutné chápat v kontextu širších diskuzí týkajících se proměny evropských národních států, k níž dochází pod vlivem působení globalizačních tlaků a které vytvářejí prostor pro koncepty "sdílené" či "rozdělené" suverenity (srovnej Keating
- Juana Představení Plánu
Představení plánu Juana Ibarretxe je nutné chápat v kontextu širších diskuzí týkajících
se proměny evropských národních států, k níž dochází pod vlivem působení globalizačních tlaků a které vytvářejí prostor pro koncepty "sdílené" či "rozdělené" suverenity
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