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Social Policy for Neoliberalism: The Bolsa Família Programme in Brazil

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Abstract

The Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) is one of the largest conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes in the world. CCTs have been described as a ‘magic bullet’ for development, and PBF is widely regarded as an exemplary programme. Examination of its conceptual underpinnings, features, impact and limitations shows that PBF provides substantial income support to the poorest. However, PBF is also self-limiting and it can offer only limited long-term gains to the poor. More significant outcomes require the expansion of the scope of PBF and other social programmes towards the universalization and decommodification of social provision in Brazil.

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... En este proceso el Estado devuelve la responsabilidad de los costos de los servicios básicos a los ciudadanos y traspasa la provisión de estos a empresas privadas. La privatización de servicios tiende a aumentar los costos de acceso, en términos de su valor monetario (aumento de precios) y en términos de las condiciones de acceso (empleabilidad), disolviendo la universalidad de servicios fundamentales, previamente considerados derechos (Saad-Filho, 2015). En un escenario de bajo crecimiento y empobrecimiento del empleo, gran parte de los servicios sociales forzadamente se financian mediante acceso al crédito y otras formas de endeudamiento que se masifican en la población. ...
... Como en el caso de educación, el Estado subsidia los altos costos de los proveedores, permitiendo el acceso a los sectores más empobrecidos de la sociedad, generando deuda pública. También el Estado desregula el sector financiero y ofrece garantías de liquidez y pago para la extensión de créditos a consumidores con baja capacidad de consumo, garantizando su acceso a servicios fundamentales mediante la deuda privada (Saad-Filho, 2015). ...
... Como algunos autores han señalado, la existencia de un superávit de ingresos dado por el alza en el precio de los recursos naturales permitió un equilibrio relativo entre la satisfacción de las demandas de ganancias del capital y las demandas distributivas de la población. Sin embargo, esta resolución no implicó un retroceso del capital y del neoliberalismo en las sociedades latinoamericanas (Papadopoulus y Velázquez, 2016;Saad-Filho, 2015). El aumento del superávit nacional se mantuvo mediante la apertura intensiva a capitales extranjeros, con mejores tasas de retorno para los Estados, pero cuyo costo ha sido una intensificación de las dinámicas extractivas y la prolongación de conflictos socioambientales en sectores de extracción intensiva (Svampa, 2012). ...
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... While critical perspectives focus on the impact of human rights and social relations, this article examines gendered outcomes through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality and neo-liberalism of social policies. Saad-Filho (2015) and Seki (2015) have previously shown how CCTs are embedded in the current political--economic situation and used by the state as a way of governing the conduct of people through welfare. ...
... CCTs have spread as a response to the effects of neo-liberalism, which has caused displacement, inequality and social justice (Saad-Filho 2015). Corrragio (2007) also argues that these policies spring from neo-liberalism itself, as compensation for the failure to change structural causes of poverty. ...
... Conditions are essential, especially for countries which intend to make measurable improvements on human development; however, it may also be counterintuitive if the necessary infrastructure is not in place (Hume, Hanlon, and Barrientos 2012). On the other hand, these conditions are also assurances to taxpayers that transfers are not handouts, but rewards for behaviour that meets the social optimum (Saad-Filho 2015). Evidence from various CCT programmes has shown that these conditions may be enforced strictly or not (Cecchini and Madariaga 2011). ...
Article
Social policies such as conditional cash transfer programmes (CCTs) have technical and measurable outcomes which are favourable for countries in the Global South, where development impact on health and education matters. This paper presents grounded narratives of women beneficiaries of the Philippines’ Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), and outlines how conditionalities have reconfigured beliefs and conduct among these women. Using the concept of governmentality, the process of meeting programme conditions presents itself as a form of exercising power to configure the habits and beliefs of the population. The paper contributes to the critical discourses, challenges and normative views on the impact of CCTs.
... Mexico pioneered the CCT approach in 1997 (Kakwani, Soares, and Son 2005), and it was soon after taken up by other Latin American countries (Handa and Davis 2006;Saad-Filho 2015). After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). ...
... After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). The Latin American experience has since inspired CCT programing in Sub-Saharan Africa and across the global South (Saad-Filho 2015). ...
... CCT programs are popular because they are often politically expedient: a cost-effective means for governments to directly address poverty alleviation without altering the politicaleconomic status quo (Hall 2008;Saad-Filho 2015). 2 Indeed, CCT programs were developed as an ideologically palatable Barbara Ann Piperata is Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at Ohio State University (Smith Lab,Room 4034,174 West 18th Avenue,Columbus,Ohio 43210,USA [piperata.1@osu ...
Article
Commentary of: Conditional Cash Transfers, Food Security and Health: biocultural insights for poverty alleviation policy from the Brazilian Amazon (Piperata et al.). http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/688912
... Mexico pioneered the CCT approach in 1997 (Kakwani, Soares, and Son 2005), and it was soon after taken up by other Latin American countries (Handa and Davis 2006;Saad-Filho 2015). After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). ...
... After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). The Latin American experience has since inspired CCT programing in Sub-Saharan Africa and across the global South (Saad-Filho 2015). ...
... CCT programs are popular because they are often politically expedient: a cost-effective means for governments to directly address poverty alleviation without altering the politicaleconomic status quo (Hall 2008;Saad-Filho 2015). 2 solution to the acute destitution that accompanied neoliberal development strategies, which rolled back social protections and increased employment precarity and economic informality across Latin America (Saad-Filho 2015). ...
Article
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Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs have become an increasingly popular component of poverty-alleviation policies worldwide. The highly publicized success of Brazil's Bolsa Família program (BFP), the largest such program in the world, has become a model for CCT programs elsewhere, including in highly rural African nations. This is despite the dearth of information on the impact of the program in rural contexts. Drawing on a unique natural experiment and using detailed anthropometric and dietary data collected in rural Amazonian subsistence-based communities, we analyze the impact of this critical policy on programmatic goals among the rural poor. Our data demonstrate the urgent need for more fine-grained biocultural research on this and similar policies. We show that despite close adherence to programmatic conditionalities, recipient households' food security was measurably worse off and children's poor nutritional status was virtually unchanged 4 years into the program. Using detailed ethnographic insights, we discuss the mechanisms that may explain these disappointing results in this rural zone and raise broader questions about the role of CCT programs for breaking the cycle of poverty in subsistence-based communities worldwide, especially without con-comitant investment in public health and sanitation infrastructure.
... Mexico pioneered the CCT approach in 1997 (Kakwani, Soares, and Son 2005), and it was soon after taken up by other Latin American countries (Handa and Davis 2006;Saad-Filho 2015). After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). ...
... After merging a variety of existing cash transfer programs, 1 Brazil launched the Bolsa Família program (BFP) in 2003; it is now the world's largest CCT, with about 45 million direct beneficiaries (Cabral et al. 2014;de Brauw et al. 2014). The Latin American experience has since inspired CCT programing in Sub-Saharan Africa and across the global South (Saad-Filho 2015). ...
... CCT programs are popular because they are often politically expedient: a cost-effective means for governments to directly address poverty alleviation without altering the politicaleconomic status quo (Hall 2008;Saad-Filho 2015). 2 solution to the acute destitution that accompanied neoliberal development strategies, which rolled back social protections and increased employment precarity and economic informality across Latin America (Saad-Filho 2015). ...
Article
Significant advances have been made in conserving the floodplains of the Brazilian Amazon in the last decade. The Mamirauá and Amanã Sustainable Development Reserves (SDRs) in the Middle Solimões are the best examples of success in the implementation and management of sustainable use protected areas. This chapter discusses some of the reasons for their success and the ­difficulties of applying Mamirauá and Amanã SDRs models elsewhere, using commons theory as a theoretical framework. It also brings to light the main lacunas­ raised for ­discussion by the participants at the roundtable Socioenvironmental Conservation Strategies in Protected Areas, as well as the recommendations for socioenvironmental conservation strategies in protected areas on the Amazonian floodplains.
... Urban food security hinges on household's purchasing power. Resultantly, urban poor households are extremely vulnerable to food insecurity due to persistently low incomes (Ndlovu et al., 2019;Ruel et al., 2017). Poor urban households are vulnerable to income and food price shocks due to dependence on food purchases and income from the informal sector (Ruel et al., 2017). ...
... Resultantly, urban poor households are extremely vulnerable to food insecurity due to persistently low incomes (Ndlovu et al., 2019;Ruel et al., 2017). Poor urban households are vulnerable to income and food price shocks due to dependence on food purchases and income from the informal sector (Ruel et al., 2017). ...
Article
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Urban household food insecurity is highly prevalent in Zimbabwe due to the persisting poor macro-economic environment, droughts, HIV and AIDS and climate change. This paper examines the effectiveness of cash transfers in alleviating urban household food insecurity in the city of Bulawayo. The assessment focuses on understanding the extent to which cash transfers improve poor households’ access to food. The study was conducted in Makokoba and Njube townships. A combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods were used in gathering and analysing data. Purposive sampling techniques were used to select study participants. Semi-structured in-depth interviews (50), questionnaires (280), and key-informant interviews (11) were used to collect primary data. The study is anchored on Sen’s Entitlement Approach in examining the role of cash transfers in strengthening trade-based entitlements of ultra-poor households. We find that cash transfers have nominally alleviated urban household food insecurity in these townships. Households receiving cash transfers have not meaningfully improved access to food on a regular basis. They ate small quantities of food, skipped meals and had poor dietary diversity regardless of receiving cash transfers. Factors such as low transfer value, irregular distributions, weak targeting mechanisms, disbursement mechanism and poor communication have deterred the effectiveness of cash transfers in the two townships. We recommend a revamp in design and implementation processes of cash transfer programmes. Transfers meant for improving access to food should be implemented in conjunction with livelihood projects to enable poor urbanites to meet non-food basic needs.
... For example, women may become heads of households because it is mostly men who migrate. Earlier studies suggest that cash transfers have a limited impact on gender relations because they are used as conduits to reach children, and may actually reinforce women's caring role in the household (Saad-Filho, 2015). ...
... Gurr (1970) enunciated this notion in his relative deprivation theory when he noted that the propensity for people to protest and engage in violence is high when they feel they are in a relatively deprived state compared to other people or to what they think they deserve. According to Saad-Filho (2015), targeting undermines social cohesion when community members with a legitimate stake in social provision are bypassed, which may thwart the integrative objective of social policy. ...
Article
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Social protection, which includes cash transfers, is a policy response addressing poverty and vulnerability. This paper examines the effects of cash transfers, in particular Ghana’s LEAP Programme, on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper examines the transformative potential of cash transfers by focusing on subjective, relational and psychosocial effects in addition to the reduction in poverty and vulnerability. The paper argues that giving the LEAP cash alone is not sufficient to address long-term poverty, but it is a necessary condition to serve as an instrument for social and economic transformation. Using a qualitative exploratory research design involving 20 in-depth interviews and seven focus group discussions, participants reported that LEAP cash had made them better off in both material and psychological dimensions of poverty, increased food security and nutrition and removed financial barriers to access health care. The cash capacitated women in decision-making, and strengthened peaceful co-existence both at family and community level. However, the LEAP may engender intra-community tensions emanating from sentiments of jealousy and perceived unfairness in the selection of beneficiaries.
... This continental movement, known as the 'Pink Tide', made use of particularly positive global conditions to deliver material gains. Relatively fast growth rates in central countries, the strong Chinese demand for commodities underpinning its breakneck development and abundant international liquidity combined to benefit low-and middle-income economies (Saad-Filho 2013). Left-leaning Latin American governments capitalised on this moment to implement economic planning initiatives and novel welfare policies, such as conditional cash transfers (CCTs). ...
... Moreover, given the small amount of the benefits provided, in most cases poverty vulnerability has not been adequately addressed, and improvements in the labour market were more important in reducing inequality. Finally, cheap though they might be, their cost-effectiveness is by no means demonstrated, given leakages and higher administrative costs as compared to universal programmes (Saad-Filho 2015). The extension of CCTs can thus be considered a welcome, if far from sufficient, development. ...
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The chapter analyses the nature and the limits of the contributions the ‘Pink Tide’ made to the living conditions of the working classes. Surveying Latin America, it argues that these governments chose the paths of least resistance to conduct reforms, with positive short-term results. Rising minimum wages and conditional cash transfer policies were the main levers, reducing income inequality and poverty. This relied on high commodity prices and caused deindustrialisation, however, whilst neo-corporatist class conciliation measures curbed popular self-organisation and the autonomy of social movements. The Pink Tide governments thus advanced an ‘inconsequential’ attempt at counter-hegemony, dependent on volatile short-term factors, without transforming the state and the economy in ways that would progressively establish structural conditions compatible with popular interests.
... Postneoliberalism has coincided with -or made possible -debates about the purpose of welfare rather than simply its mode of provision. Saad-Filho's (2015) analysis of social policies in Brazil is particularly important here. He asks whether it is genuinely possible to see state welfare provision as transformative and a vehicle for inclusion and citizenship. ...
... This question is particularly pertinent since both Saad-Filho (ibid.) and Birn et al. (2016) show how neoliberal welfare reforms curtailed aspirations to universal cover and led to the introduction of targeted, conditional social programmes that were aimed at changing the behaviour of the poor (attitudes to health care and education for example) or encouraging the poor to work by creating tax incentives and workfare programmes (see also Barrientos, 2016). Using the example of Brazil, the most significant regional provider of targeted welfare programmes, Saad-Filho (2015) suggests that the continuance of neoliberal welfare into the 'post-neoliberal' era undermines the emancipatory potential of the Left in office. And to be sure, the long-term impact of cash transfers on human development, security and inequality is still uncertain (see also Lavinas, 2018). ...
Article
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This virtual issue reviews the post-neoliberalism literature published in Development and Change between 2012 and 2018. It reflects on recent and ongoing, multiple experiences of resistance to speculative, extractive, in-equitable and unsustainable development and the demands for alternatives that emerged in Latin America. The argument is developed through an analysis of the 18 most relevant articles published in this journal, that make a major contribution to three key interrelated debates, namely: the meaning and policies associated with post-neoliberalism; challenges of citizenship and democracy; and the sustainability agenda. Collectively, the selected articles provide a detailed and much-needed discussion about the key achievements, limitations and legacies of post-neoliberalism.
... More precisely, capital inflows helped finance a wide array of policies emblematic of the PT rule, including a minimum wage increase, growth of public sector employment, welfare regime extension, direct income redistribution, expansion of university education and professional schools (notably for racial minorities and the poor), protection of family agriculture, and public housing programmes (Boito and Saad-Filho, 2016). Between 2008 and 2013, public health and education, unemployment benefits, old age and disability pensions (Benefício de Prestação Continuada) increased from 0.40 to 0.56 per cent of GDP and conditional cash transfers (Bolsa Família) from 0.30 to 0.45 per cent (Saad-Filho, 2015). The real Inflows (2000-14) Source: Author, based on data from Central Bank of Brazil. ...
... It is also worth underlining that these policies did not endanger the commitment to macroeconomic orthodoxy, characterized by inflation targeting, high primary fiscal surpluses, and sterilized reserve accumulation (Ban, 2013;Loureiro and Saad-Filho, 2019). They were non-confrontational and, under favourable external conditions, allowed the government to deliver real gains for the poor and reduce inequalities along gendered, racialized and spatialized lines (Saad-Filho, 2015). Lula left office in 2011 with popularity ratings of more than 80 per cent, and his protégé, Dilma Rousseff, was elected president. ...
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This article provides a critical interrogation of the Brazilian tax on foreign exchange derivatives deployed between 2011 and 2013. It analyses the drivers of the policy‐making process that led to implementation of the measure, locates it within the broader policy response regarding the management of cross‐border capital flows and speculative finance, and assesses its political economy significance in light of class dynamics. The author makes three arguments. First, this innovative policy tool must be interpreted in terms of the emergence of a specific form of state power allowing for the continuation of finance‐led strategies of accumulation, while mitigating some of their worst consequences. Second, this form of state power internalizes the subordinate positionality of Brazil in the global financial and monetary system. Third, while financialization processes have eroded the efficiency of a number of policy tools, this policy experiment demonstrates the possibility of regulating complex financial markets, provided that appropriate resources are dedicated to the task, and that there is the political will to do so. The article concludes by discussing theoretical implications, for how to theorize state and financialization, as well as political implications.
... Recent studies have explored the relationship among neoliberalism, social policy expansion, and authoritarian politics in contemporary China [6]. The expansion of social provision since the global spread of neoliberalism may sometimes promote neoliberal projects [37,38], but they increase social insecurity; reinforce, replicate, and construct atomistic society; and promote social control and segregation [39]. These studies suggested that the rise of authoritarian governments in which state government seek to retain power by promoting neoliberal policies. ...
Article
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Embedding the program of elderly care into community-based service system seems to imply that China is reorganising capacities of neighbourhood governance. The program, created by transformation of neighbourhood governance, represented the state government’s frustration with the institutional embodiment of neoliberalism. However, stimulating neighbourhood organisations in elderly care service through involvement of market instruments demonstrated the neoliberal approach. In this study, we provided a research framework in the context of embedded neoliberalism to explore the dilemma of neighbourhood governance in China. By interviewing 100 elderly people in five neighbourhoods in Nanjing, China, we examined the home-based elderly care (HEC) model to analyse the changes in socio-spatial relationships of neighbourhoods. We argued that the state-organised system of market instruments as a form of neighbourhood system weaken the spontaneity of elderly residents in developing social capitals. Moreover, the emerging program is struggling to operate because the devolution of conservative governance capacity from the state to the neighbourhood does not provide resources, leading to the restrained market provision. Thus, this transformation of neighbourhood governance can only be effective if there is a clear complementarity relationship between the role of state and market instruments. The attention of further studies on neighbourhood governance needs to re-examine the reciprocal relationships in the context of declining neoliberalism.
... Bantuan minimal semacam itu hanya membantu pekerja informal untuk mereproduksi tenaganya sebagai pekerjarendahan lagi. Bantuan sosial yang berfungsi sekadar "alat untuk mengelola kemiskinan", 59 dengan mengabaikan ketimpangan relasi kuasa sebagai akar persoalan, juga marak terjadi di negara-negara lain. 60 Watak bantuan sosial di era neoliberal berangkat dari asumsi menyesatkan bahwa kemiskinan hanyalah penyakit sampingan dari pertumbuhan ekonomi. ...
Article
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Transisi agraria di kawasan kapitalisme pinggiran seperti Indonesia tidak mengikuti je-jak negeri di kawasan kapitalisme pusat. Di sini, banyak orang terlempar dari pertanian dan tak menemukan kerya upahan di perkotaan yang diatur negara. Sebagian menciptakan pekerjaan sendiri sementara yang lain terdampar dalam kerja upahan informal (tidak dia-tur negara). Pandangan umum melihat dualisme ekonomi sebagai penyebab melimpahnya pekeryaan informal di negeri pinggiran. Perspektif itu gaga/ melihat sating ketergantung-an antara sektor formal dan informal dalam kapitalisme global. Meski ekonomi informal berkontribusi penting bagi laju ekonomi formal, tidak semua pelakunya punya sumbangan setara. Menyorot diferensiasi kelas di ekonomi informal menjadi prasyarat bagi tiap upaya membangun jembatan antara pekerja formal dan informal guna menentang kapitalis formal maupun informal demi merebut ruang hidup yang tersedia.
... 27 For example, health-related libertarian paternalism in the North might focus on the way that a change to the layout of school canteens can increase the uptake of fruit and vegetables (http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/02/130226172506.htm, accessed 10 November 2014) 28 For critical assessments of conditional cash transfers (CCTs), see Fine (2014), Lavinas (2013) and Saad-Filho (2014). ...
Article
The World Development Report 2015: Mind Society and Behaviour (World Bank, 2015), seeks a redesign of development policy on the basis of insights emerging from behavioural economics. This article offers a critical assessment of the Report across four dimensions. First, it situates the Report within the broader and evolving knowledge role of the Bank. Second, it locates the Report in the context of the evolution of economics as a discipline and how this informs the shaping of the Bank's development economics. Third, the Report is critically assessed for its narrow take on behavioural economics itself. Finally, the practical significance of the promotion of behavioural economics is considered through reference to its use in interventions in health in general and in response to HIV/AIDS in particular. It is argued that the Report suggests a dramatic and flawed reduction of what development is about, in that it forgoes any analysis of the structural problems facing developing countries and fails to propose major reforms to tackle these.
... Yet, Lavinas ( 2014 ) offers an alternative account and links it to academic centres further north. This alternative view emphasises that CCTs are informed by conservative ideas and mainstream economic theory (Standing 2011 ; Lavinas 2014 ; Saad Filho 2015 ) despite their radical and empowering reputation. CCTs, in their modern form, concern human capital theory and targeting—as opposed to universal provisioning, partaking of the neoclassical propositions of their time. ...
Chapter
Employing a generational approach, this chapter decentres adults’ voices in research on conditional cash transfer programmes creating the conceptual space for bringing in children’s experiences and perspectives. The Ecuadorian programme Bono de Desarrollo Humano (BDH) targets households with children, providing income support and incentivising human capital investments aiming at breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Chronological age constitutes a key measure in the architecture of the BDH which renders childhood a site of investment and adulthood a time for productive employment. Being a BDH recipient affects children’s relational position in the household, vis-à-vis other children, and the state. Teenage motherhood is analysed as friction between the age-normativity shaping the BDH design and the lived realities of poor families.
... Through conditionality, CCTs require the uptake of education on the assumption that increased access to education will lead poor young people to acquire the human capital necessary to improve their employment outcomes (Saad-Filho, 2015). In turn, young people's enhanced productivity and earnings are expected to allow them to pull themselves and their families out of poverty over the long run. ...
Article
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This article considers the transformative potential of conditional cash transfers to address intergenerational poverty. Drawing on empirical evidence collected through qualitative research in the northeast of Brazil, it traces notions of intergenerational change and continuity amongst young recipients of the Bolsa Família programme (BFP) and their families. It argues that the BFP has contributed to raising expectations and aspirations of social mobility, through a policy narrative that explicitly links education to poverty reduction alongside some relatively limited but nonetheless significant intergenerational changes in material conditions and access to education. However, rising aspirations have not been matched by a concomitant expansion of opportunities available to poor young people in education and the labour market. The article thus highlights the contradictions that arise between policy narratives, the aspirations these narratives engender, and the realities of young people's everyday lives.
... For critical approaches to CCTs on these terms seeLavinas (2013), and for the particularly successful Programa Bolsa Família in Brazil seeSaad-Filho (2015).52 B. Fine ...
Chapter
The welfare regime approach to social policy is shown to be past its use-by date, not least for imposing an ever-expanding set of ideal types that do not fit unyieldingly variegated outcomes across sectors and countries. Moreover, like many other approaches, it tends to derive its analytical framing from the Keynesian period as opposed to forging an understanding of neoliberalism and the increasing role of financialization as a direct and indirect influence upon social policy. Alternatives should be posed in terms of addressing both the transformational/developmental role of social policy and its sector-specific systems of provision.
... For a detailed empirical analysis of CCTs, focusing on the Brazilian case, seeSaad-Filho (2015). ...
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This article offers a political economy critique of the fastest-growing modality of social policy in the world: conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs). CCTs allocate small conditional tax-funded sums to the " deserving destitute " as part of a strategy of moderation of inequality, poverty management and containment of dissent. This article argues that, while this modality of social policy can improve the circumstances of the poorest in the short-term, it also subsidizes low wages and supports the reproduction of poverty. CCTs are, then, the social policies naturally associated (" best fit ") with neoliberalism. A pro-poor alternative is outlined that can lead to faster improvements in living conditions, expand citizenship and break the reproduction of poverty and inequality under neolibera-lism.
... Brazil's Workers Party (PT) and Thailand's Thai Loves Thai (TRT) were such parties that proved to be capable of both building and representing new social blocs. They were not only popular with the masses who were marginalized by neoliberal policies, but could also mobilize the support of unprivileged or subordinated capital fractions who demanded a renegotiation of their place vis-à-vis the power position of the dominant fraction (Hewison, 2004;Jayasuriya and Hewison, 2004;Morais and Saad-Filho, 2005;Saad-Filho, 2015). Though belonging to different political and ideological currents, these parties can nevertheless be categorized as political representatives of neoliberal populist projects. ...
... It has been responsible for helping to lift significant numbers of Brazilians out of poverty. For a critical overview of the programme, see Saad-Filho (2015). ...
Article
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Drawing on historical research into the period of import‐substitution industrialization (ISI) in Chile and Argentina between the 1930s and 1960s, this article claims that developmental state theory (DST) obfuscates a crucial feature of state intervention in Latin America. Specifically, despite a long‐standing interest in state–society relations, DST has been unable to incorporate adequately into its analytical framework labour–state relations and labour control in the workplace. This is because DST, in its various guises, privileges state–society relations mediated by institutions from which labour is implicitly or explicitly excluded. Extending the analytical lens of DST, the article combines critical labour‐relations and labour‐process theories to identify the purposive establishment of ‘regimes of labour control’ via changes in institutional and workplace relations. Using this expanded framework, it shows how the often vacillating strategies pursued by the state under ISI in Chile and Argentina, and the inefficient outcomes of ISI in these countries, can be better understood by considering efforts designed to exert control over labour.
... Conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) are an important means of poverty reduction for policies (Saad-Filho 2015). Fiscal policy has the most substantial impact on poverty eradication, and federal social spending can be used to alleviate poverty at key stages of the cycle (Martini et al. 2014). ...
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With the continuous socio-economic development, the Chinese government has readjusted its poverty alleviation and development strategies, and established the targeted poverty alleviation policies in an attempt to holistically build a well-off society. Based on the panel data of nine national poverty-stricken counties (districts) in Chongqing in the Three Gorges Reservoir Region from 1998 to 2015, this paper quantitatively analyzed the effect of the national poverty alleviation policies in the context of targeted poverty alleviation by adopting the methodologies of a break-point regression and a panel regression. The results show that: (1) The national policy for targeted poverty alleviation has a significant effect on poverty reduction, and this effect has manifested since the beginning of its implementation, i.e. the net income of farmers in 2012 increased by 12.41%, as against that during 2010–2011. The per capita net income of farmers has increased by 33.64% from 2011 to 2015 during the implementation period of the targeted poverty alleviation policy, as against that during 1998–2010. The policy effect during 2011–2015 is also evident, for the net income of farmers increased by 21.23% compared with that from the beginning of the policy implementation in 2012; (2) Economic activity of the market and gross value of agricultural product in the poverty-stricken areas have significantly increased farmers’ net income, specifically, for every 1% increase in the degree of market economic activity, farmers’ net income will increase by 48.74%; Furthermore, for every 1% increase in gross value of agricultural product, the farmers’ net income will increase by 3.7%. Finally, this paper proposed corresponding policy recommendations based on these findings.
... 2. See: CEPAL https://dds.cepal.org/bpsnc/lpi Lavinas (2018), Lavinas and Simões (2017) and Saad-Filho (2015) contend that at its core, this welfare model is still based on aggregate demand with severe implications for increased household consumption and debt (see also Lazzarato, 2012). This is particularly problematic for those who may have entered the ranks of formal employment but are still threatened by job insecurity and informality, as well as for unprotected groups of the population, including a large and growing part of the middle class, who are not eligible to receive social assistance in case of hardship but are vulnerable to economic changes and the risk of falling (back) into poverty (Ocampo and Gómez-Arteaga, 2017). ...
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... Other contributions to this Debate section explore relationships among neoliberalism, social policies, new right and authoritarian politics. They take as their starting point arguments that expansions of social provisioning in the period since the global spread of neoliberalism in the 1980s may sometimes facilitate neoliberal projects (Lavinas, 2013(Lavinas, , 2017Saad-Filho, 2015), and that they increase insecurity, reinforce, reproduce and structure inequalities, and facilitate social control, ordering and segregation (Fischer, 2018;Posner, 2012). They ask how new, right-wing populism and authoritarianism play into the relationships between neoliberalism and social policies globally. ...
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This article explores the relationships among neoliberalism, social policy expansion and authoritarian politics in contemporary China. It argues that in the era of neoliberalism, rising new right and authoritarian governments, the Chinese Communist Party has sought to retain power by shifting politically to the right and promoting neoliberal‐looking economic policies. These policies have raised average living standards but also increased insecurity for most of the Chinese population, while new social policies have facilitated marketization. Social policy expansion includes minimal cash transfers as well as social old‐age and health insurance for hitherto excluded sections of the population. These policies have begun to erode long‐standing urban–rural segregation, but they have added new, underfunded, social programmes rather than widening participation in existing ones, re‐segregating provision so that urban elites and formal sector workers enjoy much more generous provisions than many people working informally and those without work. These social policies’ most significant dark sides thus include compounded income inequalities and the segmentation and stigmatization of the poorest. Authoritarian controls have enabled the Communist Party to avoid redistributive policies that would undermine its urban support, so that politics in China differ from the right‐wing populism of new, anti‐establishment authoritarian regimes.
... The Right has notably been much more successful at capturing and channelling this anger than the Left, precisely because of this uneasy association of the (New) Left with the neoliberal project. Examples of the latter include the New Democrats in the US in the 1990s, New Labour in the UK in the late 1990s and 2000s, and the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT -the Workers' Party) in Brazil in the 2000s (on the latter, see Braga and Barbosa dos Santos, 2019;Lavinas, 2017;Saad-Filho, 2015. Several of the contributions to this Debate explore these contradictions, especially Kiely and Putzel, but also Bugra, Gudhavarthy and Vijay, Stubbs and Lendvai-Bainton, and Riggirozzi. ...
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... To face this heterogeneity, Brazil has been developing social policies to reduce income inequality, food insecurity, housing deficit, and to raise the federal minimum wage (Saad-Filho 2015;Hall 2006;Rocha 2009;Campos and Guilhoto 2017;Maurizio and Vazquez 2016;Brito et al. 2017). However, since the recent corruption scandals, many Brazilians doubt the efficiency of public policies. ...
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... Targets for poverty reduction, gender equity, access to health and education were to be achieved through aid and domestically funded targeted programmes with such delivery tools as conditional cash transfers (CCTs), none of which contradicted the marketoriented nature of neoliberal strategies. Saad-Filho (2015: 1227 documents the successfulness of the original CCT, the Programa Bolsa Família in Brazil, in providing 'substantial income support to the poorest', but he argues that long-term and widespread progress would have required 'universalization and de-commodification of social provision'. ...
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Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT’s strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration. Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração.
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The contemporary conception of citizenship is rooted in the emergence of the nation- state. With the expansion of social rights and welfare-states, citizenship has been considered to empower people and equalize social relations. However, citizenship in itself is not the cause of these processes, but rather its participatory and democratic characteristics. With the movement towards global liberalization, democracy and participation have been assimilated to the market. Nonetheless, neoliberal participatory projects fail to achieve effective social change because of their inability to challenge structures of oppression. To do this, we need to get back to the radical roots of participation in which rest the prospects for social change. The Zapatistas in Chiapas and the Kurds in Rojava offer contemporary examples of how participation can initiate social transformation and challenge inequalities. Both cases rely on radical democracy and achieve social change through the creation of new public spaces and the re-organization of old ones.
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The new phase of social protection expansion in the global south remains poorly understood. Current interpretations of the spread of social transfers in sub-Saharan Africa tend to emphasize the influence of elections and donor pressure, often by drawing correlations from statistical data, and focusing on the moment of programme adoption. This study adopts a different approach that traces the actual process through which countries have not just adopted but institutionalized social transfers. We test a new theoretical framework through within and cross-case analysis of the degree to which social protection programmes have become institutionalized in eight African countries. Two main pathways emerge: the first confirms the sense that both donors and elections matter, but goes further in showing the particular ways in which these drivers combine. In particular, transnational policy coalitions tend to play a leading role in adoption, whereas governments pursue the further institutionalization of social transfers as a top-down response to competitive elections. However, we also identify an alternative pathway that involves electorally uncompetitive countries; here, the primary motivation is not elections but elite perceptions of vulnerability in the face of distributional crises, augmented by ideas and resources from transnational policy coalitions. Consequently, the latest phase of social transfer development results from the interplay of political survival strategies and transnational policy coalitions.
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Brazil’s social structure and associated distributive policies during the PT governments did not depart from neoliberalism but rather implemented a poverty-reducing variant of it. Through minimum-wage hikes, conditional cash transfers, legislation driving financial innovation, and the subsidizing of privately provided for-profit services, state power was used to include individuals in ever-expanding formal circuits of commodity production and consumption. Deprivation in multiple dimensions was indeed reduced through these policies, but in the process social mobility came to mean exiting poverty, getting a formal low-skilled job, and accessing credit at lower interest rates to pay for state-subsidized private health and education. A estrutura social do Brasil e as políticas distributivas associadas a ela durante os governos do PT não se afastaram do neoliberalismo, mas sim implementaram uma variante de neoliberalismo redutora da pobreza. Por meio de aumentos do salário mínimo, transferências condicionais de renda, legislação que impulsionava a inovação financeira e o subsídio para serviços privados prestados com fins lucrativos, o poder do Estado foi usado para incluir indivíduos em crescentes circuitos formais de produção e consumo de mercadorias. A privação em múltiplas dimensões foi realmente reduzida por meio dessas políticas, mas neste processo a mobilidade social passou a significar sair da pobreza, conseguir um emprego formal pouco qualificado e obter crédito a taxas de juros mais baixas para pagar pela saúde e educação privadas subsidiadas pelo Estado.
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es Las transferencias monetarias condicionadas son una política popular de alivio de la pobreza en todo el mundo. Sus efectos de alto impacto atraen la atención de los políticos, que pueden manipular estos programas para obtener votos. Este artículo analiza cómo la distribución espacial de los perfiles de votantes afecta la distribución de beneficios. La teoría aquí presentada sugiere que los espacios con mayor homogeneidad de tipos de votantes reciben menos beneficios que sus contrapartes más heterogéneas, lo que a su vez crea un incentivo de redistribución conflictivo—las mismas características que se asocian con mayores participaciones de beneficios también pueden comprometerlos, según su posición dentro del espacio objetivo. Esta expectativa se basa en la confianza de un político en los efectos multiplicativos; los beneficios crean un efecto dominó de otros tipos de beneficios que también generan votos, que los políticos pueden tener en cuenta. El estudio del caso de Bolsa Familia de Brasil, el programa de transferencias monetarias condicionadas más grande del mundo, proporciona pruebas sólidas para respaldar las hipótesis. Abstract zh 有条件现金转移支付是全球流行的减贫政策。其产生的显著效果吸引了政客的注意, 后者可能操纵这些支付计划以获取选票。本文分析了选民形象 (voter profile) 的空间分布如何影响利益分配。本文介绍的理论暗示, 相比选民类型更具异质性的空间, 选民类型同质性更多的空间获得的利益更少, 这反过来产生了一个冲突的再分配激励—那些与更大利益份额有关的相同性质可能会造成利益损失, 这取决于其在目标空间的定位。该假设基于政客对倍增效应的依赖; 利益能对其他类型的利益产生涟漪效应, 进而产生更多选票, 相关行动者可能会考量这一点。以全球最大的有条件现金转移支付计划—巴西家庭补助(Bolsa Familia)计划为案例研究, 提供了支持该假设的强有力证据。 Abstract en Conditional cash transfers are a popular poverty‐alleviation policy around the world. Their significant effects draw the attention of politicians, who may manipulate these programs to garner votes. This article analyzes how the spatial distribution of voter profiles affects the distribution of benefits. The theory introduced suggests that spaces with greater homogeneity of voter types receive fewer benefits than their more heterogeneous counterparts, which in turn creates a conflicting redistribution incentive—the same characteristics that are associated with larger benefit shares can also compromise them, as conditioned by their position within the targeted space. This expectation is based on a politician's reliance on multiplicative effects; benefits create a ripple effect of other types of benefits that also generate votes, which savvy actors may take into account. The case study of Brazil's Bolsa Familia, the world's largest conditional cash transfer, provides strong evidence to support the hypotheses.
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This case study of a peasant community in the Peruvian central highlands examines how vibrant political engagement in the 1970s became indifference during the 2016 Peruvian presidential election. It focuses on changing livelihood activities over the past three decades. Thirty years ago, community incomes were based on farming and wage labor, and community members were activists in worker–peasant organizations to achieve better market and work conditions. Now, small‐scale agriculture and formal employment have declined and livelihoods are precarious. The state addresses this through decentralized spending and cash transfers. Despite this unprecedented state support, the community had no interest in the 2016 national election. Instead, their attention was focused on the municipality, which delivers the new funds in Peru's decentralized government system. Rather than leveraging job and income creation, these funds condemn the people to ongoing precarity because the state has avoided the structural changes that would create viable jobs and markets for their products. These concerns find no organized political expression, as recent analysis of Peruvian politics reveals a weak party system and fragmented civil society. This situation poses significant challenges to political organizations that would seek more equitable structural transformations.
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Em 2013, no Cadastro Único, havia 25,3 milhões de famílias: 23 milhões (91 por cento) com perfil de renda familiar per capita de até ½ salário mínimo, faixa de renda em que se insere seu público prioritário. Dessas, 13,9 milhões de famílias estão no Bolsa Família, as quais recebem um benefício médio de R$ 149,71. Essas famílias são compostas, em média, por 3,6 pessoas. Sua maior parte (50,2 por cento) residente no Nordeste do país
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Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns resultados empíricos derivados de um survey aplicado na cidade do Recife para estimar os efeitos da política de transferência de renda mais importante do governo federal, o Programa Bolsa Família, sobre a autonomia das mulheres pobres. Pretende-se analisar os efeitos do programa no ambiente familiar, nas relações de gênero e nas oportunidades de inserção ocupacional da população adulta feminina. Com base em logits, vamos estimar probabilidades distintas para mulheres beneciárias e não-beneciárias contra um conjunto importante de fatores que determinam a autonomia das mulheres. Busca-se inferir se receber o benefício do Bolsa Família, entregue às mulheres, amplia seu grau de autonomia no âmbito das relações de gênero. Este artigo não pretende proceder a uma revisão da literatura de gênero sobre autonomia feminina, mas tão som
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The recent global financial crisis has increased the scope of poverty and inequality. The gap between the richest and poorest nations has become wider. National income inequality has also been on the rise. The prospect of a shift in designing and implementing development and welfare policies is strong in this new environment. The neoliberal policies of the Washington Consensus are giving way to development models which look to a more active government role in both economic and social policies. Meanwhile, in the parallel universe of welfare policy a fundamental realignment is already taking place. Faced with the current economic and social challenges, policy communities have turned to a variety of instruments to ensure that growth and social inclusion go together. This book offers a systematic analysis of the growing convergence on these matters in the development and welfare state literatures, utilizing the experiences of a myriad of jurisdictions around the world. Drawing upon the expertise of leading international policymakers, practitioners, and academics in the field, this book critiques the theoretical underpinning of growth and development, examine welfare state perspectives on inclusive growth and social/economic development, and present lessons learned and best/worst practices from the experiences of developing and developed nations.
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The current perception that cash transfers can replace public provision of basic goods and services and become a catch-all solution for poverty reduction is false. Where cash transfers have helped to reduce poverty, they have added to public provision, not replaced it. For crucial items like food, direct provision protects poor consumers from rising prices and is part of a broader strategy to ensure domestic supply. Problems like targeting errors and diversion from deserving recipients are likely to be even more pronounced with cash transfers and cannot be eliminated through technological fixes like the UID.
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This paper addresses the role played bu CCTs in Latin America as of late. The idea that conditional cash transfers might facilitate a broader process of redistribution, reducing inequality and all but eliminating poverty, does not hold in principle, and still less in practice for a region such as Latin America. Anti-poverty cash transfers are unlikely to address resource inequality through market inclusion. Precisely the feature that has made CCTs so popular—their residual nature and cheapness—helps to make them ineffective in reducing poverty in the long term. Moreover, their very focus on extending commodification makes them much more likely to compound the vulnerabilities of the poor, even as state social spending becomes more unbalanced, leaving them further exposed.
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An important dimension in assessing any anti-poverty pro-gram is to know how it affects the living standards of different sub-groups of the poor. is paper examines the impact of Brazil' s con-ditional cash transfer program on poverty in urban and rural areas, formally testing the hypothesis that the program has a rural bias because its eligibility cut-off and transfer size are not adjusted for spatial price differences. Grosh et al. (2008) argue that a program that does not adjust its eligibility cut-off for spatial price differ-ences will be biased toward the rural poor because they face a lower cost of living. Fiszbein and Schady (2009) find that eligible families in urban areas are less likely to participate in Bolsa Família, which they attribute to self-exclusion due to the cost of living differential and the implicitly lower value of the transfer in cities. Although the authors suggest that Bolsa Família might have a rural bias, no study has rigorously compared its impact in urban and rural areas. * Regional price differences are not negligible in Brazil: the Laspeyres price index based on the cost of food and housing, in-dexed to 1.000 for metropolitan São Paulo, is 0.447 in the rural Northeast region. 1 In other words, the cost of living in São Paulo is more than twice the cost of living in the rural Northeast. e real value of Bolsa Família' s eligibility cut-off and the purchasing power of the transfer are therefore significantly higher in more rural states than in São Paulo. is paper first presents a counterfactual static incidence analysis to determine the impact of Bolsa Família in 2009, using * Helfand, Rocha, and Vinhais (2009) decompose rural income growth over the period 1998-2005 into four different sources of income, and find that growth in "other income", primarily due to an increase in conditional cash transfers, explains around 16 percent of the decline in rural poverty over the period. eir study focuses exclusively on rural areas. Sean Higgins graduated in 2011 from Tulane University with a degree in economics.
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The paper discusses the income inequality changes which have taken place in a few representative developing regions during the last 30 years. While inequality rose in the majority of the countries of these regions in the 1980s and 1990s, the last decade was characterized by a bifurcation of inequality trends. This divergence offers the possibility to contrast the experience of virtuous regions (Latin America and parts of East and South-East Asia) and non-virtuous regions (the European economies in transition and China) so as to draw useful lessons. Since the global economic conditions affecting inequality in these countries were not too dissimilar and since no major variations in endogenous factors were evident across the regions analysed, the difference in inequality trends between virtuous and non-virtuous regions was most likely due to institutional factors and public policies. An econometric test confirms that the reduction of inequality is possible even under open economy conditions if a given set of appropriate macroeconomic, labour, fiscal and social policies is adopted by governments.
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This paper investigates the relationship between the impact of Bolsa Família Program in the Brazilian population and the result of the presidential elections of 2006. The database involves municipal information provided by MDS, IBGE and TSE. To control the experiment, the eventual influences of other variables in the determination of this relationship had been studied. All those variables come from specific characteristics of the cities, such as: city with predominant urban or not urban population; size of the city population; among others. The results state that the Bolsa Família was, in fact, a very important factor in the determination of the votes in Lula. It was, in itself, responsible by 45% of the total votes in Lula.
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A review of the achievements of the Lula administration and an examination of the contrasting political and social programs that disputed the Brazilian presidential elections in October 2010 reveal that there has been significant progress toward the consolidation of a social democratic welfare state in Brazil and that further progress is possible but far from guaranteed under the new administration.
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This article reviews the emergence of neo-developmentalist economic policies in Brazil, in the early 2000s, as a heterodox alternative to neoliberalism. These policies were implemented in the second Lula administration (2006–10), and continued under Dilma Rousseff. However, neo-developmentalism has not simply replaced neoliberalism; rather, these prima facie incompatible policy frameworks have been combined, and the ensuing policies have achieved significant successes despite the intrinsic fragilities and limitations of this hybrid structure. The article examines the achievements and limitations of these policies, and the (limited) scope for their continuation in Dilma’s Rousseff’s administration.
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O objetivo deste trabalho é retratar a grande heterogeneidade de experiências, os desafios em comum e, fornecer algumas pistas sobre o futuro dos programas de transferências condicionadas (PTCs) na região.
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Created in 2003 by the unification of four earlier initiatives, Bolsa Família currently provides cash transfers to 13 million people and supports more than one-third of the children that go to primary school in Brazil. This article extends and expands previous reviews on the origins, development and impact of the programme. The authors consider the political and economic dimensions in their evaluation of Bolsa Família’s contribution to the reduction of poverty and inequality. They argue that Bolsa Família’s ultimate impact will partly depend on a reduction of inequalities in public provision of health and education, which in turn may require a more active political role for the poor.
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O objetivo do Cadastro �nico para Programas Sociais (Cad�nico) � o cadastramento e a manuten��o de informa��es atualizadas de todas as fam�lias brasileiras com renda per capita inferior a R$ 120. Embora a utiliza��o do Cad�nico continue centrada na sele��o dos benefici�rios do Programa Bolsa Fam�lia (PBF), existe um amplo leque de utiliza��es que ou j� v�m sendo incipientemente adotadas, ou poderiam vir a ser empregadas no futuro. Tr�s caracter�sticas do Cad�nico definem suas possibilidades de utiliza��o. Em primeiro lugar, sua abrang�ncia � quase censit�ria, cobrindo a quase totalidade da popula��o mais pobre do pa�s. Em segundo lugar, devido a sua natureza cadastral, o Cad�nico inclui o nome e o endere�o dessa popula��o pobre. Por fim, embora a sele��o dos benefici�rios do PBF utilize apenas as informa��es de renda, o Cad�nico cont�m uma ampla variedade de informa��es sobre as condi��es de vida dessas fam�lias que podem ser utilizadas para a elabora��o de diagn�sticos e defini��o da pol�tica social do pa�s. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho � demonstrar que essa variedade de informa��es dispon�veis sobre as fam�lias, e a possibilidade de identific�las, leva a que este cadastro tenha in�meras utilidades. Mais especificamente, buscamos demonstrar como essas informa��es podem ser utilizados na elabora��o de diagn�sticos sobre as condi��es de vida das fam�lias, munic�pios, estados e at� mesmo do pa�s como um todo. The goal of the Cadastro �nico para Programas Sociais (Cad�nico) is the registration and maintenance of updated information of all Brazilian families with per capita income less than R$ 120.00. Although the use of Cad�nico continues focusing on the selection of beneficiaries of the Bolsa Fam�lia, there is a wide range of uses that incipiently or already has been adopted, or that could be employed in the future. Three features of Cad�nico define their scope of use. First, its scope is
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This report focuses on the dimensions of poverty, and how to create a better world, free of poverty. The analysis explores the nature, and evolution of poverty, and its causes, to present a framework for action. The opportunity for expanding poor people's assets is addressed, arguing that major reductions in human deprivation are indeed possible, that economic growth, inequality, and poverty reduction, can be harnessed through economic integration, and technological change, dependent not only on the evolvement of markets, but on the choices for public action at the global, national, and local levels. Actions to facilitate empowerment include state institutional responsiveness in building social institutions which will improve well-being, and health, to allow increased income-earning potential, access to education, and eventual removal of social barriers. Security aspects are enhanced, by assessing risk management towards reducing vulnerability to economic crises, and natural disasters. The report expands on the dimensions of human deprivation, to include powerlessness and voicelessness, vulnerability and fear. International dimensions are explored, through global actions to fight poverty, analyzing global trade, capital flows, and how to reform development assistance to forge change in the livelihoods of the poor.
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Desafios de uma Trajetória de Êxito: Dez Anos do PBF
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Cohn, A. (2013) 'Desafios de uma Trajetória de Êxito: Dez Anos do PBF', in T. Campello and M.C. Neri (eds.) (2013) Programa Bolsa Família: Uma Década de Inclusão e Cidadania. Brasília: IPEA.