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This article compares and contrasts the environmental problems faced by low-middle- and high-income cities and what this implies for each in meeting the environmental goals of sustainable development. It reviews the evidence in regard to bow air, water and waste problems differ according to cities' average incomes. This shows that household and neighbourhood level problems such as indoor air pollution and inadequate provision for household water supplies, sanitation and waste removal are most severe in low-income cities, and that their burdens fall primarily on the urban poor. Affluent cities contribute much more to global stresses such as carbon emissions and aggregate waste generation, whose burdens fall far more widely and are more likely to affect future generations. The article also discusses other important influences on the severity of cities' environmental burdens-in particular intra-urban inequality and the quality of governance. The article ends with a discussion of whether the environmental interests of the currently deprived are complementary to or in conflict with those of future generations, and the potential role of an environmental justice framework in reconciling these interests.
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The Environmental Dimensions of Sustainable Development for Cities
Author(s): GORDON McGRANAHAN and DAVID SATTERTHWAITE
Source:
Geography,
Vol. 87, No. 3 (July 2002), pp. 213-226
Published by: Geographical Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40573737
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The
Environmental
Dimensions
of
Sustainable
Development
for
Cities
GORDON McGRANAHAN AND
DAVID SATTERTHWAITE
ABSTRACT: This
article
compares
and contrasts
the environmental
problems
faced
by
low-,
middle-
and
high-income
cities
and what
this
implies
for
each in
meeting
the environmental
goals of
sustainable
development.
It
reviews the
evidence
in
regard
to how
air,
water
and waste
problems
differ
according
to
cities1
average
incomes. This shows that household and
neighbourhood
level
problems
such
as indoor
air
pollution
and inadequate provision
for
household water
supplies,
sanitation and waste
removal are most severe in low-income
cities,
and that their burdens
fall
primarily
on
the
urban
poor.
Affluent
cities contribute much
more to
global
stresses such as carbon emissions
and
aggregate
waste
generation,
whose burdens
fall far
more
widely
and are more
likely
to
affect
future generations.
The article also
discusses other
important
influences
on the
severity of
cities' environmental
burdens
- in
particular
intra-urban
inequality
and the
quality
of
governance.
The article ends with
a
discussion
of
whether
the environmental
interests
of
the
currently
deprived
are
complementary
to
or
in
conflict
with those
of
future
generations,
and the
potential
role
of
an
environmental
justice framework
in
reconciling
these interests.
THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES the environmental
dimensions
of a commitment to sustainable
development
for cities. It uses the twin
goals
set
by
the Brundtland
Commission
of
meeting
the
needs
of
the
present
without
compromising
the
ability
of
future
generations
to meet their
own
needs
(WCED,
1987).
If
cities are
judged only
on
whether
they
meet the environmental
needs
of
their
inhabitants,
then cities
in high-income
countries
come out
best,
as can
be seen
by
their
higher average
life
expectancies (often
20 to
30
years higher
than in cities in low-income
countries)
and
in
the much
lower
proportion
of
illness
attributable to
environmental causes.
This
might
seem to
imply
a
strong
association
between
wealthy
cities and cities that meet
sustainable
development
goals. But focusing
only on
environmental
quality
within
cities and on
environmental
health burdens within city
populations (and city
boundaries)
misses
the
transfer of
environmental burdens both
in
terms
of
space (transferring
burdens to
the
population
or ecology
of
surrounding regions
or 'distant
elsewheres")
and
in
terms of
time
(transferring
environmental burdens to the future,
as in
greenhouse gases
from
current
consumption
and
waste
generation
or
resource
depletion
implying
serious environmental costs in the future).
Indeed,
as discussed
below,
cities that have the
least transfer
of
environmental burdens outside
their boundaries and to the future
tend
to
be
the
cities with the largest
environmental burdens
falling
on
their
populations.
Thus,
a city
which is
meeting
the environmental
goals
of sustainable
development
is one that is meeting
the
environmental needs
of
those
living
within its
boundaries while
keeping
to a minimum the
transfer of environmental costs to its surrounds or
distant elsewheres
(either
now or in
the
future).
Historically,
the relationship
between these
different
spatial
dimensions
of 'good environ-
mental
performance'
for
cities has been far
from
complementary.
Environmental
problems
within
cities have
generally
been 'solved'
by displacing
them,
either
directly (e.g. using
sewers to trans-
port
human wastes
out of
the
city;
high
smoke
stacks,
disposing
of
city
wastes outside the urban
boundaries)
or
indirectly (e.g. city producers
and
consumers
importing products
whose fabrication
was resource-,
waste- and pollution-intensive).
Moreover,
this
relates
closely
to a
city's
economic
status,
with cities with
low average
incomes
associated with localised
burdens,
and cities with
high average
incomes associated with more
geographically
dispersed
and delayed
environ-
mental burdens.
In short,
achieving comple-
mentarity
and balance between initiatives
to
address environmental burdens with different
scales and time frames
is one of the major
challenges
for
sustainable
development.
It is
central to environmental
justice,
and the well-
being
of both the urban
poor and of future
generations.
GEOGRAPHY
VOLUME
87(3)
PAGES
213-226
Geography
0 2002
213
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GEOGRAPHY
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
FOR CITIES
Geography
C 2002
214
From local tO
global: Nor
is k surprising
that the
per capita
,. r i emissions of carbon dioxide from fossil fuel
Outlines OJ
atl Urban combustion tend to increase
with
affluence.
Most
environmental transition economic activities
require energy
conversions,
and fossil fuels
are still the world's
principal
energy
source. The danger
that carbon dioxide
emissions
will
adversely
affect climate
change
has
Figure
1
portrays
this
tendency
in
terms
of
three on,y reœntly gained widespread recognition.
The
stylised
curves,
one for localised
(intra-urban) effects are
delayed
and
highly
uncertain,
although
burdens,
one for
city-regional
burdens,
and one some recem extreme wea(her evems be
for
global
burdens.
Examples
of environmental hnked to increasing greenhouSe gas concen-
burdens at these different scales are
provided
for trations
¡n the atmosphere (IPCC> 2001).
air,
water and waste
in
Table
1. Moreover,
the costs of
reducing
carbon emissions
The 1992 World Development Report are borne
by
those who take
preventive
action,
discussed the relationship
between environ- wh¡,e œsts of
faj,ing
tQ reduœ emissions
are
mental
problems
and nations'
average
income
per distributed
global| (aithough unevenly
with
capita
and the
form of
the curves
conformed,
at particuiar
r ions>
countries and
sub-populations
least
roughly,
to those
presented
in
Figure
1,
with particularly
at
risk)
and onto future
generations,
inadequate household access to water and intemational mechanisms to ensure that there are
sanitation
representing
the local
curve,
sulphur sukable incentives for
preventive
action remain
dioxide concentrations
representing
the city/ rudimentary,
and heavily disputed.
Wealthier
regional
curve,
and greenhouse gas emissions people
can afford tQ consume more fossil
fuels>
representing
the
global
curve
(World
Bank,
1992). both
djrect,y
and
indirectly)
and
gOvernments
in
It is
not
surprising
that the share of the urban wea|thy
countries stiH have relatively
little
population
with
inadequate
sanitation
tends to incentive to nt their own citizens from doi
decline with
affluence. The
dangers
of
inadequate SQ ^^ some cornmitments
towards
limiting
sanitation are widely acknowledged,
and the carbon emissions
have been
made,
the
question
effects
are immediate and local. The facilities of how the responsibilities
should be shared
labelled 'safe'
(e.g.
water-flushed toilets
linked to remains
,argdy
unresolved)
with the major
city-wide
sewer
systems)
were
already developed emjtter
(the
Unked
States) unwilling
to
engage
in
more than a century ago. There are various ongoing
multilateral
negotiations,
relatively
standardised institutional mechanisms The rise and fa„ of ambient
concentrations of
for providing
and servicing
these facilities. sulphur
dioxjde fe
superficially surprising)
but
Wealthier
people
can better afford
these
facilities, actua,, conforms more dosel to what is
and wealthier
governments
can better afford to sometimes
portrayed
as the normal
relationship
provide
and service
them,
and enforce
sanitary between po,iution and affluence: the
regulations. environmental Kuznets curve.
Sulphur
dioxide
Figure
1: A
stylised
diagram relating
affluence
to the scale of
urban
environmental burdens.
Source: McGranahan
et
ai, 2001.
Urban Environmental
Burdens
Localised City
/
Regional Global
Severity ^^^^ ^^^
Urban
affluence
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Table
1
Urban environmental
burdens of different
spatial
scales in
relation to
air,
water and waste
Note: a The global
burdens
can be assessed either
in
terms
of
the direct
contribution of urban activities
(i.e. urban water
consumption,
air
pollution
emissions and waste
generation)
or in
terms
of
the overall
impacts
of
urban
consumption
(e.g. water
consumed,
air
pollution
emitted
and waste
generated
to
support
urban
consumption).
emissions,
like carbon dioxide, are closely
associated
with fossil fuel
combustion,
especially
for
industry
and power
stations,
but can be
reduced
by measures
such as lowering
the
sulphur
content
of
the fuels
burned. The
dangers
of
sulphur
dioxide concentrations
are less
widely
acknowledged,
immediate and localised than
inadequate
sanitation,
but
more
so than
global
climate
change:
most of the burden
falls on the
city
and the
surrounding region,
and
many
of
the
effects
are incurred
within a normal
planning
time-horizon.
Generally,
cities with
low
average
incomes
do not consume
sufficient
fuel
(or
have
sufficient
industry)
to create
high sulphur
dioxide
concentrations.
On the other
hand,
many
cities
in
affluent
countries
have implemented
control
measures
that,
together
with a shift
in their
economic
base away
from
industry
and into
services,
have
led to
appreciable
improvements
in
recent
decades.
To the extent that
these measures
can
overcome the
effects
of
higher energy
use,
this leaves
middle-income
cities,
and
particularly
large
industrialised
middle-income
cities
(and
some
heavy
industry
cities
in
low-income
nations)
with the highest
concentrations
of sulphur
dioxide
in
their ambient
air.
Thus,
while these
curves are
not the
straightforward
result
of
simple
laws
of
development,
they
are related to the
underlying
features of these three environmental
problems
(see Table
2). Even
from
these three
examples
it should be clear that: the local,
immediate,
health
threatening
problem
is most
evident
in
the cities with
low
average
incomes;
the
global, delayed, life-support
system
threatening
problem
arises
from
affluent urban
lifestyles;
and
that the spatially
and temporally
intermediate
problem
is most evident
in
cities with
average
incomes between these
two extremes.
(For
the
rest
of this
article,
reference
will
be made to
low-
income,
middle-income and affluent
cities rather
than cities where
average
incomes are
low,
middle
or
high.)
The section that follows examines
the
evidence
for
an urban
environmental
transition
from a cross-sectional
perspective.
Emphasis
is
placed
on three environmental
problem
areas
(water,
air and
waste)
using
examples
at the three
different scales (local, city-regional,
global).
Somewhat
more attention
is paid to the
city-
regional
scale,
where the
relationship
to
affluence
often
depends
on a combination
of
opposing
tendencies.
Since one of the
critical
aspects
of
environmental
burdens
is
the
manner
in
which
they
interact,
this
is followed
by
a brief
synthesis
of
the
environmental
challenges
in
low-income,
middle-income
and affluent cities.
Table
2
Comparing
selected
features of
three environmental
indicators:
access to
sanitation,
ambient concentrations
of
sulphur
dioxide and carbon emissions
GEOGRAPHY
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
FOR CITIES
Geography
0 2002
215
Local City-regional Global3
Air Indoor air
pollution Ambient air
pollution
and Contributions
to
carbon emissions
acid precipitation
Water Inadequate household access to
water Pollution
of local
water bodies Aggregate
water
consumption
Waste Unsafe household and neighbourhood Unsafe
or
ecologically
destructive
waste
handling disposal of
collected wastes Aggregate
waste
generation
Inadequate access to water Ambient concentrations
of Carbon
emissions
and sanitation sulphur
dioxide
Highest
incidence Low-income urban
centres Middle-income urban
centres Affluent
urban centres
Impact Strong
on human health Moderate
on health but also Potentially
strong
on life-
on ecology' support
systems
Scale of
impact Household-neighbourhood City-region Globe
Timing
of
impact Immediate Immediate
- cumulative Cumulative
- inter-generational
Achieved
prominence bite-nineteenth
century Mid-twentieth
century bite-twentieth
century
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GEOGRAPHY
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
FOR CITIES
Geography
0 2002
216
Water
A
local
water issue: access to
adequate
water for health
The two most serious water-related health
problems
in urban areas are contaminated
drinking
water
for households and a lack
of water
for
washing
and
hygiene.
Both are
clearly
more
severe
problems
in conditions
of
poverty,
and
improve with affluence. Statistical
analysis,
relating
average national income levels to
inadequate
access to safe water
in
urban
areas,
yields
a declining
curve similar to that for
inadequate
sanitation,
though
somewhat lower
(i.e.
a higher
share of the urban
population
has
access to safe water at all income
levels) (World
Bank, 1992; Shafìk,
1995).
As
with
sanitation,
while
the
quality
of the statistics on
provision
for water
is open to debate,
and official statistics
greatly
over-state the quality
and extent of water
provision
in
urban areas
in
many
low- and middle-
income nations
(Hardoy
et
ai, 2001),
the overall
tendency
for
access to water to improve
with
affluence
is undisputed.
Also
in
common with
sanitation,
in urban centres where the water
system
is not
adequate
to
serve the needs
of
the
residents,
it is the
poorest
neighbourhoods
that
are
generally
the worst served.
A
city-regional
water issue:
pollution
of
open
waterways
It
is
more difficult to
identify
and
compare
urban
contributions to water
problems
at the city,
regional
and
global
levels. River water
quality
is
affected
by
rural activities
(e.g. agriculture)
as well
as urban,
and international data on river water
quality
is not generally
available. There is
nevertheless some international evidence
that,
for
both
chemical and
biological
contaminants,
river
water
quality
tends
to
deteriorate with
increasing
national
income,
and then
improve
(Grossman
and
Krueger,
1995).
The reasons
why
chemical
water
pollution
might
be expected
to follow this
pattern
are
similar to that
given
for ambient air
pollution
above.
In most low-income urban centres
the
concentration
of
industry
and other activities that
give
rise to chemical
water
pollution
is
low.
On the
other
hand,
the most affluent urban centres have
often taken measures
to control
city-regional
pollution,
either
cleaning up
or
driving
out
the
dirtiest industries.
Faecal water
pollution
can be expected
to
follow a similar
pattern,
for
slightly
different reasons.
Increasing
affluence
is
associated with a
larger
share
of residents with access to water-borne
sewage
systems,
and a
larger
share
of that
sewage
receiving
treatment
before
being
released
in
the
waterways.
In
the low-income urban centres
only
a small share of
residents
is likely
to have access to water-borne
sewage systems, limiting
the amount
of
human waste
that finds its
way
into the waterways.
In the
wealthiest urban centres a
large
share of the
sewage
is
likely
to be
treated.
Among
a cross
section
of
70
cities,
grouped according
to
per capita
income
in
Table
3,
the
average
share
of
households connected
to sewers increases from 26%
among
low-income
cities to
70%
in
the middle-income
group
to
99%
in
the high-income
group.
The average
share
of
wastewater treated increases
from 28%
to
40%,
24%
and
43%
to
93%.
The combined effect
of
these two
monotonically increasing
functions
on
the estimated
share of faeces
released untreated
with the
sewerage
is
first an increase
from
16% to
42%,
and then a
decline to 7%. The cities
in the table are not
representative.
Many
cities and most smaller
urban
centres
in
low-income nations have
no
sewers and
few have as much as 26% of
their
population
with
connections
(Hardoy
et
ai, 2001).
But
if
poor
and
unsewered urban centres were better
represented,
the rise and initial fall
in
sewage
released
per capita
would be accentuated.
Table
3
Sewerage
connections and wastewater treatment
by gross
city product per capita
Source: Based on
data
in
UNCHS,
1997.
Note: These
cities are
major
urban
centres
in
countries
for
which the
relevant data are
available,
and should not be taken as
representative
of
urban centres
generally.
Gross
city product per capita (1993 US$)
<1000 1000-10,000 10,000+
1. Number of observations (cities) 9 30 31
2. Average percentage of households connected to sewers 26 ""() 99
3. Average percentage of wastewater treated 26 i3 93
'. Kstimated average percentage of faeces released untreated with sewerage 16 42 ~*
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A
global
water issue:
direct and indirect
water demand
Turning
to global
water
burdens,
there is no
obvious
equivalent
to carbon emissions
since
no
major
pollutant
is known
to be putting
the
sustainability
of global water
systems
under
threat.
There
is, however,
growing
concern about
a global
water
crisis,
driven
by
a combination
of
water
pollution
and excessive
water
consumption
(Gleick, 1998).
Water
consumption per capita
is
highest in affluent cities (Kjellén and
McGranahan,
1997), and the per capita
consumption
of traded
goods
whose
production
is helping
to drive the
world water
crisis also
increases with
urban affluence.
Air
pollution
A
local air
pollution issue: indoor air
quality
and health
While statistics
on indoor air
pollution
in
urban
areas
are not
widely
available,
the
relationship
between
urban affluence
and exposure
to the
most
significant pollutants
is almost
certainly
similar to
that
for
sanitary
facilities:
highest
in low-
income cities and steadily
declining
with
increasing
affluence
(Smith,
1993a).
Just
as fuel
combustion
accounts
for
a
large
share
of outdoor
air
pollution,
it also accounts
for a large
share
indoors,
particularly
where smoky
fuels
are
burned
in
poorly
ventilated
rooms
(Smith,
1988).
The
most health
damaging
source
of indoor air
pollution
is probably
cooking-
and
heating-flres
(Chen
et
ai, 1990; Smith,
1993b;
Smith et
ai,
1994).
Household
fuel
choice
is often described
as
an
energy
ladder,
with fuels
such as
crop
residues
and firewood
at
the
bottom,
followed
by
charcoal,
kerosene,
LPG and
finally
electricity
(McGranahan
and
Kaijser,
1993;
Smith
et al.
,
1994).
Since
smoke
can be unpleasant
as well as unhealthy,
and
the
less
polluting
fuels
are
more convenient
for most
purposes,
they
are often favoured
by
wealthy
households
who
can
afford
to
switch.
Generally,
the
higher up the
ladder,
the
less-polluting
the
fuel.
Air
pollution
in
and
around
the
home,
where
people - especially
women,
children
and the
elderly
- spend
most
of their
time,
is
particularly
threatening
to health
(Smith,
1993a).
A
city-regional
air
pollution issue:
ambient
air
quality
For city-wide
air pollution
there are some
indications
that the
most
serious
problems
arise
in
middle-income
cities. Ambient concentrations
of
smoke,
sulphur
dioxide and particulates
have
generated widespread concern, and are
comparatively
well monitored. There have been
statistical studies
of the relationship
between
urban ambient
air
pollution
and affluence,
and
overall
the results of these studies conform
to the
patterns
described
for
sulphur
dioxide. Shaflk
(1995) found
that urban air
pollution
follows a
'bell shaped curve', with concentrations
of
suspended particulate
matter
peaking
at
roughly
US$3000
(per capita
national
income circa
1985)
and sulphur dioxide at roughly
US$4000.
Grossman and
Krueger (1995)
found an 'inverted
U-shaped'
relationship
for smoke. The turning
points
for both smoke and
sulphur
dioxide
were
around
US$4000-5000.
To
some
degree,
the additional
ambient
air
pollution
as one moves
from
low-
to middle-
income cities
could be displaced
indoor
air
pollution.
For example,
as people shift
from
smoky
fuels
to
electricity
there
is
simultaneously
a
shift
from indoor air
pollution
to ambient
air
pollution,
if
the
electricity
is
generated
in
thermal
power
plants.
More
important,
the increasing
ambient air
pollution
reflects
increasing transport
and industrial
activities
taking place
in
relatively
uncontrolled
settings,
while the later decline
relies
on
policy
measures
to
curb
pollution.
A
global air
pollution issue:
contributions
to global carbon emissions
Turning
to
global
air
pollution,
the
contributions
of affluent cities
come to
the fore.
Carbon dioxide
emissions
increase
with national
income
(Holtz-
Eakin
and Seiden, 1995; Shafik,
1995) - and
average greenhouse
gas
emissions
per person
in
the USA
are some
200 times
higher
than
in
many
low-income
nations
(World
Bank,
1999).
There
are
few studies
of
average greenhouse
gas
emissions
per person
for cities
- one
study
suggested
that
high-income
cities such
as
Canberra,
Chicago
and
Los
Angeles
had between
six and nine
times the
carbon
dioxide
emissions
per person
of the
world's
average
and
25
or more times
that
of one
of the
world's
largest
low-income
cities,
Dhaka
(Nishioka
et al.
,
1990).
The
shift
from
city-level
to
global
air
pollution
burdens
is somewhat
similar
to the
shift
from indoor
to ambient
air
pollution,
though
in this
case it
is the
city
that
is being
'cleaned
up' and the activities
contributing
to
global
burdens
that
continue
largely
unabated.
This
clearly applies
to fossil fuel
consumption,
which
is still
closely
tied
to the
automobile
and
high material consumption levels. The
relationship
between affluence
and carbon
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218
dioxide emissions
would
undoubtedly
be
steeper
if
emissions
were
assigned
to the
final consumers
of the
goods
and services
whose
provision
led
to
the
emissions
(Rothman, 1998).
Waste
A
local
waste issue: household and
neighbourhood
waste
handling
and
health
Household
waste creates local environmental
problems
when it
is
not collected
and is allowed
to accumulate
in residential areas. The health
threat of such waste is less acute than faecal
waste,
but it is often mixed with faecal material where
sanitary
facilities
are lacking,
and it can also
provide
a
food or a
breeding ground
for vectors of
disease,
such as flies and rodents. Uncollected
waste often blocks
drains,
leading
to various
water-related
problems
and in some cases
flooding.
Like
inadequate
sanitation,
inadequate
solid waste removal
is
a serious
problem
in
low-
income
cities,
and
collection tends
to be better
the more affluent the
city
- see Table
4.
The
figure
for households without
regular
waste collection
in
low-income cities
(38%) is far lower than most
detailed
city
studies would seem to suggest
(Hardoy
et
ai, 2001),
but
again
the trend
is
hard
to dispute: wealthier cities (and wealthier
neighbourhoods
in low- and middle-income
cities) tend to have better waste collection
services.
A
city-regional
waste
issue:
inadequate
disposal
of collected wastes
Even
if
waste is
collected,
it still
creates
city-level
disposal problems.
Open dumping
is an obvious
symptom,
but much
depends upon what
the
wastes
are,
and
many
landfills,
incinerators and
other
waste disposal systems
create serious
environmental burdens
in
and around the
city.
For
the cities
summarised
in
Table
4, the share
of
waste
reported
to be
disposed
of
in
open dumps
declines
from
a high
of 62%
in
the
low-income
cities to 0%
in
the wealthiest.
Since the
quantities
of waste
generated
do
not
vary
to the same
extent,
and somewhat
surprisingly
are lowest
in the
middle-income cities
of this
particular sample.
Most studies indicate that
waste generation
increases
monotonically
with income
(e.g.
Shafik,
1995), this
would seem to imply
that
open
dumping
is most serious
in low-income
cities.
However,
even
here,
there
are
opposing
forces at
work that can create a shift
in
priorities
towards
the
city-wide
waste
problems
as one moves
from
low-
to middle-income cities.
First,
the collection
of
waste shifts the burden from the localities
from
where
the waste is collected to the
city
as a whole
and
collection rates are
higher
in
middle-income
than
in
low-income cities.
Second,
the share
of
putrescible
waste (which causes short-term
problems
in
the waste site's
vicinity
but no serious
long-term disposal problem)
is higher
in low-
income cities
(Cointreau, 1986),
while the share of
industrial wastes is lower. Using the data
summarised
in
Table
4
to estimate the amount of
solid waste collected and
disposed
of
in
open
city
dumps yields
far
closer statistics:
0.4kg
per capita
in
low-income
cities,
0.3
in
middle-income cities
and 0.0
in
affluent cities2.
Assuming
that
greater
shares of waste
in
the middle-income
cities are
hazardous or non-degradable,
the citywide
burden
of
the middle-income cities could well
be
larger.
A
global
waste issue:
aggregate
waste
generation
The closest thing
to an indicator of global
contributions to the waste burden is aggregate
waste
generation,
which,
as indicated
above,
generally
increases with affluence
(Shafik, 1995).
Average per capita
waste
generation
in North
America is
much
higher
than the
1.4kg per day
Table
4
Waste
generation,
collection and disposal by gross
city product per capita
Source: Based on
data
in
UNCHS,
1997.
Note: These
cities are
major
urban centres
in
countries for which
the relevant data
are
available,
and
should not be
taken as
representative
of
the urban
population
in
their
income class.
Gross
city product per capita (1993 US$)
<1000 1000-10,000 10,000+
1.
Number
of
observations
(cities) 8 26 24
2.
Average
waste
generation
per
household
(kg
clay) 1 0.9 1.4
3.
Average
percentage
of
households with
regular
waste
collection service 02 87 l()0
4.
Estimated waste collection
per
household
(kg/day) 0.6 0.8 1.3
5.
Average
percentage
of
waste
disposed
of in
open
dumps 62 37 0
6.
Estimated waste collected
and
disposed
of in
open city
dumps (kg/day)
0.4 0.3 0
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noted
in
Table
4,
while it
is
much less
than
lkg
a
day
in
many
low-income cities
and can be as
low
as
O.2kg per person
per
day (OECD,
1991). Large
quantities
of waste
represent
a disposal problem
for the
city,
but
from the
perspective
of
larger-
scale
environmental
burdens
likely
to affect
future
generations,
the more
important
waste burden
is
interruption
of natural material
cycles
and
their
replacement
with linear
flows. Even
to the extent
that
affluent
urban centres
can solve their
immediate
disposal
problems,
few
have shifted
towards the
sort
of clean
technologies
that
might
radically
alter waste generation,
ecosystem
disruption
and
resource
depletion.
Stereotyping
low-income,
middle-income
and
affluent
cities
The
problems
of
air,
water
and
waste are
closely
interconnected,
and relate
to numerous other
urban environmental
problems.
Drawing
from the
above,
it is possible
to provide
a somewhat
stereotyped
description
of three
different
types
of
cities.
In low-income
cities,
local environmental
problems
are
a
major
cause
of
disease,
injury
and
death. Inadequate household water and
sanitation, smoky cooking fuels, waste
accumulating
in
the
neighbourhood
and
disease-
bearing pests
are
major
contributors
to ill-health
and mortality (World
Bank,
1993). Inadequate
household
water
supplies
and sanitation
are
typically
more
crucial to
people's
well-being
than
polluted
waterways (Cairncross
and Feachem,
1993). There is often
more exposure
to air
pollution
in smoky
kitchens
than outdoors
(Smith,
1993a).
Waste
accumulating,
uncollected,
in
the
neighbourhood
often
poses
more serious
health
problems
than the
waste
at
city
dumps.
Flies breeding
in the waste and mosquitoes
breeding
in
water
sites
can add
considerably
to
the
local
health
risks
(Schofìeld
et al ,
1990;
Lines
et
al, 1994).
And all
of these
risks
involve
closely
inter-related
local environmental
processes3:
waste
clogs
the
drains,
faecal
material
gets
into
the
drinking
water,
mosquitoes
breed in water
containers,
flies
breed
in
uncollected
waste and
leave
deposits
on the
food,
and
so on. Within
low-
income
cities,
these
problems
are
concentrated
in
the
poorest
neighbourhoods.
Virtually
everyone
living
and
socialising
in such
neighbourhoods
is
typically
at
risk,
although
infants
and
children
face
the
greatest
health
burdens
(Bartlett
et al ,
1999).
In middle-income
cities,
increasing
wealth
tends to bring improvements
in local
environmental
conditions. Some combination
of
public,
private
and collective
sector initiatives
usually
deals with the
worst water and
sanitation
problems
for most
of the
population,
and
most
households are likely
to have
shifted to clean
fuels.
On
average,
housing
will
be better
with less
damp,
less
crowding
and better
ventilation.
On
the other
hand,
industrialisation
and
motorised
transport
is likely to have added new
environmental
burdens, this time falling
principally
at the city-
wide or regional
level.
Pollution
of
the
ambient air
and
waterways
are
likely
to be higher.
Abstraction
of
groundwater
may
have
become
so severe that saline
infiltration
and/or
land
subsistence
is a problem.
There are
many
references
in
the literature
to the
'double
burden' faced
by low-income
households
in
industrialising
cities:
they
can
end
up
facing
both
the burdens
typically
associated
with low-income
cities,
and
those associated
with
middle-income
cities as well. This concept is somewhat
misleading,
since
all of the burdens
come in
different
intensities
and the
number
of burdens
is
a
poor
measure
of the overall
risk.
Nevertheless,
it
does capture
some of the
complexity
of urban
environmental
issues.
In affluent
cities,
the most serious
local
environmental
hazards have usually been
displaced
or reduced,
while
existing lifestyles
pose
major,
if
often
uncertain,
delayed
and
diffuse
threats
to
planetary
life-support
systems.
Waste,
once a problem
primarily
in
and around
people's
homes and workplaces,
now interferes
with
a
range
of
regional
and
global processes.
High
levels
of materials
and
energy
consumption
and
waste
generation,
selective pressures on distant
ecosystems,
and new hazards arising
from
technologies developed
to
meet the
demands
of
the
affluent contribute
to the
global
sustainability
challenge.
Qualifying
the
urban
environmental
'transition
'
These stylised
accounts capture important
aspects
of urban
environmental
variation
and
change,
but taken
in isolation
they
can be
misleading. They
ignore
the economic
and
social
dimensions
of inter-urban
and urban-rural
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2002
220
interaction.
Perhaps
more
important, they
could
mistakenly
be taken to imply
that this urban
transition is
the inevitable outcome of
develop-
ment,
or that economic
growth
automatically
reduces local and then
city-wide
environmental
problems,
and perhaps eventually
the global
burdens
now
associated
with affluence. Altern-
atively,
the focus on inter-urban differences and
different scales
of
environmental
impacts
could
obscure intra-urban variation and inter-scale
effects.
Thus,
before
drawing
some conclusions
it
is
important
to
consider some of
the second-order
complications.
Intra-urban variation
In the above discussion,
both affluence
and
environmental burdens
were
generally
treated as
characteristics of
cities. But no
city
is of
uniform
affluence and
environmental
quality
and
many
of
the same wealth-related
differences
evident
between cities
are also evident
within cities.
Applying
an analysis
of
the
nature
of
environ-
mental burdens
to different
locations within
a
city
would produce a similar
grouping
to that
discussed above
between cities.
Virtually
all
major
cities
in
Latin
America,
Asia and Africa
have areas
in
which
high-income
groups
are
concentrated
where
the inhabitants
face few
if
any
localised
environmental
burdens
because there
is good
quality
provision
for
water, sanitation,
drainage
and
garbage
collection and
few local
sources
of
air
pollution
- and also
areas with
very
inadequate
provision
forali of
these
(Hardoy
et al.
,
2001).
The
areas where the high-income
groups are
concentrated are also
likely
to
have
high averages
per
person
for
greenhouse
gas emissions
and
waste generation (and so have similar
environmental
characteristics to affluent
cities)
while the areas
where
low-income
groups
are
concentrated
have
very
low average
levels of
resource
use,
waste
generation
and
greenhouse
gas emissions
(Hardoy
et
ai, 2001).
Moreover,
intra-urban
variations
in
affluence
may play
an
important
role
in
determining
how
cities
respond
to environmental
issues. Indeed, there are
indications
that,
all other
things being
equal,
greater
equity
will
lead to
higher
environmental
quality
(Torras,
1998).
There are
also,
of
course,
appreciable
inequalities
in most
affluent cities.
Lifestyles
and
hence
environmental
burdens
vary.
The
homeless of
New
York
undoubtedly
consume
fewer
resources
and impose
less of a global
environmental
burden than the wealthiest
residents of
New
Delhi
or Nairobi.
The overall
affluence of
a
city
does
make a
difference,
but it
is
important
to
recognise
that
generalisations
based
on
aggregates
and
averages
cannot be assumed to
apply
at the individual level.
In particular,
the
equity dimensions of urban environmental
management
must take account of both intra- and
inter-urban differentials.
The role of
governance
Despite the attention
given
to affluence,
the
stylised
descriptions
of urban environmental
transition do not capture its political
and
economic dimensions.
They
do
not,
for
example,
explain
the
difficulties most
city populations
and
governments
face in addressing
the environ-
mental burdens
characteristic
of
their
level
of
affluence,
or
why
some
cities have a far above
average
environmental
quality
relative to their
average
income,
or
why
some affluent cities
have
much
lower
average greenhouse
gas emissions
than others.
Low-income
cities and neighbourhoods
almost
inevitably
face serious local
environmental
health
problems,
but
even within the
same
city,
neighbourhoods
of
comparable
wealth can
vary
considerably
in
their
environmental
quality (Bapat
and Crook, 1984). Much the same applies
throughout
the transition:
affluence
is
clearly only
one factor
influencing
environmental burdens.
Other factors
include
the natural
setting
(and
its
influence
on
the
need
for
buildings
to
be heated
or cooled and on the spatial
distribution of
production
and residences)
and the
functional
role or the historical context of the
neighbourhood
or city
(especially
in
regard
to
what productive
activities drove the city's
development).
The
compactness
of
the
city
and
the extent of
a commitment to
public
transport
over the
last
50
years
has a
major
influence
on
the
extent of
private
automobile
use and hence of
average
greenhouse gas
emissions
per person
- to
the
point
where
there can be a three- to five-fold
difference
in
gasoline
consumption per
person
between cities
with
comparable
levels of
affluence
(Newman, 1996). But different cities and
communities
also react differently
to the
challenges
they
face. To
begin
to
understand this
variation,
it is
important
to
consider
the nature of
the
political
and
economic
challenge
that these
environmental
burdens raise.
Groups
at
a
political
disadvantage
tend to be
most at risk from
environmental
burdens:
especially
the
economically deprived
in
relation
to
local hazards
and
the not
yet
born in
relation
to
global
burdens.
In
many
cases
there are
politically
powerful
groups
who have a vested
interest
in
maintaining
environmentally
destructive activities.
Even when
this is not
the
case,
it
is
a political
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challenge
to ensure
that such environmental
risks
are
taken
seriously
in
the
public
arena.
Unfortuna-
tely,
the market
mechanisms
by which
many
human needs
are met also
do not function effect-
ively
when
it
comes
to
most environmental burdens.
Economically,
there are externalities and
other collective
action
problems
at
every
level.
Households
in
areas
lacking
basic services
only
affect
the environmental
quality of their
neighbourhood marginally,
but bear the
combined
burden
of environmental
insults
from
a wide
range
of sources".
Urban ambient
air and
water
have
long
been used
in
economic
texts to
exemplify
the economic
difficulties
posed by
public
goods.
And
global
environmental
goods
threatened
by
affluent
lifestyles
are even
more
geographically
public
in scope. Moreover,
at
every
level
the
problems
tend
to be difficult
to
perceive directly,
and involve scientifically
complex phenomena.
This
uncertainty
tends to
reinforce
the
political
and
economic
obstacles
to
action. Poorly
understood
and economically
externalised
threats,
falling
heavily
on the
politically
marginal
groups,
are easily
ignored.
This
implies
that
better,
more
equitable,
more
representative
city
and municipal
governance
should help reduce the incidence of
environmental
burdens at every level of
affluence.
Differences
in governance
could
explain
part
of the
variation
in environmental
burdens
observed
in cities
with
comparable
average
incomes.
This is certainly
evident
in
regard
to localised
environmental
burdens
as
more
competent,
accountable
city
governments
are able to lessen localised environmental
burdens
- as can
be seen
by
the
improvements
in
provision
for
water,
sanitation
and garbage
collection
in many
Latin
American
cities in
countries
where decentralisation
and local
democracy
were
strengthened
(Hardoy
et ai,
2001). Because of the scales involved,
local
governance
would seem
to
be more relevant
to
problems
in
poor
cities
and
global
governance
to
problems
emerging
from
affluent
cities. In
practice,
however,
scales
of
governance
cannot
be
so
neatly
circumscribed.
National
(and
state)
governments
control
the
possibilities
for cities and municipalities
to
develop
their
revenue
base
and the
proportion
of
public funds they receive to meet local
responsibilities
for most local environmental
problems.
National
governments
are also key
actors
in global agreements.
Moreover,
local
actions
and governance
are linked
to global
processes,
and
good
global governance
must
be
locally
grounded.
Thus,
on the
one hand
local
measures to
improve
environmental health often
depend critically
on international
finance,
and
approaches
to environmental service
provision
are heavily
influenced
by
international trends.
(The
collapse
of
communism,
for
example,
had a
profound
effect
on
attitudes
to state
provision
of
water and sanitation
in
poor
cities,
although
the
fall
of communism had little
or
nothing
to
do with
the relative
merits
of public ownership
of
environmental
utilities.)
On the other
hand,
global agreements
to curb greenhouse
gas
emissions are
likely
to be
very disruptive
if
their
implementation
is not based on good local
governance.
Thus,
the
form of the urban environmental
transition
reflects
both physical
and social
processes.
Moreover,
while the form
of the
transition
can be explained,
it
is by
no means
predetermined.
With better
governance,
more
effective means for
addressing
environmental
burdens
at
every
scale should
be
possible.
Inter-scale
effects
In
describing
the
physical
outlines
of
the
urban
environmental
transition,
the only inter-scale
effect described
was environmental
displacement,
whereby
measures
that
reduced
local burdens
create
larger
scale
burdens.
But there
are also
instances
where
reducing
local environmental
burdens
diminishes
the
larger-scale
burdens,
and
vice-versa.
Similarly,
deteriorating
local environ-
mental
conditions
can contribute
to international
or
even
global
burdens.
In
relation
to
water and
sanitation,
the
local
conditions
that facilitate
the
spread
of diseases
locally
also
increase
the
risks of
epidemics.
The
recent
cholera
pandemic
in
Latin
America
would
probably
not have emerged
were it not for
deficient
water and sanitary
conditions
in the
urban
centres
of the
region
(Tauxe
et
al., 1995),
and it
is
also
possible
that
climate
change played
a
role
(McMichael
et
al.
,
1996).
While
spread
of
the
endemic
diseases,
that
now constitute
a major
share
of the water
and
sanitation
related
disease
burden,
is less easily
monitored,
it is equally
complex,
and undoubtedly
involves
inter-urban
infection
through
human
movement
(i.e.
not
just
through
water-borne
routes,
such as water-borne
sanitation).
Moreover,
large
concentrations
of
people
living
with
poor
sanitation
are,
according
to
some
researchers,
conducive
to
outbreaks
of
new
'plagues'
that
could
spread
around
the
globe
(Krause,
1992). Such links between
local and
larger-scale
burdens
are neglected
in the
first-
order account
of the urban
water and
sanitation
transition.
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For
air
pollution,
some research
suggests
that household biofuels emit
large quantities
of
methane,
an important
greenhouse gas. Thus,
shifting
to 'cleaner' fuels could serve health
improvements
in poor households and also
reduce
global warming (Smith
and
Akbar,
1999).
There are also potential complementarities
between reductions
in carbon emissions and
ambient concentrations
of particulates.
Some
researchers have even claimed that hundreds of
thousands
of
lives could be saved
annually by
climate control
policies (Working
Group on
Public Health and Fossil-Fuel
Combustion,
1997).
In practice,
some measures to curb carbon
emissions
would reduce ambient concentrations
of
health-threatening pollutants
in
cities,
while
others would not. But what are
missing
are not
technical
opportunities
for
addressing
environ-
mental burdens at different scales
simultaneously,
but the
incentives,
understandings
and
equitable
institutional
settings
to ensure
that
such
opport-
unities
are seized.
In addition,
global
environ-
mental burdens
will
not
be felt
equally
across the
world. Urban
areas with weak
economic bases and
government
structures are less able to
adapt
to
the
direct and indirect
impacts
of
climate
change
and
many
of
the cities and
regions
that
are
likely
to suffer the most serious
consequences
of
climate-change-related
impacts
are
in
low-income
nations
(IPCC,
2001).
Thus,
while
global
environ-
mental
change
may
not be a
priority
issue
for
low-
income
cities,
nor is it
only
an issue of concern
to
the
affluent,
who
can afford to
worry
about the
distant future.
Moreover,
just as there are
opportunities
for addressing
environmental
burdens at every
scale,
there are also opport-
unities for
reducing
the trade-offs
between the
different scales.
Environmental
justice,
governance
and
reconciling
competing
urban
environmental
agendas
TWo
urban environmental
agendas
Table
5 highlights
differences
between what are
often
termed the 'brown'
and the
'green' agendas.
The brown
agenda
addresses issues that are
more
local,
immediate and
generally
have
their
greatest
impacts
on lower-income
groups.
The green
agenda
addresses issues
that are
more
dispersed,
delayed
and affect future
generations.
In
terms
of
the preceding
discussion,
the brown
agenda
focuses on addressing the environmental
dimension
of
poverty
while
the
green
addresses
the environmental dimension
of ecological
sustainability.
Superficially,
these two
agendas appear
in
opposition
to each other
and,
as described
above,
green
burdens have
grown
in
part
because
brown
burdens have been displaced.
From a 'green'
perspective
such
displacement
is
inequitable
and
economically
unsound as it shifts the burdens
from
those
responsible
onto distant
people
and
ecosystems
and onto future
generations.
It also
raises
economic concerns:
if
those
responsible
do
not
bear the
costs,
and those affected are too
distant
or
dispersed
to
represent
their
interests,
the
resulting
environmental
damage
is
likely
to be
economically
excessive.
From a 'brown'
perspective,
the
fundamental
inequities
and economic inefficiencies lie in
inadequate local water supplies, local air
pollution,
lack
of
waste
collection,
poor
sanitation
and inadequate
land available to low-income
groups' housing.
In
terms
of
equity,
these
people
have the right
to have their needs met
- if
necessary by
the same means
through
which
others
have
historically
met theirs. Their
poverty
is itself a reflection of historic
inequities,
which
ought
not to
be compounded by
environmental
insults.
Economically,
local
environmental hazards
also create
collective burdens that do not
translate
into
appropriate
individual economic
incentives,
especially
if
local
organising
to demand
attention
to
local
environmental
problems
is
repressed
for
political
purposes.
This
stereotyped
version of the
brown/green
debate is
both
simplistic
and more
high-minded
than
the actual
push
and shove of
urban
environmental
politics.
As with
global
sustainability
and poverty
reduction,
both the
green
and brown
agendas
have
distinctly
selfless
goals (inasmuch
as future
generations
cannot
engage in politics,
and the poor are often
excluded from
doing so). But self-interest
inevitably permeates
the
politics
that
surround
them,
both
internationally
and
locally.
One of
the
politically
attractive elements of
the environmental
agenda is that it promises
public
benefits to all
segments
of
society.
In
the
urban
context,
this
applies especially
to
city-wide
improvements.
Even the affluent suffer from
outdoor air
pollution,
and polluted waterways.
Neither the brown
nor
the
green
agendas,
as
described
here, prioritise
the environmental
burdens
imposed
on the
currently
affluent,
but
both can make some claims
to benefit them.
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Table
5
Stereotyping
the brown and the
green agendas for urban environment
improvement
Source:
McGranahan
and
Satterthwaite,
2000.
Sanitary
improvement
can
be advocated
to avoid
society-wide
epidemics,
even
though
the main
health
burdens
arising
from
poor
sanitation
are
now endemic
diseases
(Cairncross
and
Feachem,
1993).
Cities
with
poor-quality
environments
are
also less likely
to attract
much new foreign
investment
(Douglass,
2002; van Vliet,
2002).
Similarly,
controlling
the emissions
of some
of
the
substances
that
deplete
the
stratospheric
ozone
layer
can
be advocated
as a means
of
protecting
health
in
the
present.
On the
other
hand,
green
arguments
can
be used
as an excuse
for
ignoring
the environmental
needs
of the
poor
while
brown-
agenda
arguments
can be used
to
justify ignoring
more
distant environmental
burdens,
and
policy
debates
can be so confused
that
it becomes
difficult
to
promote
either
agenda.
It
is now often
argued,
for
example,
that environmental
measures
traditionally
undertaken
in
the
name
of the brown
agenda not only
fail to reach
the poor,
but
undermine
sustainability.
Unfortunately,
it is also
possible
for measures
undertaken
in
the name
of
sustainability
to fail
to
protect
the resources
base,
and still leave
the
poor
unserved.
Public
utilities and low water
prices,
for
example,
have often been
justified
as
a means
of
providing
water
affordable
to the
poor,
but
in
many
cities have
actually
left the
poor
unserved
and subsidised
the more affluent.
The new
orthodoxy
in
the water
sector
is
that
commercially
oriented
provision
with
higher prices
can
both
protect
water resources
for the
future,
and result
in
better services
to the
poor.
To
support
this new
orthodoxy,
much evidence
has been gathered
purporting
to show that low-income
urban
households are
willing
to
pay
the full
cost of better
water
provision.
But
many
of the institutional
weaknesses that
led to
inadequate
public
water
provision
in
deprived
neighbourhoods
are also
likely
to affect
private
sector
provision.
There
are
likely
to be circumstances
when
private
provision
and
higher prices
not
only
hurt the
poor,
but lead
to more water
consumption
in affluent
areas
where the
largest suppressed
demand
is found.
Whether
such circumstances
are the
exception
or
the rule
is unclear.
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2002
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Sacrificing
future
generations
to achieve
affluence
in
the
present may
be unfair,
but so is
sacrificing currently deprived people
in
the name
of
a
potentially
affluent future.
In
any
case,
it
is
not
urban households
struggling
to
get enough
water
for
basic
hygiene, enough
fuel to cook
with,
or
some
way
of
disposing
of their minimal waste
generation
that are a threat to sustainability
(Hardoy
et
ai, 2001;
McGranahan et
ai, 2001).
The physical
trade-off
between
improving
the
environment
for
the
poor
and
protecting
it for
the
future is itself
in large measure socially
constructed.
Their contrasting
relations to
economic
growth
amplify
the trade-offs. Pro-
growth
environmentalists often
emphasise
the
brown
agenda, and are openly sceptical
of
the
green agenda (Beckerman,
1995). Anti-growth
(or
steady-state growth)
environmentalists
emph-
asise the
green agenda,
and often
ignore
the
brown
agenda (Daly,
1996). But part
of the
problem
with
focusing
exclusively
on economic
growth
is
precisely
that it
accentuates the conflict
between these two agendas. Conventional
economic
growth
reduces
poverty,
and at
least
indirectly
its environmental
correlates,
but
inevitably
also increases affluence at the
upper
end of the economic
spectrum,
and creates
serious sustainability problems. Moreover,
while
Table
5 emphasises
the contrasts
between
the two
agendas,
they
also have a number of
common
features.
Both are concerned with
equity (although
different
aspects
of it) and
with
complex
and unintended side-effects of
human
activity.
A major
challenge
for
both
is
to
ensure that actors
whose
principal
motivations
lie elsewhere
take environmental
effects into
account.
Environmental
justice
Conceptually,
the common concern for
environmental
justice offers considerable
potential
for integrating green and brown
agendas.
There
are,
of
course,
many
conceptions
and theories of
equity,
and little
hope
of
arriving
at
a consensus
on what environmental
justice
means,
let alone how it should
be pursued.
Historically,
most
theories of
equity
have
focused
on intra-generational
equity,
and cannot
easily
accommodate the inter-generational
or inter-
species issues central to the green agenda.
Alternatively,
narrow
conceptions
of environ-
mental
justice,
focusing
on
acts of
environmental
degradation,
cannot
easily
be extended
to the
forms of
environmental
deprivation
prioritised
by
the brown
agenda,
where the
inequities
lie
more
in
the
lack
of
capacities
to
secure
environmental
services
than in injustices originating
from
environmental abuse. However,
there is a
widespread presumption
that
inequities
can arise
both within and
between
generations,
and that
the two
are
at
some level
comparable.
The perspective
on environmental
justice
that
one adopts
can lend favour to either the
brown
or
green priorities.
For
example,
from a
consequentialist perspective,
brown burdens are
more verifiable
since current burdens can be
empirically
measured while future burdens are
inherently
more uncertain and debatable. From a
procedural perspective,
on
the other
hand,
green
burdens are more verifiable
since actions taken
now
clearly
are
restricting opportunities
for future
generations
while the
link
between the actions of
the affluent and
the environmental conditions of
the
deprived
are
complex,
debatable,
and involve
non-environmental
relationships. By
and large,
however,
the failure to raise
and
seriously
address
issues of
environmental
justice
is
far more
of
a
threat to
equitable
political
decision
making
than
any genuine disagreements
about how just
decisions
ought
to be made.
While
philosophers
may
have
difficulties
coming
to a consensus on
how brown and green priorities
should be
balanced,
they
also have
difficulties
coming
to a
consensus on most
other moral decisions
that
people
and
politicians
make on
a
day-to-day
basis.
The consequentialist
procedural
opposition
noted above does often
emerge
in political
debates, but moral arguments
from both
perspectives
are
widely
accepted,
with the
tacit
assumption
that
inequitable procedures
are more
serious
if
they yield
inequitable
consequences,
and
inequitable
consequences
are
more serious
if
they
reflect
inequitable
procedures.
Environmental
justice
can,
in
short,
become
a
common
principle
guiding
both the brown
and
the
green
agendas.
It
can
help
build a common
platform,
and help
reconcile
conflicts that
may
emerge.
Other,
non-environmental dimensions of
sustainable
development
are also
important.
But
an
adherence to
environmental
justice
does not
deny
this. What
it does
deny
is
wishful
thinking
that
inevitably perceives
the
currently
deprived
and future
generations
as having
the same
environmental
interests,
or
fatalistic
thinking
that
inevitably perceives
their
environmental interests
to
be
in
direct
opposition
to
one another.
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Notes
1 To use the
phrase
coined
by
William Rees
in his
analysis
of
cities'
ecological footprints
- see Rees,
1992.
2 These figures
were calculated by multiplying
the
collection share
in
each
city by
the waste
generation
rate
and
the
open dumping
fraction.
3 These
processes
also have extra-local
dimensions
(e.g.
if
infectious diseases only spread within
neighbour-
hoods, they
could not persist),
but the threat to
residents can
typically
be contained
through
measures
undertaken
locally.
4 Even household environmental
health
problems
have
a public dimension,
especially
when they expose
people to infectious
diseases that can then be spread
person-to-person.
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... Much of urban history can be seen as a struggle to make cities more humane. This is particularly true for health, a focus of many of the largest urban innovations over the last several centuries [33]. Historically, urban dwellers had shorter lifespans than rural dwellers, a phenomenon called the urban health penalty. ...
... One useful framework for thinking about how cities have dealt with environmental challenges to health is the Urban Environmental Transition (UET). Formulated by McGranahan and colleagues [33,36], the UET argues that often cities have dealt with environmental challenges in a predictable temporal order (Fig. 3). First, cities focused on acute, local (neighborhood-scale) challenges, especially providing clean drinking water and sanitation to remove human waste. ...
... Some small island states and nations are excluded from this graph, as are nations with missing data Fig. 3 The urban environmental transition. As cities get wealthier over time, the type of environmental burdens they face change systematically [33,36] how historically many cities have experienced and dealt with environmental issues. ...
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... Para ser considerado sustentável, não é suficiente que confira a seus habitantes condições ambientais equilibradas, mas que o faça mantendo baixos níveis de externalidades negativas sobre outras regiões (próximas ou distantes) e sobre o futuro. Isso implica atentar não apenas para a escala local da sustentabilidade, mas também para a escala regional, constituída pelas relações com o entorno, e a escala global, constituída pelos impactos sobre questões globais como efeito estufa e por questões relativas aos impactos agregados sobre o planeta (MCGRANAHAN;SATTERTHWAITE, 2002;MILLER;SMALL, 2003). ...
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... Likewise, urbanization and CO 2 emissions also determine the energy consumption; hence their link can be justified with some relevant theories like the theory of urban environmental transition, the theory of ecological modernization, and the theory of compact cities (Madlener and Sunak, 2011;Sharif et al. 2020;Sarkodie et al. 2020;Alola et al. 2021;Onifade et al. 2021a;Onifade et al. 2021b;Gyamfi et al. 2022a, b;Bekun 2022). The environmental transition theory explains environmental issues regarding the urban evolution (McGranahan and Satterthwaite, 2002). The aim of the modern society to pursue the developed status is to concentrate on energy-intensive manufacturing which directly increases the energy consumption. ...
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... Sward definitions are advanced for defining beyond-sustainability human resources, which focus mainly on the productive aspect, and this is the fundamental difference between sustainable human resources and beyondsustainability human resources.The latter represents the process of expanding the options available to people, and in principle these options can be limitless; while sustainable human resources have taken on the aspect that human beings are a resource of economic resources, focusing attention on the productive human being and on the productivity of work primarily (McGranahan & Satterthwaite, 2002) On the other hand(Aboud, 2019). indicates that beyondsustainability human resources are not only focused on the productive aspect, as it is said that we care about human health because it is economically productive, as well as in education, but in its cultural and recreational activities, but the productive return in light of the content of beyondsustainability human resources remains the center of gravity in paying attention to human factors in the planning of development efforts and their investments and priorities for achieving the present survival, only (Holden et al., 2017). ...
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... Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3034482 33 Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3034482 ...
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... Teori transisi lingkungan perkotaan yang dikemukakan oleh McGranahan & Satterthwaite (2002) menyatakan bahwa permasalahan lingkungan perkotaan akan berevolusi mengikuti perkembangan tahapan pembangunan ekonominya. Gouldson & Murphy (1997) menyatakan masalah lingkungan dapat meningkat dari tahap perkembangan rendah hingga menengah, dan modernisasi lebih lanjut dapat meminimalkan masalah tersebut. ...
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