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‘Fiddling(with(threads’:(Craft-based&textile&activities&and&
positive(well-being"
Dr Gail Kenning, University of Technology Sydney, gail@gailkenning.com
Keywords"
Craft, Well-being, Ageing
Abstract"
Craft-based textile activities such as knitting, crochet, tatting and lace making
have provided challenges, physical and mental stimulation, creative outlets, and
social interaction for generations. The role of craft and the relationship between
craft and maker vary across cultures, geographic groups and gender. However, a
common thread is that craft practitioners are often emotionally invested in these
activities and many continue to make through all stages of life and into old age.
Given the global ageing of the population, activities that can be carried out by
people with reduced mobility and increasing physical or mental limitations as a
result of ageing, and which can promote healthy ageing and positive well-being
are now becoming increasingly important.
Existing research has established a link between creativity and health and well-
being. But, it is only recently that multidisciplinary research involving arts and
crafts, social science, and medical and health scholars and practitioners, has
begun to show the importance of activities, such as craft-textiles, for positive
well-being. The relationship between craft activities, creative engagement,
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mental and physical stimulation, social interaction, self-esteem, and therefore,
positive well-being has been insufficiently explored.
This article reports findings of a study of lace makers at the Lace Study Centre at
the Powerhouse Museum, Sydney, Australia that examined how craft activities
contribute to well-being in a variety of ways. This research, which focused on
female practitioners, found that craft-based textile activities and associated social
practices provide insights into the individual and societal importance of ‘everyday
creativity’ for promoting positive well-being and general good health.
Introduction"
Craft-based textile activities such as knitting, crochet, tatting, and lacemaking
have provided challenges, physical and mental stimulation, creative outlets, and
social interaction for generations of women. Despite the impact of digital and
social media on business and leisure time, craft-based textile activities are
thriving with large numbers of people, primarily women, spending considerable
amounts of time and energy engaged in
various forms of craft-based textile
making (Kenning 2013, Corkhill, et al.
2014, Turney 2004, Turney 2009). Craft
textile activities and practices are found
across many cultures. While the role
and relationship between craft and
Figure 1: Craft practitioners continued making
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maker vary across cultures, geographic groups, and gender, craft textiles are an
important part of many peoples’ lives. Many makers remain active, engaged and
continue making long into old age, including through periods of transition, such
as retirement, bereavement, and ill health – an important factor to consider in this
analysis.
While studies have established the relationship between creativity health and
well-being (Csikszentmihalyi 1996), it is only relatively recently that research
across a range of disciplines, including arts and crafts, medical and health, and
social studies, has begun to show the importance of ‘everyday’ creativity, such as
craft-textiles, for positive well-being (Corkhill, et al. 2014, Gauntlett 2011,
Richards 2007).
The well-being and ‘quality of life’ of the population has personal and social and
economic implications. This has never been more so, with the number of people
over the age of 65 is set to increase three fold globally by 2050. Reported cases
of dementia are predicted to double in the same period ("Ageing" 2013). With the
median age of the world’s population increasing dramatically ("Ageing and
Lifecourse" 2014), there are social and economic imperatives for the exploration
of approaches that can support autonomous self-management of positive well-
being and healthy ageing, particularly those that can operate within limited
economic resources (Renehan, et al. 2012). Research has shown that activities
and related social practices that encourage healthy interactions, offer physical
and mental stimulation and challenges, and are intrinsically motivated can
promote healthy ageing (Maidment and Macfarlane 2011) and can offer non-
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clinical alternatives to improve quality of life and positive well-being (Menec
2003).
Focus is increasingly turning to the role of arts and creativity in health and well-
being across a range of fields and disciplines, in aged care organizations and
institutions, and among stakeholders in healthy ageing, which includes
individuals, caregivers (also called carers or caretakers), families, and health
care professionals. Creative projects are being set up in communities to engage
with health issues and needs (Barber, et al. 2013). But, community-based
interventions, while impactful, often face sustainability issues. Funding and
resources are limited and externally established ‘art projects’ often have a limited
lifespan due to sponsorship dependency or government funding policies.
However, supporting and extending activities that already operate in the
community (referred to here as ‘intrinsic’ activities) offer approaches with greater
chances of sustainability and the potential to facilitate deeper levels of
engagement.
Craft-based textile activities and the accompanying social practices identified in
this research suggest a model for ways in which individuals, caregivers, families
and social and health professionals can engage with and support existing
informal networks, communities and practices to foster self-managed well-being
and healthy ageing.
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Background"
Wellbeing"
In exploring the relationship between craft-based textile activities and positive
well-being it is necessary to define what we mean by well-being. In the context of
this article, discussion of positive well-being relates to a general non-clinical, non-
pharmacological concept of good health and draws from a range of sources. For
example, in describing the positive feeling arising from engaging in knitting,
Corkhill et al. draw on definitions from health organizations such as “feeling
good”, “functioning effectively”, or being able to cope with the day-to-day stresses
of everyday life, and able to contribute to society (2014). While some studies of
well-being conflate happiness and satisfaction with well-being, others suggest
that well-being is constituted by happiness and satisfaction (Anger 2011: p. 6).
Positive psychologist Abraham Maslow suggested that societal well-being is
related to individuals’ quality of life and arises from having a good sense of self,
positive self-esteem, and a sense of belonging. He argued that individuals are
motivated to “self-actualization” – that is, to make "the full use of talents,
capacities, potentialities etc.” and in “fulfilling themselves and doing the best that
they are capable of doing” (Maslow 1970: p. 150). Similarly, Martin Seligman’s
model for well-being and individual fulfillment involves “feeling good”, engaging in
“meaningful activity”, “being authentically connected to others”, “leading a
purposeful existence”, and having “a sense of accomplishment and success”
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(Seligman 2011: p. 24). All of these concepts of well-being, then, are related to
doing and being engaged.
The impact of any activity or engagement on an individual’s sense of well-being
is greater when that activity or engagement is intrinsically motivated – that is,
carried out “for its inherent satisfaction rather than for some separable
consequence … for the fun or challenge entailed rather than because of external
prods, pressures or rewards.” (Ryan and Deci 2000). Intrinsically motivated
activities are frequently acts of creativity. However, to induce well-being these
acts of creativity do not need to be acts of ‘eminent creativity’ or the act of the
‘genius’ artist. They can simply be acts of ‘everyday’ making, such as knitting,
crochet and lace making (Gauntlett 2011, Richards 2007: p. 32, Csikszentmihalyi
1999, Dissanayake 2004). In fact, Ruth Richards suggests that this type of
creativity is vitally important and
explicitly states that “our
everyday creativity is not only
good for us but also one of the
most powerful capacities we
have, bringing us alive in each
moment, affecting our health
and well-being” (Richards
2007).
Figure 2 Acts of 'everday' making contribute to well-being.
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General well-being and good health have comprised a principal motivation in
gerontology, which seeks to understand the ageing process and the changes and
transformations occurring in order to “point the way, not to administration of
drugs, but to constructive measures which may relieve maladjustments, promote
the cure of mental suffering, and open the way toward more joyous living.”
(Anger 2011: p. 18). This is now an imperative, as with the ageing population
there are increasing individual, societal and economic pressures to explore
effective, efficient, non-clinical, non-pharmacological approaches to well-being to
operate alongside and support medical and healthcare systems in the care of
members of the population experiencing limitations due to ageing. Thus, there is
a refocus on the lifestyle decisions and everyday choices that impact quality of
life and research is overwhelmingly showing how engaging in meaningful
activities is beneficial (Menec 2003, Carstensen, et al. 2006, Richards 2007).
Beyond day-to-day benefits, personally meaningful individual creative activities,
such as craft, can provide continuity and support during times of transition, such
as following bereavement and during the inevitable transformation into
‘retirement’ and old age (Bollas 1987: p. 15). In addition, research shows that
participation in economic, cultural, spiritual activities, civic affairs, or indeed,
social activities related to craft making, such as meetings of craft groups, informal
get-togethers, networks, community projects, and in some cases exhibitions,
keep individuals engaged, stimulated and active and promote a sense of social
connectedness (Renehan, et al. 2012).
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A"qualitative"study"
In recognizing the importance of meaningful activity for quality of life, a qualitative
study was undertaken of craft practitioners to investigate the importance and role
of craft-based textile activities for individual makers and to explore the potential
for everyday craft activities and craft-related networks and social practices to
contribute to health and well-being, This research found that these activities can
contribute significantly to general health and positive well-being and suggests
that the benefits of engaging in these activities extend beyond the individual
maker, having social implications for the care and well-being of the ageing
population.
Craft-based"textiles"
Before discussing the research study it is useful to examine the current state of
craft-based textile activities. Craft-based textiles are currently undergoing a
resurgence of interest and are in a ‘boom time’ (Turney 2004). This is due, in
part, to increased levels of education, participation in the public arena by women,
more access to leisure time as a result of the changing nature of societies and
their workforces, and an ageing population (Turney 2004). However, this
renewed interest cannot simply be thought of as a continuity of existing
processes and practices (Bratich and Brush 2011). Craft processes and products
are often presented as part of a romanticized and nostalgic pre-industrial folk
culture, ‘promoted through elitist connotations of being part of a select group of
makers, or celebrated as critically engaged ‘activist’ activities. While some
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practitioners are extending craft practices by employing experimental approaches
such as yarn bombing, guerrilla knitting and hyperbolic crochet (Bratich and
Brush 2011, Humphreys 2008, Minahan and Wolfram Cox 2007, Wertheim and
Wertheim 2013), many practitioners maintain an authentic or traditional approach
in continuing to make artifacts similar to those produced by previous generations,
such as lace doilies (Turney 2004). These activities involve a wide range of
techniques, materials and skills. They can offer the maker a challenge, great or
small. They are flexible, facilitating the production of outputs and a sense of
achievement, both for highly skilled makers and makers with limited levels of
skill. Craft textile activities can be adapted to suit the needs and abilities of any
individual and so, together with needing only minimal cost outlay to engage in
them, they are activities particularly well suited for people experiencing limitations
due to the ageing process.
Craft-based textile activities are subject to criticism and often dismissed as
‘lowly’, repetitive, manual, non-creative, non-challenging activities that require
little or no skill, and are of little value in relation to the arts (Atkinson 2006,
Greenhalgh 1997, Turney 2004). However, craft practitioners frequently recount
the long-term benefits of ‘fiddling with threads’, suggesting these activities have
‘saved’ them in times of stress or ill health (Vercillo 2012). Some makers suggest
that they are ‘obsessed’ by these activities and that they have no choice; they
have to make (Bratich and Brush 2011). Craft activities fulfill a desire to make
and to be involved in a creative process (Gauntlett 2011, Turney 2004). Turney
argues that “symbolic creation is an essential part of everyday life and a
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demonstration of the real and ideal self” (Turney 2004). Joyce Starr Johnson and
Laurel Wilson, following a study of quilters in the United States in 2005,
suggested that “the personal motivations among women who are engaged in a
variety of textile hand craft activities and the meaning of these textile hand craft
activities in their everyday lives has not been thoroughly investigated” (2005).
Craft-based textile activities are beginning to be recognized as important for self-
identity; self-esteem; in providing a sense of belonging and community; for the
continuation of traditions, for developing or sustaining creativity; and for healthy
ageing (Schofield-Tomschin 2001, Johnson and Wilson 2005, Minahan and
Wolfram Cox 2007, Turney 2004). In an Australian study in 2009 Enza Gandolfo
and Marty Grace explored how women take meaning from their craft activities
and how these activities impact positive well-being (2009). In the UK, Turney
studied “the relationship between makers of craft objects, the objects themselves
and their display within the home” and her work has continued to explore the
importance of these activities (Turney 2004: p. 270, Turney 2009). However,
while the number of studies is increasing, the area remains ripe for further
investigation.
Methodology"
The ‘Crafting Well-being’ study was conducted in 2013 at the Lace Study Centre
(LSC) at the Powerhouse Museum (PHM) in Sydney, Australia and the Epping
Craft Centre (ECC), New South Wales (NSW), Australia. Sixteen women
between the ages of 45 and 90 took part in a series of 40–75 minute
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unstructured interviews. Participants were selected using a snowball sampling
technique with interviewees self-selecting from an invitation made to crafts
practitioners volunteering their services at PHM and from referrals provided by
existing participants in the study. Snowball sampling was considered appropriate
as this study specifically sought the views of middle-aged to elderly women
actively involved in craft activities. Following an invitation to the author to attend
the Epping Craft Centre (ECC) a number of craft participants there also self-
selected to take part. In addition, following an invitation from the chairperson of
the Australian Lace Guild (ALG) of NSW, the author also attended a ‘lace day’ in
which all of the interviewees participated as part of their normal lace making
calendar of activities. This afforded further opportunities for naturalistic research
(i.e., observation and discussion in the participants’ natural setting), which is an
important aspect of qualitative study.
Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and analyzed by the author using
Nvivo 10.0 to examine the content of the interviews and to explore concepts,
phrasing and terminology. Coding was conducted inductively to identify and
categorize themes, concepts, and issues that were discussed, particularly those
mentioned most frequently and with most emphasis.
Discussion during the unstructured interviews was wide-ranging and the topics
that arose can be grouped into four primary themes:
1. Health and well-being;
2. Self and identity;
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3. Community, sharing and belonging;
4. Learning, growth and transition.
Findings"
Health"and"well-being"
Many of the issues and themes discussed throughout the study related directly
and indirectly to the participants’ well-being and health. However, there was a
reluctance to talk about ‘illness’ or ‘death’ directly and the participants actively
avoided the use of such words. Nevertheless, makers were emphatic that their
craft activities contributed positively to their lives and health and well-being, using
phrases such as “it is good for me”. They suggested that craft activities kept them
“mentally and physically active”, provided a “challenge”, “comfort”, “relaxation”,
“pleasure”, and “enjoyment”. Some referred to their craft activities as a “stress
release” and a way of managing stress. For example, ‘Carol’ started making lace
while at university. She said: “Well I started [lace making] in my final year at Uni
[sic], and normal people go insane about their final exams. I did craft for an hour
every night to keep myself sane”. For her, it was not only the making that
alleviated stress, but also thinking and talking about lace. She recalled:
Years ago when I was working as a medical trainee… I would get fairly worked
up about something [and] my boss used to just walk in and chat about my lace to
calm me. I could feel the blood pressure go down (‘Carol’, perscomm., 2013)
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Craft activities were, makers suggested, both “relaxing” and “challenging” and
“sometimes both at the same time”. This was reportedly because of the way that
the makers’ hands could carry out the activities seemingly with or without
cognitive engagement or concentration. ‘Mavis’ suggested that crafting can be
“…very relaxing to do, but you don’t have to concentrate, and I think that is one
of the things I like about it because you can forget about all of the other things,
the worries in the world, and just concentrate on the piece.” On occasions
participants compared the difficulties they were facing in everyday life to lace
making. ‘Rosie’ suggested “life is like lace, when you get in a knot you just keep
working through it”. For ‘Megan’ the activities were all about relaxing. She
explained: “Yes, I call it my relaxation. I just sit down and, OK, it is my time to
stop and take a break”.
Many participants had experienced personal illness, illness of a family member or
close friend, or the death of a partner or loved one, and while most were keen not
to linger on such topics, the importance of their craft activities was clear. ‘Jenny’
was typical of the participants’ views when
she said, simply but resolutely: “It helped
me through my husband’s death.” She did
not want to expand on how. “It just did.” For
many the same craft activities that were a
comfort to them when alone at home after
bereavement, were also a catalyst to get
out and start socializing again. Makers were
Figure 3: Craft groups provide a sense of belonging
and social engagement.
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keen to emphasize that they did not go to craft groups to talk about their
sadness, illness or bereavement. They said they did not have to because
everyone knew what had happened and would simply “be there”.
Those who had experienced personal illness frequently minimized the extent to
which they had suffered. One maker who had had a long bout of depression said
that she was disappointed that she had not turned to crafting earlier. When she
started to craft again she felt better because she was “doing something” and she
reported that she could see results. She commented: “I wish my doctor had told
me to knit.” Similarly, ‘Rosie’, who was going through a difficult time having been
recently estranged from her family, suggested: “It is like being in a comfort zone”.
She claimed that when she was making, she was “just one big, fat, happy lace
maker” and went on to add: “ [it is] that in-depth happiness”.
Self"and"Identity"
For many practitioners in the study, craft activities influenced what they did each
day, who they met, where they travelled, the gifts they gave, and they featured in
their overall sense of self-worth. Being a maker was inextricably linked to
participants’ self-identity and it was how they wished to be perceived by others,
particularly by other craft practitioners. Participants proudly identified as having
“always been a maker” or as “being from a family of makers”. ‘Carol’ declared
that she was “from a family that have always done crafts” and ‘Jenny’ explained:
“I come from a family of women, going back to my great grandmother in the
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1800s who [sic] are craft orientated; my grandmother, my mother, my aunts were
knitters. [They] sewed. They made clothes”.
For many, making was a part of growing up and craft activities had always been
around. ‘Ngaire’ recalled: “I can remember as a child I had scissors, material,
wool, crochet hooks, knitting needles, it was always there in the house”. Making
was also inextricably linked to participants’ perception of their role in caring for
their family. ‘Ngaire’ explained: “Well, it was about making house, feeding and
clothing the family… we all had to make the clothes and had to do the knitting.”
While makers enjoyed being recognized as a provider through their craft
activities, they also expressed a joy in not having to make anymore and in having
the choice as to what to make and when.
Participants such as ‘Joan’ expressed a sense of pride in their work, in learning
new techniques, and in tackling particularly challenging patterns. She said she
felt “quite chuffed” when she looked back on pieces of lace that she had made.
‘Ngaire’ took great delight in recounting that she had taken on a particularly
challenging piece of work and succeeded. She recalled that she had seen this
particularly “tricky” piece of lace being made by one of her friends and thought, “if
she can do it, I can.”
The lace makers who were part of this study had explored a broad range of craft
activities before they ‘found’ lace making. They expressed great excitement on
‘discovering’ their activity. They spoke about lace making as a “calling” and many
bobbin lace makers—or “bobbin heads” as ‘Rosie’ referred to them—took great
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pleasure at being identified as such, and as being perceived as different or
unusual. Extravagant detailed stories would unfold about the first time a maker
had engaged in a particular craft, with long elaborate tales of people who had
encouraged the activity, or the place and time of the first lesson. ‘Rosie’
suggested that she had an “immediate attraction” to bobbin lace and reflected
fondly on her first bobbin lace lesson, saying: “Afterwards, I went home put my
pillow reverently on the table, and I just turned round and said I don’t care what
you have for dinner tonight I am making lace! Poor old father, he had to organize
the two kids.”
While other lace makers frequently admired the labor and the work of the lace
makers interviewed, family members sometimes undervalued these activities.
‘Anna’ suggested that her daughter was “quite awfully bored” by her lace making
activities until she had discovered that ‘Anna’ had been involved in a significant
lace exhibition at the Powerhouse Museum. ‘Anna’ then gained renewed respect
from her daughter for her work. Practitioners, for the most, part gained
recognition and respect from their families after giving hand-made gifts. Bobbin
lace makers, in particular, were often motivated to make handkerchiefs for brides
to carry on their wedding day. On these few occasions when their work was on
display to their extended families, they received admiration for their skill,
creativity, the quality of work and effort from, not only the daughters and nieces
who were the recipients of the gift, but also from fathers, brothers, uncles and
husbands.
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Practitioners for the most part were not “showy” about their work. Only a small
number of those interviewed exhibited or sold work. However, self-identification
as a maker frequently extended to their clothing and their home. ‘Carol’
suggested that her home was evidence of her “obsession”. She explained: “I am
a lace person and there is [sic] books and lace invaded into every room of my
house.” She continued: “There is not a day that it is not, at least in my thoughts.”
‘Anna’ proudly wore lace collars that she made, and ‘Ngaire’ wore her lace as
jewelry. ‘Jenny’ was happy for people to watch her make lace when she worked
at the Powerhouse Museum, Lace Study Centre and recounted how she had
made lace—on a lace pillow with sixty bobbins—on a long-haul flight watched by
passengers and aircrew. But, she did not display any of her work. She
emphatically stated: “No, no, I don’t wear it and I don’t have much of it around
and I am not a fussy frilly person”. ‘’Jenny had made complex bobbin lace works
using up to 3,000 bobbins. But, much of her work was now packed away in
cupboards.
Community,"sharing"and"belonging"
Frequently makers were members of several craft organizations. Craft groups
were selected according to their geographical locations, or because of a group’s
focus on a particular activity such as embroidery, knitting, or lace. The formality
of craft groups and organizations differed. For example, while the ALG
encouraged members to undergo proficiency tests in lace making, the
attendance requirements for many craft organizations was simply “bring along
your own cup for tea-time and join in”.
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It became apparent from this study that craft networks stretch across Sydney,
across the state of New South Wales, Australia-wide, and involve international
connections. The form and scale of interactions that take place deserve further
investigation, but is beyond the scope of this study. The networks of makers was
made up of people who attended the same classes, people who had been taught
individually by the same teachers or mentors, those who had become friends at
craft groups and organizations, or who were friends of friends. Some participants
regularly travelled overseas to visit lace collections, research lace, to attend
classes, or to spend time with people who they had met through lace making.
‘Jenny’ said lace “opens up a lot of the world … I travel a lot … and I meet people
and it opens up doors.” ‘Paula’, a “lady” in her nineties was in the process of
planning a trip to Europe with her daughter to visit lace collections and ‘lace
friends’.
Nicknames, jargon, and 'in jokes' suggested that there were hierarchies, niches,
preferences and prejudices in regards to craft activities and techniques. Several
bobbin lace makers dissolved into girlish giggles in retelling the lace makers’
slogan: “Bobbin lace makers do it on a pillow”. This contributed to the sense of
belonging that makers felt. They were part of a network, a social group and a
group of people that shared experiences of making, jokes, stories and many
were firm friends who simply were “there for each other”.
Many of the lace makers interviewed felt they were part of and belonged to a
larger history of women’s textile crafts, and particularly the history of lace. Many
were familiar with the portrayal of lace in works of art in galleries and museums
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and referenced in literature. Practitioners collected and shared tools, materials
and patterns many of which they knew they would never use. They collected
books, stories, and articles about craft textiles. Frequently, makers reported that
their homes were decorated with postcards and images of lace they had
collected or been given. While makers enjoyed being part of the history and
tradition of craft, few felt restrained by tradition and many were forceful in
suggesting that change was both desirable and necessary. Several makers took
delight in declaring that Australian lace makers were thought to be the first to
introduce color to bobbin lace and reveled in their close proximity to this seeming
act of defiance.
Learning,"growth"and"transition"
The majority of participants reported they had been taught to knit, crochet, sew or
tat by family members, usually their mother, grandmother or an aunt. They could
recount in detail which person had taught them particular techniques, where it
took place, and their age at the time. Recalling these early learnings was highly
emotive for many makers. They had detailed memories of sitting with their
mother, grandmother, aunt, or a neighbor. ‘Ngaire’ recalled:
I can remember when I was three insisting that Mom teach me how to knit. It was
one of the rare occasions when she was going out. She was sitting in front of her
three wing mirror, you know, doing her hair … and I was a stompy [sic] three-
year-old insisting that she teach me how to knit. (‘Ngaire’, perscomm., 2013)
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Similarly, ‘Carol’ fondly remembered asking her mother to teach her to knit at a
very young age, reporting: “I learnt [to knit] when I was four, but my mother
thought I was too young and wouldn’t teach me, [so] one of the next door
neighbors taught me … and then I knitted right through to the end of my teens”.
While learning craft activities was frequently associated with school, participants
in this study were highly motivated and had subsequently attended many craft
lessons and workshops. For these makers, being open to ongoing learning was
an important part of their craft practice and of being part of the ‘community of
makers’. Frequently if one person attended a class, they shared the details and
recommended it to others. ‘Carol’ recalled: “I saw some classes advertised in
town, so I went in and did some fine crochet, which was really exciting. I went
home and my mother was so impressed she went to the class herself”.
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Makers expressed joy in recalling
the seemingly poor skill-level or
design errors in their early works
and took pride in recognizing their
current skill level and their personal
development. Practitioners,
including makers in their late
eighties and early nineties, talked
about their future ambitions including learning new skills and techniques, learning
more about lace history, or taking on particularly challenging and time consuming
projects. Similarly, while makers bemoaned the frustrating nature of
understanding pattern instructions, interpreting diagrams and mastering some
techniques, the frustration was seen as part of the challenge to be overcome and
they experienced a sense of achievement on completion. ‘Brenda’ explained: “I
am excited to learn something new or to work something out”. Craft activities
were frequently catalysts for practitioners to learn, not only new skills related to
textiles, but also to broaden their skills in other media. For example, several
practitioners, including a nonagenarian, had recently begun to “play with”
iPhones, iPads and laptops prompted by the availability of lace patterns online.!
Many makers in this study were undergoing periods of transition including
retirement, bereavement or changes to home and family circumstances. In
planning for these changes, craft activities frequently featured in the decision
making process. Craft activities influenced, for example, where people chose to
Figure 4: Makers suggested that these activities were both
challenging and relaxing.
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live, with several saying that the decision was at least partly dependent on being
in the vicinity of a particular craft group. Consideration was given to the technique
or craft activity that would be most rewarding to take-on in retirement. ‘Jenny’
explained: “When you give up work you need to plan how you are going to give
up … lace had been a fairly important part of my life, so once I stopped working, I
found a teacher and picked up the activity again – I had to relearn it”.
Teaching, mentoring, and sharing knowledge, skills, techniques, equipment and
information were important to how makers self-identified, identified as part of the
community, and contributed to it. All participants had taught at least one other
person how to make throughout their crafting ‘career’ and many welcomed the
opportunity to teach others. ‘Rosie’ described how she felt a sense of duty to
teach people how to make, although she was reluctant to say that she taught
others, but rather suggested: “I can make and I can show, and I can try to inspire
people”.
Makers talked about how particular
techniques and processes brought
about “feelings of freedom” and gave
them the “ability to create’”. But,
discussion of creativity was frequently
pre-empted by declarations, by
individuals, that they were not creative,
often citing another person as ‘the
Figure 5: Craft activities promoted ' feelings of freedom'.
Makers engaged in a range of craft activities
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creative one among us’. However, they all expressed the “need to make” and
often makers became emotional when remembering times when they had not
been able to craft and how they have missed the making process. For many the
thought of not being able to continue their making activity filled them with dread.
‘Jenny’ noted: “If my sight gives out ... I don’t know what I would do, I really
don’t”. ‘Rosie’ said: “If my arms were cut off I would probably start using my legs,
I would be very upset …” For many it was not only the making that they would
miss, but also imagining the next piece they would make, which would inevitably
be more ambitious than the last.
Discussion"and"conclusion"
Craft-based textile activities resist simplistic classification with regard to what and
how they contribute to positive well-being. While existing studies have shown that
craft activities contribute to the well-being of individuals, this study shows that
these activities are so much more than the modestly described ’fiddling with
threads’. The words and the emotions of the makers attests to the importance of
these activities and how they impact on so many areas of the their lives. Craft
activities presented opportunities for practitioners to reconfigure their past in
storytelling of craft activities; engage with the present through ‘in the moment’
enjoyment from making; and to imagine a future through their craft activities
(Kenning 2013). From these activities makers gained a sense of self, identity,
community and sense of belonging.
24
This paper locates craft textiles and their associated social practices in relation to
discussion of positive well-being and healthy ageing across a range of fields and
disciplines. It has shown how they facilitate and are the catalysts for interaction
and engagement and provide personal cognitive and physical challenges that
promote self-esteem, contribute to self-identity, and are self-actualizing
activities—which Maslow identifies as contributing to the individual becoming the
best version of themself (1970).
This paper has shown how craft-based textile activities encourage mental and
physical engagement, stimulation and challenges, social interaction, and
meaningful solitary activities that contribute to healthy ageing (Corkhill, et al.
2014, Menec 2003). In addition, this study shows that craft-based textile activities
create communities of belonging, a sense of connection to history and tradition,
and provide a sense of achievement for both the individual and the community. In
doing this, these activities contribute to happiness, as identified by Seligman
(2011), by making people feel good, absorbing the maker in an activity, providing
opportunity for authentic connections, contributing to a purposeful existence, and
providing a sense of accomplishment; not only fulfilling the actual desire to make,
but also fulfilling the symbolic need to create (Turney 2004).
This study has shown the importance of these activities for everyday and lifelong
creativity as identified as being important to well-being (Gauntlett 2011, Jenkins
2006, Richards 2007, Runco 2007, Runco and Richards 1997). The longevity of
Craft objects and activities provided support and continuity needed in times of
change, transition and transformation (Bollas 1987) , for the most part, it was not
25
the objects produced that were important, but the knowledge that they could
make that sustained them.
Future"directions"
With the mean age of the population increasing significantly over the next 30
years ("Ageing" 2013) researchers, health professionals and policy makers are
looking for ways to, not only, support and promote long-life, but also, provide
opportunities for a healthy, satisfying and good quality of life with fun and
enjoyment. Economic imperatives will increasingly push towards the de-
institutionalization of aged care and towards independent self-management of
non-clinical health and well-being. Therefore, there is a need for low cost
effective, efficient activities that can promote positive well-being and bring joy to
those living independently or in institutions.
The activities, communities, networks and social practices established through
craft-based textiles are examples of sustainable, intrinsically motivated activities
that promote fun, joy and positive well-being. These types of activities can be
carried out across any age group and can be adapted to suit individuals’ needs
with the regards to, for example, the level of challenge they present; the skill level
required; the technical ability and knowledge applied; physical ability and
dexterity; historical and cultural knowledge of forms and patterns required;
sophistication of design; and the level of creativity involved.
This study focused on the activities of a select group of women and their
relationships, primarily, with lace. More research is needed to explore the
26
potential for craft textiles in culturally diverse groups, in relation to different craft
activities, and how craft textiles or other craft activities can stimulate meaningful
engagement and activity for men. However, this study has shown that craft-
based textile activities and their associated social practices can inform how we
can organize, model and support non-pharmacological health and well-being. By
drawing on the experience and skills of makers, many of whom are senior
members of the community, and examples of healthy ageing, we can begin to
understand how we can support intrinsically motivated activities in the community
to help individuals improve their own quality of life. In examining the social
interactions of these shared interest groups we might begin to understand how
resources can be applied to sustain these existing communities and integrate
them with networks and communities of residential aged care facilities, daycare
centers and connect them with people with similar concerns and interests in their
own homes. In exploring how makers take meaning from craft we might begin to
understand how we can provide more opportunities for people to engage in
shared, fulfilling, meaningful, making, activities, particularly in relation to textiles.
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