Unemployment among Young Graduates in Algeria: A Sociological Reading

Abstract

In the Maghreb region, the unemployment rate of young university graduates is greater than 30% in Morocco , 30.5% in Tunisia and 22% in Algeria (the official figures for 2014 give us 10%), which is to say that the issue of unemployment is at the heart of social movements. This phenomenon, which was already at the heart of the Tunisian revolution, has only worsened since then. We can still recall without difficulty the story of Mohamed Bouazizi, a young graduate selling fruits and vegetables as a street vendor, who set himself on fire in late 2010, preferring death to the social degradation and the disdain with which public authorities looked upon an entire generation of youth whose only expectation was decent work. Unemployed graduates have therefore begun organizing, notably by creating associations to inform public opinion and public authorities about the precarious nature of the current situation and about the continued risk to social cohesion. This article will touch upon three essential points, which are the following: first, an overview of the Algerian labor market will bring to light the characteristics of the working population and the problem of unemployment among young graduates; second, I will take up the issue of how unemployment is experienced and what work means for youth having invested in university study; in the third and final part, I will take up the issue of collective action and forms of mobilization among the unemployed in a country where oil income is used to buy social harmony, and where authorities go to great lengths to defuse the collective struggle of unemployed graduates throughout the country, on some occasions resorting to the use of force, and on others resorting instead to the instrumentalization and discrediting of advocacy organizations for the unemployed.

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Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2015, 3, 35-44
Published Online November 2015 in SciRes. http://www.scirp.org/journal/jss
http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2015.311006
How to cite this paper: Madoui, M. (2015) Unemployment among Young Graduates in Algeria: A Sociological Reading.
Open Journal of Social Sciences, 3, 35-44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2015.311006
Unemployment among Young Graduates in
Algeria: A Sociological Reading
*
Mohamed Madoui
1,2#
1
Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers (CNAM), Paris, France
2
Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire de Sociologie Economique (LISE-CNRS, UMR 3320), Paris, France
Received 30 August 2015; accepted 8 November 2015; published 11 November 2015
Copyright © 2015 by author and Scientific Research Publishing Inc.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Abstract
In the Maghreb region, the unemployment rate of young university graduates is greater than 30%
in Morocco , 30.5% in Tunisia and 22% in Algeria (the official figures for 2014 give us 10%), which
is to say that the issue of unemployment is at the heart of social movements. This phenomenon,
which was already at the heart of the Tunisian revolution, has only worsened since then. We can
still recall without difficulty the story of Mohamed Bouazizi, a young graduate selling fruits and
vegetables as a street vendor, who set himself on fire in late 2010, preferring death to the social
degradation and the disdain with which public authorities looked upon an entire generation of
youth whose only expectation was decent work. Unemployed graduates have therefore begun
organizing, notably by creating associations to inform public opinion and public authorities about
the precarious nature of the current situation and about the continued risk to social cohesion. This
article will touch upon three essential points, which are the following: first, an overview of the
Algerian labor market will bring to light the characteristics of the working population and the
problem of
unemployment among young graduates; second, I will take up the issue of how
unemployment is experienced and what work means for youth having invested in university study;
in the third and final part, I will take up the issue of collective action and forms of mobilization
among the unemployed in a country where oil income is used to buy social harmony, and where
authorities go to great lengths to defuse the collective struggle of unemployed graduates throughout
the country, on some occasions resorting to the use of force, and on others resorting instead to the
instrumentalization and discrediting of advocacy organizations for the unemployed.
Keywords
Algeria, Labor Market, Unemployment, Young Graduate, Collective Action
*
This paper is the product of an introductory conference for a colloquium on the employability and insertion of youth in Algeria,
organized
by the Faculty of economics and management at the Université de Béjaia, June 4-5, 2014.
#
University Professor at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers (CNAM) and researcher at the Laboratoire interdisciplinaire de soc
i-
ologie économique (LISE-CNRS, UMR 3320).

M. Madoui
36
1. Introduction
As a social phenomenon, the unemployment of young graduates is the object of relatively little study but is in-
creasingly present in the political and media spheres. Because unemployment is considered one of the major
causes of the degradation of social ties, even young graduates experience unemployment as a kind of social dis-
qualification, humiliation or social disdain. Sociological study has already shed light upon the consequences of
unemployment as a social ordeal [1] [2] involving not only a degraded lifestyle but also a weakening of social
life, concurrent with marginalization from the working world [3]-[5]. Through this paper, I therefore hope to
improve our understanding of how collective identities can currently be transformed through the experience of
unemployment.
In the Maghreb region, the unemployment rate of young university graduates is greater than 30% in Morocco
1
,
30.5% in Tunisia
2
and 22% in Algeria
3
(the official figures for 2014 give us 10%), which is to say that the issue
of unemployment is at the heart of social movements. This phenomenon, which was already at the heart of the
Tunisian revolution, has only worsened since then. We can still recall without difficulty the story of Mohamed
Bouazizi, a young graduate selling fruits and vegetables as a street vendor, who set himself on fire in late 2010,
preferring death to the social degradation and the disdain with which public authorities looked upon an entire
generation of youth whose only expectation was decent work. Unemployed graduates have therefore begun or-
ganizing, notably by creating associations to inform public opinion and public authorities about the precarious
nature of the current situation and about the continued risk to social cohesion. The Association nationale des
diplômés chômeurs au Maroc (ANDCM), created in 1991 in Morocco, is one such association. Other examples
include the Comité national des diplômés chômeurs (CNDC) in Algeria, the Union des diplômés chômeurs in
Tunisia, and the Association mauritanienne des diplômés chômeurs (AMDC) in Mauritania. The very creation
of these associations demonstrates the extent to which unemployment has become an omnipresent motive for
protest throughout the Maghreb region [6] [7]. A forum for the fight against unemployment and precarious work
was to be organized in Algiers in February 2013, to coordinate collective action at the regional level and the
mobilization of young unemployed graduates in the Maghreb. This initiative was not warmly welcomed by pub-
lic authorities, however, who did not hesitate to ban the forum and to expel, manu militari, the Moroccan, Tuni-
sian and Mauritanian delegates. The episode illustrates the fear which unemployment inspired among Algerian
authorities, who saw unemployment as catalyzing social protest and weakening the established social order. By
taking this observation as my starting point, my contribution will touch upon three essential points, which are
the following: first, an overview of the Algerian labor market will bring to light the characteristics of the work-
ing population and the problem of unemployment among young graduates; second, I will take up the issue of
how unemployment is experienced and what work means for youth having invested in university study; in the
third and final part, I will take up the issue of collective action and forms of mobilization among the unem-
ployed in a country where oil income is used to buy social harmony, and where authorities go to great lengths to
defuse the collective struggle of unemployed graduates throughout the country, on some occasions resorting to
the use of force, and on other others resorting instead to the instrumentalization and discrediting of advocacy
organizations for the unemployed.
2. Overview of the Labor Market in Algeria
We should note from the outset that very little work exists in Algeria concerning unemployment in general and
the unemployment of young graduates particularly. With the exception of a limited number of articles, written
communications and doctoral dissertations on employment and the characteristics of the labor market in Algeria,
written for the most part from an economics perspective [8]-[12], there is hardly any in-depth sociological re-
search on unemployment among young graduates. Some data taken from the Office national des statistiques
(ONS) will help us to highlight certain characteristics of the Algerian labor market. In April 2013, the labor
force, as defined by the ILO, stood at 11,716,000 people. Of these, more than two million (2,288,000 people)
were women, who thus comprised 19.5% of the overall labor force. Women’s access to education, and especial-
ly to higher education, was highly determinative of women’s participation in the labor market. The activity rate
among the Algerian population, aged 15 years or older, stood at 45% overall, at 66.3% for men and at 16.3% for
1
Direction de la statistique, Activité, emploi et chômage, 2006, Morocco.
2
Institut national des statistiques.
3
Office national des statistiques.

M. Madoui
37
women (Table 1). While important gender disparities therefore existed, the gap was narrower when education
levels were higher. Thus the gap in activity rate stood at nearly 50% among workers with no university degree
and at 14.1% among university graduates. Women’s access to education, and particularly to higher education,
therefore heavily influenced women’s participation in the labor market. Women were most commonly employed
by the public sector, which accounted for 61.2% of the total employment of women.
Through the end of the 1990s, among countries with equivalent levels of per capita income, Algeria ranked as
one of the most burdened by unemployment. Between 1990 and 2000, unemployment reached more than 20% of
the active labor force. Today, if we take the statistics published by the Office national des statistiques (ONS,
April 2014) at face value, the unemployment rate stands at 9.8%, or approximately one half of what it was dur-
ing that period. The unemployed population, as defined by the ILO, is estimated today at 1,151,000 people,
whereas it stood at more than 2 million people in 1995. Unemployment statistics bring other age, gender and
educational disparities to light. In April 2014, the unemployment rate stood at 8.8% among men and 14.2%
among women. However the unemployment rate among women dropped significantly in 2014, after reaching
16.3% the previous year. Unemployment was also higher in urban areas (10.7%) than in rural areas (8.7%).
However, the most determinative factor with respect to these unemployment trends was the level of education
attained, and more specifically, the type of degree earned. The unemployment rate of young university graduates
has continuously dropped, falling from 21.4% in 2010, to 14.3% in 2013, to 13% in April 2014. These figures
Table 1. Selected key indicators of the labor market (in %).
Male Female Total
Activity rate
15 years and above 66.3 16.3 41.5
15 - 24 years 42.3 8.7 25.7
25 - 54 years 89.4 23.6 56.3
25 - 34 years 89.4 30.5 60.8
35 - 54 years 89.3 18.8 52.9
15 - 59 years 74.0 18.3 46.2
60 and above 16.6 1.8 9.6
55 - 59 years 62.5 6.2 34.8
55 - 64 years 47.6 4.9 27.2
65 and above 8.9 1.0 5.1
Ratio employment/population
15 years and above 60.5 14.0 37.5
15 - 24 years 32.8 5.5 19.3
25 years and above 69.9 16.9 43.5
Unemployment rate
Global 8.8 14.2 9.8
Youth (16 - 24 years) 22.4 36.7 24.8
Adults (25 years and above) 6.1 10.8 7.1
Relation between unemployment rates among youth and adults 3.7 3.4 3.5
Proportion of total unemployed who are youth 41.2 34.2 39.3
Proportion of youth who are unemployed (15 - 24 years) 9.5 3.2 6.4
Rate of long-term unemployment 6.0 8.9 6.6
Incidence of long-term unemployment 66.8 58.7 64.5
% of youth, 15 - 24 years of age, neither in the labor force nor in school 13.3 35.8 24.4
Source: Enquête Emploi-Chômage, April 2014, Office National des Statistiques.

M. Madoui
38
should be treated with caution in light of the amount of underemployment, particularly among Algerian youth
searching for their first job. Nonetheless, salaried work remains the dominant form of employment, with two out
of three workers (65.3%) engaged in salaried employment relationships. The trend toward self-employment was
therefore remained limited. The vast majority of employees worked in the service sector (61.4%), followed by
construction (16.5%), industry (12.6%) and agriculture (9.5%). Industry, which fueled economic growth in Algeria
in the 1970s, thus lost its role as the country’s major source of employment. Agriculture has lost much of its
posture, with rural flight dragging agricultural employment from 50% of total employment in 1967 to 10% in 2014.
According to a recent report by the Algerian Conseil économique et social (CNES), unemployment stood at
24.8% among youth between 16 and 24 years of age (1 of every 4 young workers) and at 16.1% among univer-
sity graduates. The ILO recently put forward figures of 21.4% for Algeria, 18.9% for Egypt and 17.4% for Mo-
rocco. With respect to the influence of education level upon unemployment, the unemployment rate among
youth having little or no education can be observed as dropping, while the unemployment rate among young
graduates can be observed as rising (Table 2). With regard to placement in the labor market, the trend is con-
trary to that which is most commonly observed in developed countries: young graduates in Algeria are at higher
risk of unemployment, even though their diplomas are logically supposed to afford them better protection from
that very risk. Furthermore, employment prospects for university graduates are not encouraging. One explana-
tion for this phenomenon is that the skills developed through university education are of little relevance to the
needs observed in corporations or public administrations. The educational system and universities are increa-
singly disconnected from the labor market, to the point that it is easier for the latter to integrate workers with lit-
tle or no education (Bouklia-Hassane et Talahite, 2008) [10].
Algerian companies complain of difficulty in finding suitable employment candidates among university gra-
duates, concluding that universities do not adequately prepare students to meet business needs. Universities in
turn complain that companies are rarely specific enough when it comes to articulating their needs in terms of
skills. As these two worlds thus turn their backs on each other, young graduates are left in great difficulty when
it comes to finding qualified employment, with the exception of public-sector employment. Moving from one
odd job to the next, these young graduates often rationalize their precarious employment situation as figuring
within the rite of passage into decent, qualified employment. This disconnect between the educational system
and the working world has numerous consequences [10]
 A waste of human resources, as a largely state-financed investment in human capital is not used in such a
way as to contribute significantly to economic growth;
 Unemployment among young graduates impacts individual behavior, as youth increasingly chose to forego
education in order to improve their chances of finding formal or informal employment and developing mea-
ningful professional experience;
 Students increasingly prefer to prolong their studies in order to avoid entering the job market and confront-
ing the difficulty of finding employment.
Table 2. Unemployment rate by level of education, degree obtained, and gender (%).
Male Female Total
Level of education
No education 2.9 4.3 3.1
Primary 7.3 8.8 7.4
Intermediary 11.2 16.2 11.7
Secondary 7.4 14.1 8.9
Higher Education 9.7 15.9 12.6
Degree attained
No degree 8.2 10.7 8.5
Vocational degree 10.2 16.7 11.9
University degree 10.0 15.9 13.0
TOTAL 8.8 14.2 9.8
Source: Enquête Emploi-Chômage, April 2014, Office National des Statistiques.

M. Madoui
39
Governmental authorities attempt to respond to these concerns by improving existing job-placement programs.
Thus, for example, persons benefitting from the Dispositif d’attente à l’insertion professionnelle (DIAP), which
is open to young university graduates along with high-level technicians and other qualified job-placement candi-
dates, will be eligible for a renewable three-year contracts instead of one-year contracts when their employer is a
public administration. Similarly, persons who sign a special graduate-placement contract with a private company
are given a new right to renew their contract for a twelve-month period. Within the framework of this program,
referred to as the Contrat de travail aidé (CTA), young graduates and high-level technicians are placed within
companies for three-year terms during which their salary is publicly subsidized. Former employees of the public
education system gain the new right to be placed within a company for three years instead of two, during which
the company will continue to receive the same level of public subsidy. The government strongly encourages
companies to give priority to young graduates in their recruitment process. Furthermore, governmental aid pro-
grams exist for those companies which indeed recruit young graduates. These aids may take the form of reduced
employer charges or reduced social security charges.
In light of the massive unemployment which is increasingly affecting qualified workers, the Algerian gov-
ernment has also created programs to encourage the development of entrepreneurship as a means for stemming
the unemployment of graduates [13]. The Agence nationale de soutien à l’emploi des jeunes (ANSEJ) was
created in 1998 for the benefit of unemployed young graduates between 18 and 35 years of age. Between 2010
and 2013, some 378,250 jobs were created as part of this program, spread out among all of the different major
sectors of activity, including the service sector (e.g., the transportation of passengers or merchandise), agricul-
ture, traditional handicraft, construction, liberal professions, fishery, etc.
Another example is the Agence nationale de gestion du micro-crédit (ANGEM), a micro-lending program set
up by the CNAC for the benefit of unemployed persons between 30 and 50 years of age, for the purpose of
helping these beneficiaries gain access to bank financing. This type of program most often benefits women who
are able to use micro-lending as an opportunity to gain new economic and social standing. For some, such pro-
grams offer a way to transition into their desired occupation; others take interest for the purpose of meeting a fi-
nancial need. However, among women benefitting from ANGEM loans, the trend is to use the funds to get
started in one of a number of traditional occupations: tailoring, embroidery, baking and other kinds of food
preparation. Oftentimes the work in question can be carried out at home, which is often an important factor for
mothers.
In spite of this accumulation of government programs, the results in terms of real jobs remain scarce. By
fighting exclusion at all costs, sometimes one runs the risk of creating more exclusion. Failing to satisfy the spe-
cific criteria of any existing government program, some youth in great difficulty fall through the cracks. Fur-
thermore, to accept help from a government program, one must first recognize and accept a social handicap
which limits employability. Finally, the resulting stigmatization can give rise to still more discrimination, which
may potentially be even more severe.
Having thus set the stage, we shall now proceed to discuss how unemployment is experienced by the young
graduates themselves.
3. The Unemployment Ordeal, or What It Means to Be “Without Work”
Preferring to study the subjective dimensions of unemployment, sociologists have long been content to let
economists study the structural mechanisms responsible for creating unemployment. Consequently, there is a
sort of scientific division of labor. Economists develop the theories of unemployment and define the factors
which lead to a shortage of employment. Sociologists, meanwhile, focus on the experiences and the sentiments
of the unemployed, as well as the meaning which society attributes to the deprivation of employment.
Nonetheless, because unemployment is often considered one of the major causes of the disaggregation of so-
cial binds, social scientists pay attention to it. Unemployment is often studied as a process involving the pro-
gressive accumulation of handicaps. The first major sociological studies of unemployment, including Paul La-
zarsfeld’s study in Austria, were carried out in the 1930s, during a period which would be remembered for eco-
nomic hardship and peaks of unemployment.
A group of sociologists led by Paul Lazarsfeld
4
[1], a researcher who would gain worldwide renown after his
emigration to the United States, carried out a study in Marienthal, a small town in Austria, to discover the extent
4
Les chômeurs de Marienthal, Paris, Minuit, 1981 (original edition, 1932).

M. Madoui
40
to which unemployment produced discouragement and isolation. Because employment set the pace for most
daily activities, it served as an important reference point in the organization of daily life and as a driving force
for social life. With unemployment, there was more free time, but fatigue and lassitude often won out despite the
multiple leisure activities in which unemployed persons could engage (theatre, cinema, city library, etc.).
These issues would garner significantly less academic attention during the period spanning from the
mid-1940s to the mid-1970s. Raymond Ledrut’s [14] work was exceptional in this respect but went largely un-
noticed, as unemployment during this period was perceived as a short-term cyclical phenomenon. Interest in
unemployment would not pick up again among economists and sociologists, as well as among the makers of so-
cial policy, until after two oil crises at the end of the 1970s [5].
In France, a book by D. Schnapper likening unemployment to an “ordeal” [2] would mark the beginning of a
lasting academic interest in unemployment research. Schnapper’s work still serves as a major reference today,
both because of its content and because of its methodological approach (through semi-directive interviews, the
researcher learns how to construct a typology of personal experiences).
L’Épreuve du chômage is based on the semi-directive interviews of approximately 100 unemployed persons,
carried out between November 1978 and June 1980, which allow the author to analyze different social groups’
attitude toward unemployment. On this sensitive topic, Serge Paugam [5] has observed that two visions are too
often mutually opposed, the first of which is sympathetic and attentive to the psychological distress of the un-
employed, while the second vision focuses on their personal responsibility for their situation.
The state of being unemployed can be characterized by three common traits, which are the lack of participa-
tion in collective activities and in collective pacing (work/non-work, week/weekend, etc.), a loss of bearing (the
way to work, to the hairdresser, to the bank, etc.) and new doubts about personal and social identity, which vary
considerably based on one’s attitude toward work. However, in spite of these common characteristics, there is
still an extreme diversity of possible ways to experience unemployment, which may also depend on one’s apti-
tude for finding substitute activities, on the size and density of one’s social network and on one’s family’s inte-
gration capacity. D. Schnapper thus distinguishes ideal-types of unemployment:
Total unemployment, which is characterized by boredom, de-socialization and shame. Such is the experience
of the majority of manual workers, of some employees and to a lesser degree of some executives of humble ori-
gin. In other words, this type of experience is most common among people who see their work as representing
everything: not just a means for making a living, but also a purpose for living, a means for feeling useful and a
basis for social recognition [5]. Next there is “inversed” unemployment (le chômage inversé), which essentially
concerns a young population with a middle-class or even upper-class social background, and which is expe-
rienced as a “long vacation”—as a way of having more time for oneself, for hobbies and for leisure activities.
Finally, there is “deferred” unemployment, which is observed mostly among a category of executives who, re-
fusing to endure unemployment as an ordeal, continue to behave as if they are a part of the active workforce and
to adhere to the norms of the working world.
To the extent that socialization allows individuals to weave together the multiple networks to which they be-
long, the rupture of one social bond can often bring about the disaggregation of multiple others. Serge Paugam
[5] thus describes four principal types of social bonds.
The filial bond, which involves the solidarity between parents and children, constitutes one such type. This
solidarity is relatively fragile and can become undone during times of unemployment. Bonds of elective partici-
pation involve extra-familial socialization in which individuals come into contact with other individuals whom
they meet within diverse groups and institutions. The unemployment ordeal undermines these bonds of elective
participation as well. Bonds of organic participation are those which take form at school and persist into the
working world, where unemployment can therefore bring about at least partial rupture. Finally, there is the bond
of citizenship, which is based upon the principle of belonging to a State or a nation. Civic life entails such activ-
ities as voting, activism, commitment, helping to build civil society, etc. Unemployment weakens this bond too,
often because unemployed persons lose interest little by little in such forms of participation in social life, isolat-
ing themselves instead.
In the few informal interviews which I have had the occasion to conduct with young graduates in Algeria,
feelings of de-socialization were expressed every time. Unemployed young graduates perceive themselves as the
objects of social disdain and sometimes feel ashamed by the idea of not working despite having a diploma. The
familial gaze is undoubtedly the most difficult to face up to, as parents—especially working-class parents—have
often invested enormous hope into the education and qualification of their children, for the purpose of helping

M. Madoui
41
their children to avoid low-paid and tedious manual or farm work. Kamel, who is 25 years old, who has a degree
in sociology from the Université de Béjaia, and who has been unemployed ever since he earned his degree in
2011, put it as follows: “The hardest part is accepting how my family must see me. They had a lot of hope for
my education. Today, it hurts them to see me unemployed with a university degree. I knocked on all of the doors
though to find work, but still nothing. I feel like I’m a burden to my family. It’s not normal at my age to be ask-
ing my father for money to buy my cigarettes or my clothes. The hardest thing is the way other people see you
as a good-for-nothing. So I end up accepting whatever work I can find, which is usually work requiring no skills
whatsoever, but which I have to do to make a little money. But psychologically it’s hard to endure working with
unskilled colleagues when you’ve got a university degree to your name. I feel like I’ve wasted my time.”
5
Yacine, who is 27 years old, who has a Master’s degree in management, has a similar outlook after an accu-
mulation of periods of unemployment interspersed between various odd jobs. He has never been able find a job
corresponding to his level of qualification. “By continuing to the Master’s level, I thought I would be armed
against unemployment and that I would quickly find work in the human-resources management field in a private
or public firm. Despite sending numerous CVs, I was only contacted for a few interviews which ultimately did
not lead to anything. Every time, they tell you they’ll call you but they never do. Here in Algeria, it’s all about
your connections. Your degrees don’t matter. What matters is whether you know someone with power who can
find you decent, well-paid work. Unfortunately, that’s not my case. I’m a farmer’s son who doesn’t know any-
one who can help me to find work… After so many periods of unemployment, you become bitter and you hold it
against everyone. My parents are the first in line to give me a negative image of myself, not to mention the many
others who see at you as living at their expense… I’ve seen kids stop studying after middle school or high
school and go on to be more successful than I am. I finally end up asking myself why I studied so much for
nothing, if at the end of the day they’re only willing to give me unskilled work… I’m absolutely livid!”
6
Unemployment is often associated with “social death” and shame. Djamel, who is 28 years old and who has a
Master’s degree in information technology, evokes these phenomena when recalling his long period of unem-
ployment: “For me, unemployment, especially when you’ve got a university degree, is a kind of waste, a social
death. I spent days doing nothing. The hardest part was the shame you feel whenever someone asks you what
you do for a living. At first I would say I was looking for work or I would make up something, like “I work from
home”… Since I work with computers, people would think I really work from home. Sometimes, I’m really
ashamed of my situation. The hardest thing to endure is how my family sees me. They have ways of making me
understand that my presence is superfluous and that I’ve become dead weight. T be out of work is like dying a
little. Sometimes I feel useless. I really hold it against our leaders. What is the point of educating generations of
youth if you can’t guarantee them work? I don’t have anyone in my family with connections who could help me
to find work. It’s a modest family, and that’s why I’m really furious with the State.”
7
Sociological work analyzing individual careers has already pointed out the dialectic that links social status
5
“Le plus dur est de supporter le regard de la famille qui a mis beaucoup d’espoir dans mes études. Aujourd’hui,
ils souffrent de me voir au
chômage alors que j’ai une licence. J’ai pourtant frappé à toutes les portes pour trouver du travail, mais toujours rien. J’ai l’
impression
d’être un fardeau pour ma famille. Ce n’est pas normal qu’à mon âge, je demande de l’
argent à mon père pour acheter mes cigarettes ou
mes vêtements. Le plus dur c’est le regard des autres qui te considèrent comme un vaut- rien. Du coup j’accepte n’
importe quel boulot le
plus souvent des boulots qui ne demandent aucune qualification et que je dois faire pour gagner un peu d’argent.
Mais psychologiquement
c’est dur à supporter de travailler avec des personnes non qualifiées alors que moi j’ai une licence en poche. J’ai l’impression d’avoir pe
r-
du mon temps.”
6
“En allant jusqu’au master, je pensais que j’étais armé contre le chômage et que je trouverai rapidement
un travail dans le domaine de la
gestion des ressources humaines dans une entreprise privée ou publique. Malgré les nombreuses candidatures spontanées, je n’
ai décroché
que quelques entretiens qui n’ont débouché sur rien..A chaque fois on vous dit qu’on va vous rappeler mais toujours rien. Ici en Algérie,
il
n’y a que le piston qui marche, peu importe si vous êtes diplômé ou pas, l’essentiel est d’avoir quelqu’
un qui a du pouvoir et qui pourra
vous trouver un travail décent et bien rémunéré. Malheureusement, ce n’est pas mon cas, je suis fils de paysan qui n’
a aucune relation pour
pouvoir trouver un travail… Pendant toutes ces périodes de chômage, on devient aigri et on en veut à tout le monde.
Mes parents sont les
premiers à me renvoyer une image négative de moi-même sans parler des autres qui vous regardent comme si vous êtes à leur charge…J’
ai
vu des jeunes qui ont arrêté leurs études au niveau du collège ou du lycée qui réussissent mieux que moi. Je me demande finalement pou
r-
quoi j’ai fait toutes ces études pour rien si au final on ne me propose que des emplois de faible qualification…J’ai vraiment la rage!”
7
“Pour moi le chômage surtout quand on est diplômé est une sorte de gâchis, une mort sociale. Je passais mes journées à ne rien faire,
et le
plus dur dans tout ça est la honte qu’on ressent à chaque fois qu’on me demande ce que je fais dans la vie. Au début, je disais que je r
e-
cherchais du travail ou j’inventais des activités style travail à domicile…Comme je suis informaticien,
les gens croyaient que je travaille en
effet à la maison. Parfois, j’ai vraiment honte de ma situation, c’est surtout le regard de la famille qui est dur à supporter. On me fait co
m-
prendre que je suis en trop et que je suis un boulet pour eux. Ne pas travailler c’est vraiment mourir un peu. Je me sens parfois inutile. J’
en
veux beaucoup à nos dirigeants car à quoi sert de former des générations de jeunes si on ne leur garantit pas un emploi. Moi je n’ai pe
r-
sonne dans ma famille qui pourrait me pistonner et m’aider à trouver un travail. C’est une famille modeste et c’est pour cela que j’ai vra
i-
ment la rage envers l’Etat”.

M. Madoui
42
and modes of employment. As Djamel rightly points out, an individual’s social environment weighs heavily
upon his professional fate. Today we appreciate the extent to which family plays an important role in laying the
groundwork for professional activity or in choosing the most promising line of work when entering the labor
market for the first time. Employers themselves prefer to fall back upon a network of acquaintances (friends,
professional acquaintances, alumni associations, etc.) rather than resorting to placement agencies or public ser-
vices (Pôle emploi). The employer is thus better assured of the reliability and the social integration of the em-
ployee whom he recruits [15].
Social capital also plays an important role. Pierre Bourdieu [16] defines it as the set of actual or potential re-
sources of an enduring network of more or less institutionalized relations of mutual knowledge and mutual rec-
ognition; or in other words, as belonging to a group as a set of agents who are not only endowed with common
properties, but are also united by permanent and useful bonds.
8
The amount of social capital which a particular individual possesses depends on the extent of the network of
relations which he can effectively call upon, and on the amount of capital (economic, cultural symbolic) pos-
sessed by each of the people to whom he is connected. In other words, a network of relationships is the product
of strategies of social investment which must be maintained in order to produce enduring and useful bonds. Ac-
cording to P. Bourdieu, the uses to which social capital might be put multiply the effects of domination resulting
from the possession of economic and cultural capital.
In his seminal article on the strength of weak ties, M. Granovetter [17] [18] underscores the fundamental role
of social networks in economic action. He contrasts weak ties and strong ties, arguing that weak ties are a means
for individuals to seize certain opportunities which open up to them, while strong ties engender social cohesion
and translate into a fragmentation of the social whole. The means used by individuals to find employment are of
three different categories: direct contact (sending an unsolicited CV); formal application (responding to an ad);
personal contacts (the applicant and the employer enter into contact via an intermediary whom they both know).
In his questionnaire-based study (266 respondents) on the means employed by executives and technicians to find
a job, 56% succeeded thanks to personal contacts (of which 31% succeeded through family contacts and 69%
through professional contacts); 19% succeeded through formal application (ads, placement agencies); 19% suc-
ceeded through direct contact (unsolicited CVs). Weak ties are therefore more efficient than strong ones (a thesis
which Bourdieu would criticize as encouraging alienation).
Granovetter’s work would later be reproduced in France by Michel Forsé.
9
[19] Using data from a 1994 study
conducted by the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (INSEE), he reaches similar con-
clusions. Nearly 35% of respondents found work thanks to the social capital which they were able to call upon:
family (6.3%), personal relations (19.5%), school or training organization (4.1%) or some pre-existing relation-
ship with the employer (5.7%). The French Agence nationale pour l’emploi (ANPE) and other placement or-
ganizations account for 13.3% of total cases. If it is difficult to distinguish weak ties from strong ones with pre-
cision on the basis of this data, it would nonetheless appear that family support (strong ties) is most solicited by
rural youth with relatively low levels of education, belonging to the working class. Alumni networks (weak ties)
are, on the other hand, more heavily solicited by urban youth with degrees who are situated relatively high on
the social ladder.
In Algeria, it would undoubtedly be useful to conduct a similar, more ambitious study, for the purpose of
analyzing the extent to which social capital weighs upon the professional insertion of youth, and comparing the
ways in which graduates from working-class environments and graduates from upper-class environments expe-
rience unemployment.
4. Collective Action and Forms of Mobilization among the Unemployed
Unemployed youth, including a considerable proportion of young graduates, are increasingly finding ways of
organizing themselves, creating associations capable of sensitizing public opinion and government authorities to
their condition as unemployed youth, and communicating their demands. Behind the unemployment statistics
8
Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, n˚31, January 1980. Bourdieu writes: “l’ensemble des ressources actuelles ou potentielles d’
un
réseau durable de relations plus ou moins institutionnalisées d’interconnaissance et d’inter-reconnaissance; ou en d’autres termes,
à
l’appartenance à un groupe comme ensemble d’agents qui ne sont pas seulement dotés de propriétés communes,
mais sont aussi unis par
des liaisons permanentes et utiles”.
9
M. Forsé, “Capital social et emploi”, L’année sociologique, 1997; see also “Rôle spécifique et croissance du capital social”, Revue de l'O
b-
servatoire française des conjonctures économiques (OFCE), January 2001.

M. Madoui
43
and the polemicizing which informs public debates, the face of the typical unemployed person is growing
younger—under thirty years old, often with a university degree, looking for work for over a year, with only an
accumulation of odd jobs as experience. This “dirty work” (sales boulots), as they call it (subsidized employ-
ment in local government, warehouseman, deliverer, proctor in a local school), is the common lot for youth who
are desperately waiting for more stable and better-paying opportunities, which never seem to arrive despite the
economic recovery which the country has been enjoying for the past fifteen years.
The infuriated unemployed are swinging into action. Throughout the country, graduates are taking responsi-
bility rather than remaining silent. In Laghouat, young graduates gathered in front of the Agence nationale de
l’emploi (ANEM) in February 2013 to burn their diplomas. It was a strong symbolic gesture which should re-
mind us of another social drama—that of undocumented workers, the “harragas”, who also burned their papers,
burned their identities, and sometimes even their bodies as they covertly cross the Mediterranean. Sometimes,
young graduates are among them, braving danger in hopes of finding a better life. This desperate gest shows the
extent to which unemployment acts as a time bomb, even if government attempts to defuse it by instrumentaliz-
ing the popular movements that grow among unemployed people, or by simply buying social harmony through
the multiplication of aid programs (subsidized employment, self-employment, etc.) which only serve to further
confine youth to conditions of precarious employment.
Despite the instrumentalization and the subterfuge that the system mobilizes to disrupt social solidarity among
the unemployed (going so far as to accuse CNDDC leader Tahar Belabès of conspiring against the government),
the movement persists, resisting all attempts to stifle or to hijack it. Albert Hirschman’s contribution (Exit, Voice,
and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States, Harvard University Press, 1970) is in-
teresting here as it helps to account for this movement’s capacity to refuse defection (“exit”) and to make itself
heard (“voice”) when it comes to claiming the right to stable and decent employment. Citizens and progressives
prefer to voice these claims and do so ways that range from simple public demonstrations of objection to direct
and violent confrontation with public authorities.
10
The collective frustration which is at the root of the wave of political “revolutions” in the Arab States as well
as the subsequent political and social protest movements (demonstrations, sit-ins, strikes), cannot be analyzed
and understood unless we are able to explore collective representations, including notably the way in which so-
cial justice and the role of the State as the guarantor of equal dignity and equal opportunity among citizens [20].
5. Conclusions
The different studies dedicated to unemployment show the experience for unemployed individuals is difficult,
and sometimes even traumatic. Employment offers people status, a place in society, and an identity of value [21].
Employed people feel recognized in their families, in their neighborhoods and in their societies. On the other
hand, the lack of employment is associated with negative, depreciative images. The unemployed are frequently
perceived as lazy, parasitic and, as Robert Castel put it, “useless to the world” (“inutiles au monde”). Such indi-
viduals form a group which we can characterize as “stigmatized”. This stigmatization can be understood in light
of the central place where work has come to occupy in our lives. First and foremost, being unemployed is the
deprivation of a salary, of the principal source of income for a family. But beyond this deprivation of salary,
unemployment entails removal from the indispensable socializing effects of work, which offers individuals a
context in which to set goals and give meaning to their lives, including notably the meaning that comes from
being useful to society. It is this same social usefulness which accounts for social status, position and identity.
Being unemployed in a world, where work is held up as a true institution inevitably, results in a severe identity
crisis [22] [23].
We can therefore understand why young graduates are getting mobilizing, voicing their claims and taking the
floor to express their dismay at the increasingly worrisome risks of unemployment. Today’s youth, and particu-
larly the graduates among them [7] [24] [25], are demanding access not only to employment, but by extension to
real citizenship that is not a mere legal fiction. Their demands express the extent of their frustration with the gap
between social ideals and expectations on the one hand, and the limited effects of the State’s redistributive ac-
tion on the other hand, along with the resulting in a political model which has gradually given way to cronyism
10
Laroussi Amri has adopted Hirschmann’s concepts of exit (défection) and voice (prise de parole) in work on social movements in Tunisia
.
See his intervention on unemplyment among young Tunisian graduates, “Le chômage des diplômés Tunisiens”
at the seminar organized by
the Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain (IRMC), June 16-17, 2013,
on unemployment and the forms of mobilization among
the unemployed in the Maghreb.

M. Madoui
44
and nepotism [26].
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