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Download by: [University of the Free State] Date: 17 March 2016, At: 03:38
Journal of Psychology in Africa
ISSN: 1433-0237 (Print) 1815-5626 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpia20
The Dracula killer: A psychobiographical
illustration of the Schahriar syndrome model for
serial murder
Paul Fouché, Hanlie Nel & Pravani Naidoo
To cite this article: Paul Fouché, Hanlie Nel & Pravani Naidoo (2015) The Dracula killer: A
psychobiographical illustration of the Schahriar syndrome model for serial murder, Journal of
Psychology in Africa, 25:5, 419-428
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14330237.2015.1101263
Published online: 27 Oct 2015.
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The Journal of Psychology in Africa is co-published by NISC (Pty) Ltd and Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
Journal of Psychology in Africa, 2015
Vol. 25, No. 5, 419–428, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14330237.2015.1101263
© 2015 Africa Scholarship Development Enterprize
Introduction
A societal preoccupation with demonising serial killers
exists and ‘monster’ is a term often reverted to when
attempts are made to explain their incomprehensible
behaviours (Robertson, 2004). Even in the 21st century,
the mind of a serial killer has not yet been fully understood
(Zeigler & Kurtz, 2007). Claus and Lidberg (1999) did
extensive research on various theories to identify psychic
mechanisms in serial murderers’ functioning. The case of
Chase is potentially productive for psychobiographical
study for a better understanding of the psychological
functioning of serial killers. Psychobiography is an
approach to the study of individuals, particularly those who
can be perceived as outliers on a spectrum of personality
development (Howe, 1997; Kőváry, 2011), and could
include the longitudinal study of both genius and mental
illness amongst significant personalities.
Serial killers may exhibit certain personality types
important for the forensic study and investigation of
potential suspects (Pistorius, 2006). The Schahriar
syndrome model is one such explanatory framework for
the systematic understanding of serial murder. Chase was
selected on the basis of interest value and uniqueness,
as well as the many unsolved mysteries surrounding his
life. The researchers thought it necessary to seek a greater
understanding of Chase’s psychological functioning as
serial killer. A lack of such an understanding is evident in
some conicting opinions regarding his life. A thorough
literature search of existing publications (conducted both
online, via databases such as Academic Search Complete,
Ebscohost, Legal Source, and Psycinfo, and ofine, for
example in books such as Whoever ghts monsters by R.
K. Ressler and T. Shachtman (1992), and The world’s most
evil psychopaths by J. Marlowe (2014), revealed that no
psychobiography had been done on Chase.
Historical overview of the life of Chase
Chase was an American serial killer who killed six
people in Sacramento, California. He was nicknamed
“The Vampire of Sacramento” and “The Dracula Killer”
(Biondi & Hecox, 1992, p. 178) because he drank his
victims’ blood and cannibalised their remains. His victims
included women, men, a young boy and a baby (Storey,
Strieter, Tarr, & Thornton, 2005). Chase was born on
May 23, 1950. He was the firstborn child of Beatrice
and Richard (senior). His sister, Pamela, was four years
younger than him (Dennison, 2009a). According to Biondi
and Hecox (1992), Chase was not an abused child; he
received love and support from his parents, and neither
sibling rivalry nor any unusual circumstances prevailed in
Chase’s childhood. However, Morrison (2011) stated that
the Chase family was considered to be the typical 1950s
dysfunctional family in which arguing and some physical
abuse were present, but that it was not severe enough to
be classified as “out of the norm” of the culture of that
time. According to the above authors, no severe difficulties
existed in the family. Other authors (e.g., Castro, 2009;
Nieto, 2012; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992) differ radically
from them in this regard. According to Athena Intelligence
(2012),1 problems including financial restraints, marital
bickering, and physical and emotional abuse existed in
Chase’s family environment.
Nieto (2012) indicated that Chase was raised in a strict
household and beaten by his father. Allegedly Chase was
also a victim of abuse at the hands of his mother (Castro,
2009). Beatrice was claimed to be a mentally unstable
woman and according to Ressler and Shachtman (1992)
mental healthcare professionals labelled her as the classic
mother from whom a schizophrenic child would result
– highly aggressive, hostile, and provocative. Beatrice
often accused her husband of indelity and of poisoning
her. In an interview with Richard senior, he said that
these accusations and other arguments had to have been
overheard by his son (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Some
authors believe that the seeds of Chase’s problems were
planted with the marital strife of his parents (Bovsun,
2010; DirectEssays, 1969; Green, 2011).
The Schahriar syndrome model
The Schahriar syndrome model (Claus & Lidberg, 1999)
The Dracula killer: A psychobiographical illustration of the Schahriar syndrome model for
serial murder
Paul Fouché,* Hanlie Nel and Pravani Naidoo
Department of Psychology, Faculty of the Humanities, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa
*Corresponding author email: fouchejp@ufs.ac.za
This psychobiographical study of Richard Trenton Chase (1950–1980), a serial murderer, has the aim to uncover the
psychic mechanisms characteristic of his functioning. The study included primary and secondary data sources. All materials
collected and analysed, were published and publically available. The Schahriar syndrome model served as the conceptual
framework for data framing and interpretation. Findings suggest that Chase exhibited five primitive psychic mechanisms
namely: omnipotence, sadistic fantasies, ritualised performance, dehumanisation and symbiotic merger. The Schahriar
syndrome model has utility to explain the psychological functioning of a serial murderer.
Keywords: Life history research, Richard Trenton Chase, primitive psychic mechanisms, Claus and Lidberg, personality
types
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Fouché et al.
420
proposed clusters of personality traits or behaviour
patterns as primitive psychic mechanisms of serial killers.
These include: omnipotence, sadistic fantasies, ritualised
performance, dehumanisation, and symbiotic merger.
Omnipotence
Omnipotence refers to a sense of being all powerful (Claus
& Lidberg, 1999; Pearce & Pruss, 2012). It typically
describes someone with extreme control and unlimited
power (Ramsland, 2006). Claus and Lidberg (1999)
believed that serial murderers commit their crimes partly to
experience a sense of omnipotence. In their murders, they
execute control over life and death, which implies that they
are greater and more special than other humans (Pistorius,
2000; Warren et al., 1996).
Sadistic fantasies
A significant number of serial murderers exhibit sadistic
fantasies (Johnson & Becker, 1997; Warren et al.,
1996). These encompass fantasies in which physical
or psychological pain that arouses sexual or nonsexual
pleasure is inflicted on others (Glasser, 1996; Martens,
2011). The creation of such fantasies is an escape
from the agony that serial murderers experience in real
life (Lachmann & Lachmann, 1995; Martens, 2011;
Silverstein, 1994). This agony can be largely ascribed to
early childhood difficulties such as abandonment or abuse
(Juni, 2008; Lachmann & Lachmann, 1995). According
to Ressler and Burgess (1985) these fantasies become so
intense that they provide the impetus for the offender to
act them out. Sadistic acts such as animal torture and serial
murder could be viewed as enactments of their mental
fantasies (Knoll, 2006).
Ritualised performance
Ritualised performance involves acts by the offender at the
scene of the crime that are unnecessary for the perpetration
of the homicide, exceed the cause of death, and occur
with at least two victims (Schlesinger, Kassen, Mesa, &
Pinizzotto, 2010). Examples include body posing, foreign
object insertions, overkill, removal of parts of the victim
and sodomy (Bezuidenhout, 2011; Schlesinger et al.,
2010; Van der Spuy, 2012). Most authors on serial murder
agree that these seemingly unnecessary activities serve a
psychological purpose (Grimes, 1996; Hoffmeister, 2007;
Schlesinger et al., 2010; Vaknin, 2003). The rituals are
driven by a belief and the serial murderer needs to perform
them in order to feel gratified. Thus, killing the victim is
not sufficient (MacCulloch et al., 1983; Schlesinger et
al., 2010). Many factors (i.e., early abuse, trauma, and
repressed aggression) can contribute to the execution of
rituals in serial murder (Claus & Lidberg, 1999; Vaknin,
2003).
Dehumanisation
Dehumanisation is defined as the perception of others as
objects, animals or machines and classification of them
as being subhuman (Zimbardo, 2009). It encompasses the
ability of humans to drop their inhibitions against harming
others and committing acts of unspeakable cruelty (Smith,
2011). It is believed that dehumanisation enables serial
murderers to torture, rape and murder their victims (Claus
& Lidberg, 1999; Levin & Fox, 2007). By regarding their
victims as subhuman objects, serial murderers delude
themselves into believing that their crimes are good (Levin
& Fox, 2007; Vaknin, 2003).
Symbiotic merger
Symbiotic merger refers to a delusive endeavour in
which the serial murderer engages to achieve a fusion or
symbiotic unity with his victim (Claus & Lidberg, 1999).
Acts that indicate symbiotic merger include the ingestion
of blood, organs and/or other parts of their victims as
well as sexual intrusions such as intercourse and sodomy
(Claus & Lidberg, 1999; Grubin, 1994). The term stems
from a phase in infantile development, symbiosis, during
which the infant behaves and functions as though he and
his mother were a dual unity separated from the external
environment by a delusional common boundary (Mahler
1952; Mahler & Gosliner, 1955). The dual mother-infant
unit constructs the primal basis from which all subsequent
relationships develop and symbiosis is essential for the
origination of a sense of self (identity), establishment of
true object relationships, recognition of an outer reality and
attainment of object constancy (Mahler et al., 1975; Mahler
& McDevitt, 1968). According to Spitz (1965), vestiges of
this phase remain with the individual throughout the entire
life. The phase of symbiosis is essential for successful
navigation through the process of separation-individuation
(Mahler & McDevitt, 1968).
The goal of the study
The primary aim of this study was to uncover the
psychological functioning of Chase through the Schahriar
syndrome interpretive model. The specific research aim
was to illustrate the utility of the Schahriar syndrome
model, via a psychobiographical study, to establish and
explain the psychic mechanisms characteristic of Richard
Trenton Chase’s functioning as a serial murderer. Chase’s
personality functioning meets the criteria of the proposed
Schahriar syndrome model for serial murders. The study
thus illuminates the relevance of the Schahriar syndrome
model and encourages involved forensic disciplines to
consider its usefulness.
Methods
Research approach
The study could be described as life history research
(Plummer, 1983; Runyan, 1982) with a qualitative
single case design in which an array of experiences
in an individual’s life is tracked (Babbie & Mouton,
2001). The research approach represents a single case
psychobiography over a lifespan (Fouché, 1999). The
qualitative case study (e.g., psychobiography) is both
exploratory-descriptive and descriptive-dialogic in nature
(Edwards, 1990). By being exploratory-descriptive, a rich
description of the person’s development could be provided
and an intensive understanding of the individual within the
socio-historical context gained (Fouché & de Vos, 2005;
Neuman, 2003). The descriptive-dialogic nature of the
study enables the researcher to provide a portrayal of a
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Journal of Psychology in Africa
421
phenomenon and to illustrate the relevance of a theory and
model (Edwards, 1990; Martin, 1996; McLeod, 1994).
Forensic case description
Prior to age 10, Chase’s teachers thought of him as a
sweet boy. Apart from bed wetting, he displayed no other
behavioural problems and the bed wetting also ceased
soon after his eighth birthday (Ressler & Shachtman,
1992; Storey, Strieter, Tarr, & Thornton, 2005). Two
years later, Chase was passionately lighting matches and
setting fires (Lucas, 2012). Ramsland (2012a) reported
that Chase started killing cats at age 10, and these killings
later included dogs, birds, and rabbits (Storey et al., 2005).
As a boy, Chase also exhibited evidence of enuresis,
pyromania, and zoo sadism. These three phenomena
together are commonly known as the Macdonald Triad
(MacDonald, 1963) and are considered an early sign of
possible serial murder (Miller, 2013). The Chase family
later lost their house due to inadequate finances (Storey
et al., 2005). Apart from allegedly being abused as a
child and suffering from alcoholism and drug abuse as a
teenager, psychiatrists also diagnosed Chase with several
disorders including hypochondria, delusional disorder
and paranoid schizophrenia (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
The Schahriar syndrome model of Claus and Lidberg
(1999) encompasses five primitive psychic mechanisms,
namely omnipotence, sadistic fantasies, ritualised
performance, dehumanisation, and symbiotic merger,
thought to be present in serial murderers’ functioning.
The model primarily focuses on the current functioning of
the serial murderer and therefore the researchers present
the case description and eventual findings in a reversed
chronological order. Each primitive psychic mechanism is
first explored and applied to Chase’s latest historical period
(i.e., the period in which he functioned as serial murderer).
After this, the other historical periods are explored and
discussed in a reversed order within the context of the
particular primitive psychic mechanism so as to illuminate
its presentation and manifestation throughout Chase’s life.
Murders, trial and death (1977–1980)
On 29 December 1977 Chase murdered his first victim, the
51-year-old male, Ambrose Griffin (Biondi, 2011). Less
than a month later, he murdered his second victim, Theresa
Wallin, a 12-week-pregnant female aged 22 years (Wilson,
2011). Finally, Chase murdered his last four victims, the
52-year-old male, Daniel Meredith, his 38-year-old female
friend, Evelyn Miroth, her six-year-old son, Jason Miroth
and the 22-month-old boy, David Ferreira, whom Miroth
was babysitting (Biondi & Hecox, 1992; Ramsland, 2012a;
Ressler & Shachtman, 1997). During this historical period,
Chase performed repugnant acts (e.g., he defecated on
a child’s bed and urinated in a drawer) (Wilson, 2011).
Furthermore, he ripped apart his mother’s cat and mutilated
her dog. He killed his neighbours’ pets and tormented
the families if they attempted to report this to the police
(Stone, 2011).
On the morning of 26 December, 1980, a correctional
ofcer assigned to guard duty on death row greeted
the prisoner in cell 5800. Chase was lying on his back,
breathing normally. At 11:05 the same day, the guard
checked his cell again. This time Chase was lying on his
stomach, legs extended off his bunk and feet on the oor.
His head was buried in the mattress and his arms extended
upwards, to the pillow. Next to the bed were four sheets
of paper covered in handwriting. Two of them contained
drawn squares lled with a strange, cryptographic-like
code. On the other two pages was a message in which
Chase indicated that he might drink some pills which could
cause his heart to stop beating (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
The life of Richard Chase had hereby ended with Chase
committing suicide (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
Living with paranoid schizophrenia (1975–1976)
Residing on his own, Chase began riding his bicycle
to a nearby rabbit farm. He bought rabbits there and
butchered them at home. He did not complain about
physical ailments and his parents, who did not know
about the rabbits, thought he was doing well. However,
on an evening in April, 1976, Richard senior found his
son sitting in his apartment with the door open, pale and
sick, wearing only his shorts (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
He told his father that he had purchased a bad rabbit and
might have food poisoning. Apparently he had injected
himself with a rabbit’s blood (Athena Intelligence, 2012;
DirectEssays, 1969; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Richard
senior promptly took him to Sacramento Community
Clinic where he was admitted to the emergency room. He
explained to the doctor that he had eaten a rabbit that had
eaten battery acid which, consequently seeped through the
walls of his stomach and into his flesh (Biondi & Hecox,
1992). Additionally, he insisted that his blood pressure was
zero. A physical examination revealed he had septicaemia
(i.e., blood poisoning) (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Chase
was completely irrational and demanded to be moved
because he was afraid of contracting a disease from one
of the other patients in the ward. His parents informed the
doctor about Chase’s history of drug abuse which included
marijuana, LSD, and narcotics. The doctor, convinced that
Chase suffered from paranoid schizophrenia, transferred
him to the psychiatric unit at the American River Hospital.
There, the medical team agreed that he indeed had somatic
delusions, claiming that his body was falling apart and that
his circulatory system was not functioning (Sallamy, 2011).
A few events during this time indicate that Chase had a
pronounced need to exert control. Chase was preoccupied
with his bodily functions and had several invalid somatic
complaints (Biondi & Hecox, 1992). His mother, Beatrice,
took him for repeated physical examinations and often
bought appliances to satisfy his health demands. Her house
was stocked with oranges because Chase believed that he
had to put them on his head in order to absorb the vitamin
C (Douglas & Olshaker, 1995). Once, she even bought him
an oxygen tent after he had read an article about cardiac
patients (Biondi & Hecox, 1992). Beatrice might have made
these precautions out of concern for Chase, or out of fear
of what might have happened if she did not. Either way,
Chase demanded this from her and she obeyed him (Biondi
& Hecox, 1992; Castro, 2009; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992;
Sophia, 2010), which implies a level of dominance on
his part. Chase accused Beatrice of controlling his mind
(Biondi & Hecox, 1992). According to Bollas (1995),
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Fouché et al.
422
feelings of being controlled stem from being severely
inhibited by strict parents in the early years. This forces
the individual to develop a strong need for control, which
is often satised through future controlling or dominating
behaviour (Bollas, 1995; Sadock & Sadock, 2007).
The delusional nomad (1971–1974)
In 1971 Chase’s life began sliding steadily downhill. He
dropped out of college, did not work often and had trouble
holding jobs. His behaviour became increasingly strange
to the point of being completely irrational and delusional.
His search for his place in the world took him to Utah
in 1972 (Storey et al., 2005). On this solitary journey he
was arrested for driving under the influence of alcohol.
His father bailed him out of jail and Chase returned to
Sacramento. He told his parents that he had been gassed
in jail (Biondi & Hecox, 1992). His physical appearance
had deteriorated further and he constantly complained
about unusual and even impossible injuries and ailments.
He expressed his concerns to anyone who would listen.
Among these were the delusions that his stomach was
upside down and that his heart frequently stopped beating
(Dennison, 2009b; Lucas, 2012; Sallamy, 2011).
Although Chase thought about attending college
initially, it was mostly his parents who wanted him to do so
(Storey et al., 2005). Dropping out and refusing to pursue
a career might be partially viewed as refusing to oblige
others’ wishes. The possibility that Chase had a strong
need to be in control and to feel superior is illustrated by
the following events. Firstly, he refused to stop fondling
a woman at a social gathering after she insisted he quit
(Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Secondly, regarding this
incident, he declared that (a) no one had a right to tell
him what to do or when to leave, and (b) no one could
make him do anything he did not want to do (Ressler &
Shachtman, 1992).
The teenage drug user (1963–1970)
According to Ressler and Shachtman (1992), Chase’s
behaviour began to deteriorate in his sophomore
(second) year of high school. He became rebellious and
defiant, had no ambition and his room was in a state of
disarray most of the time. It was also during this time
that he began experimenting with drugs. Consumption of
extremely heavy doses of marijuana and LSD (lysergic
acid diethylamide) (Hofmann, 1980) became common
practice for Chase (Morrison, 2011). One of his previous
girlfriends said that he started hanging out with the “acid-
head” crowd (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992, p. 12). In
1965 he was arrested for possession of marijuana and the
juvenile court sentenced him to do community clean-up
work on weekends (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992; Storey et
al., 2005). Chase’s inner functioning during this time was
significantly affected by his erectile dysfunction (Ressler
& Shachtman, 1992; Wilson, 2011). In his high school
years, Chase attempted intercourse twice, but could not
maintain an erection. This resulted in his girlfriends ending
their relationships with him (Wilson, 2011). It made Chase
seek advice from a psychiatrist, a gesture that delivered no
solutions. Chase’s inability to function sexually affected
him deeply (Biondi & Hecox, 1992). This lack of control
that Chase had over his penis could possibly have been a
prolongation of a loss of control in his childhood (Bollas,
1987, 1995; Johnson & Becker, 1997). It might have
accumulated to this early loss and reinforced a need to
strive for control and power (Claus & Lidberg, 1999; Hale,
1993).
The antagonistic environment (1950–1962)
Disagreements regarding the exact nature of Chase’s
upbringing exist, with some authors (Athena Intelligence,
2012; Bovsun, 2010; Castro, 2009; Green, 2011; Nieto,
2012; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992) claiming that Chase
was subject to abusive and critical parenting, and others
(e.g., Biondi & Hecox, 1992; Morrison, 2011) alleging the
opposite. The researchers are of opinion that Chase’s early
environment was antagonistic and that Chase was raised
under unfavourable circumstances. According to Bovsun
(2010), Green (2011) and Nieto (2012), Chase’s family
environment was characterised by financial restraints,
marital bickering, as well as physical and emotional abuse.
The household was strict and Chase’s father, who was
described as an overly critical disciplinarian, beat Chase
for what most people would consider minor mistakes
(Nieto, 2012). Chase was also abused by his mother, whom
the community regarded as mentally unstable (Castro,
2009; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). If children are denied
this right to omnipotence, they suffer “lifelong feelings of
being deprived of their own existence” (Claus & Lidberg,
1999, p. 431). This results in a drive to regain lost power
(Hale, 1993) or a “striving towards an establishment of
the infantile omnipotence” (Claus & Lidberg, 1999, p.
429). Neither of Chase’s parents furthered a nurturing
practice that would bolster feelings of omnipotence within
Chase. Both of them possibly were too occupied by
their continuous marital strife (Bovsun, 2010; Ressler &
Shachtman, 1992) to provide their son with the necessary
attention he deserved. The researchers are of opinion that
Chase’s behaviour as discussed in the above period was an
attempt to redeem his “lost throne” and that the primitive
psychic mechanism of omnipotence was present in his
functioning.
Data collection procedures
Data on the life of Chase were collected by doing a search
on the World Wide Web, at the information-system services
at the SASOL Library of the University of the Free State
(UFS), and in book stores. Both primary and secondary
data sources were used. Primary data sources are produced
by the subject (Strydom & Delport, 2005), whereas
secondary data sources are produced by someone else
(Woolums, 2011). Only publically available and published
data were consulted and included in the study. Private or
very personal data that could potentially embarrass the
existing family of Chase were excluded from the study.
Biographical materials collected in accordance with the
objective of the study served as the basic units of analysis.
Primary sources from which data were collected included
excerpts from several interviews held with Chase by agents
of the FBI such as Ressler and Shachtman, homicide
detectives such as Biondi and Hecox, and various doctors,
psychiatrists and profilers, as well as letters and messages
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Journal of Psychology in Africa
423
written by Chase and published by Mondo and St.
Martin’s Paperbacks in 1992. Secondary sources included
a biography of Chase written by Biondi and Hecox in
1992, a short biography written by Ressler and Shachtman
in 1992, several published newspaper articles on Chase,
select audio-visual media, forensic reports, and publicised
interviews with family. All the data sources are captured
within the reference list.
Trustworthiness, data extraction and analysis
Ensuring trustworthiness
The researchers employed the following strategies to
check data trustworthiness to mitigate the possible
threats to credibility, transferability, confirmability, and
dependability.
1. Prolonged, in-depth engagement with the biographical
data, and sensitivity to Chase’s socio-historical context
2. Triangulation of data sources and analyst triangulation
3.
Reflexivity regarding the researcher-subject
relationship
4.
Aiming for analytical generalisation (i.e., creating a
dialogue between findings and the model), rather than
statistical generalisation
5.
Applying established guidelines for the organisation of
data, and using a conceptual matrix.
Data extraction and analysis
We applied Alexander’s (1988; 1990) two analytic
strategies for the extraction, organisation, prioritisation
and analysis of data, namely: (1) questioning the data, and
(2) letting the data reveal itself. Questioning the data was
undertaken by extracting and categorising information into
themes of functioning that corresponded to the utilised
model. This facilitated the sorting of an excessive amount
of data to answer questions that were operationalised
within the model applied (Alexander, 1988, 1990). The
second strategy of data extraction known as letting the
data reveal itself, has the purpose of reducing the data
to manageable proportions and specifically applies to
selecting data for further investigation (Alexander, 1988,
1990). Alexander postulated nine guidelines to extract
salient data which he referred to as the nine principles
of salience, namely: primacy, frequency, uniqueness,
negation, emphasis, omission, error or distortion, isolation,
and incompletion. Further we developed a conceptual
matrix to categorise significant historical data according
to the Schahriar syndrome model. The literature review
of Chase revealed five distinguishable, but interrelated
historical periods of development throughout his lifespan.
These periods included: (1) The antagonistic environment
(1950–1962); (2) The teenage drug user (1963–1970);
(3) The delusional nomad (1971–1974); (4) Living with
paranoid schizophrenia (1975–1976); and (5) Murders, trial
and death (1977–1980). These historical periods represent
overlapping lifespan developmental issues in Chase’s life.
These descriptions are not used to derogate Chase as a
person, but merely to highlight the developmental issues
or crises that Chase underwent during his lifespan.
The model (i.e., each primitive psychic mechanism)
was applied to each historical and chronological age range
of Chase’s life (see above periods) in order to identify (a)
the presence or absence of primitive psychic mechanisms
in Chase’s functioning, and (b) factors in Chase’s socio-
historical development that contributed to the expression
of these mechanisms. The conceptual matrix aided the
researchers with the systematic categorisation and analyses
of the data, and enabled them to construct a longitudinal
life history portrait of each of the components of the
model.
Ethical considerations
Permission to undertake this study was granted by the
researchers’ institutional research review board, the
Committee for Title Registrations of the Faculty of the
Humanities, at the UFS. Chase is deceased (since 1980)
and the potential unsavoury impact of the findings on
his family was minimised because the data collected on
him were solely sourced from published and publically
accessible materials, and a period of 35 years has lapsed
since his death. Data triangulation was also applied to
ensure that the inferences made from the data, were
credible.
Findings and discussion
The findings are presented and discussed sequentially in
terms of the five primitive psychic mechanisms proposed
by the Schahriar syndrome model, namely: omnipotence,
sadistic fantasies, ritualised performance, dehumanisation
and symbiotic merger. The findings and discussion are
based on an integrated synopsis of the extracted and
analysed biographical data over the lifespan of Chase.
Omnipotence
Both Chase’s murders and actions might be interpreted
as acts of control and power. Incidents indicative of
omnipotence in this period include the following. Firstly,
Chase believed that he was reincarnated as one of the bank
robbers associated with legendary murderer, Jesse James
(Gibson, 2006). Chase possibly had a need to believe that
he was special in some way. Secondly, he kept an editorial
about his first murder along with its societal condemnation
(Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Chase enjoyed being
read about and considered himself as having celebrity
status. Thirdly, in his confessional statement regarding
his murders, Chase reported, “I shot the whole family”
and “the police had been unable to locate me” (Ressler
& Shachtman, 1992, p. 17). This suggests a sense of
victory as he had outsmarted the police. Lastly, is Chase’s
suicide (Biondi & Hecox, 1992). By taking his own life,
he demonstrated his belief that he had power over life and
death. As has been outlined above, Chase had a pronounced
need to exert control. As Bollas (1995) argues, being
severely inhibited by strict parents in the early years forces
the individual to develop a strong need for control, which
is often satisfied through future controlling or dominating
behaviour (Bollas, 1995; Sadock & Sadock, 2007).
Sadistic fantasies
As previously stated, a significant number of serial
murderers exhibit sadistic fantasies (Johnson &
Becker, 1997; Warren et al., 1996) in which physical
or psychological pain that arouses sexual or nonsexual
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Fouché et al.
424
pleasure is inflicted on others (Glasser, 1996; Martens,
2011). Sadistic acts such as animal torture and serial murder
could be viewed as enactments of such mental fantasies
(Knoll, 2006). Sadism was further evident in Chase’s
functioning during this period. In 1977 he knocked his
mother to the floor, after which he ripped open her cat and
smeared its blood all over his face (Biondi & Hecox, 1992;
Stone, 2011). He also mutilated her dog and demonstrated
brutality towards other animals including neighbours’
dogs (Stone, 2011). An incident where Chase killed and
dissected a cow (Wilson, 2011) is also a clear indication
of sadism. Chase’s murders could be considered sadistic,
but even more so the actions performed after he killed
some of them. He sadistically scarred Theresa Wallin’s
body by cutting her torso (Biondi, 2011; Irey, 2011).
He also mutilated and sodomised Evelyn Miroth’s body
(Dennison, 2009b; Montaldo, 2013), indicating that sexual
pleasure was derived from this sadistic performance. His
most sadistic act was the decapitation of a 22-month-old
boy (Ramsland, 2012a; Ressler & Shachtman, 1997). The
vicious brutality with which Chase mutilated his victims
as well as his method to overkill them (e.g., by shooting
them in the head at least three times and by removing
their organs) suggest severe aggression and anger. Chase
frequently accused his mother of poisoning him, and he
threw the meals that she prepared on the floor (Blanco,
2013; Castro, 2009; Sophia, 2010). Chase most likely had
an underlying anger or primitive aggression towards her.
Chase often conversed with an imaginary person whom he
believed was sending him messages via telepathy (Biondi
& Hecox, 1992). Sadism, or more specifically, zoo sadism
(Miller, 2013) is also evident in this period (1975 –1976),
during which time he was living with schizophrenia. Not
only did he butcher rabbits, he also beheaded birds (Biondi
& Hecox, 1992, p. 178). He had a fervent preoccupation
with blood and killing animals (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
This strengthens the possibility that his fantasies also
entailed blood, murder, torture and sadism. Chase’s
formation of physical disabilities was a way for him to
express his agony through a type of embodiment (Gibbs,
2006; Clark, 2008). Indicators in this period that suggest
that Chase had primitive aggression include the following:
Firstly, acquaintances described Chase as an angry and
hostile person (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Secondly,
he was often outraged and experienced violent temper
tantrums that terrorised his family (Biondi & Hecox, 1992;
Montaldo, 2013). These incidents might be interpreted as
projection of primitive aggression onto others.
Chase’s experimenting with alcohol and drugs quickly
turned into abuse (Blanco, 2013; Morrison, 2011). Chase
also experienced hostility towards people. An example
of this is at a party in 1970 where Chase leaned out the
window to wave his gun at strangers who walked by
(Biondi & Hecox, 1992). Additionally, he nearly always
blamed his misfortune on others (Montaldo, 2013; Storey
et al., 2005) and believed that people were spying on him
(Gilks & Saunders, 2013; Ramsland, 2012a). According
to Ressler and Shachtman (1992), Castro (2009) and
Nieto (2012) Chase was both emotionally and physically
abused by his parents. It is probable that Chase did suffer
aggressive drives, but because he was unable to process
his emotions during the stage from 1950–1962 (Lagattuta,
2014), it remained in his psychic structure as a primitive
psychic mechanism that continuously surfaced throughout
his life (Bollas, 1995; Claus & Lidberg, 1999).
Ritualised performance
Examples of ritualised performance include body posing,
foreign object insertions, overkill, removal of parts of the
victim and sodomy (Bezuidenhout, 2011; Schlesinger et al.,
2010; van der Spuy, 2012). Most authors on serial murder
agree that these seemingly unnecessary activities serve a
psychological purpose (Grimes, 1996; Hoffmeister, 2007;
Schlesinger et al., 2010; Vaknin, 2003). The rituals are
driven by a belief and that the murderer needs to perform
them in order to feel gratified. Thus, killing the victim is
not sufficient (MacCulloch et al., 1983; Schlesinger et al.,
2010). Many factors (i.e., early abuse, trauma, and repressed
aggression) can contribute to the execution of rituals in
serial murder (Claus & Lidberg, 1999; Vaknin, 2003). The
brutal mutilation that Chase performed on his victims as
well as the consumption of his victims’ blood and intestines
are regarded as ritualised performance. During the period
when he committed his murders (1977 –1980), he brutally
mutilated and concocted mixtures of blood and organs
from two of his victims, Theresa Wallin and Evelyn Miroth
(Biondi, 2011; Davidson, 2011; Irey, 2011; Sallamy, 2011).
This was his “signature” or “calling card”, terms sometimes
synonymously used with rituals (Keppel, 1997).
Dehumanisation
Dehumanisation is the perception of others as objects,
animals or machines and classfication of them as
being subhuman (Zimbardo, 2009). It is believed
that by regarding their victims as subhuman objects,
dehumanisation enables serial murderers to torture,
rape and murder their victims (Claus & Lidberg, 1999;
Levin & Fox, 2007; Vaknin, 2003). A few indications
of dehumanisation are present in the nature of Chase’s
murders. After Chase had shot his second victim, Theresa
Wallin, three times, he procured a steak knife and empty
yoghurt can (Biondi, 2011). Chase cut open her torso,
pulled out parts of her intestine and concocted a mixture
of blood and organs inside the yoghurt can (Biondi,
2011; Davidson, 2011; Irey, 2011; Sallamy, 2011). Later,
investigators also found fragments of a three-month-old
fetus (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Chase dissected
and mutilated his other female victim, Evelyn Miroth,
in a similar manner. This brutality suggests that Chase
disregarded his victims’ humanity. Furthermore, upon
investigation Chase stated: “I shot this lady – got some
blood out of it” (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992, p. 17).
Chase probably viewed his victims not as humans, but as
blood carriers (Zimbardo, 2009, p. 299), and displayed no
remorse or guilt regarding his crimes (Storey et al., 2005).
Such a lack of guilt might be the result of dehumanisation
that enables the serial murderer to overcome the forces of
conscience (Levin & Fox, 2007).
As further evidence of dehumanisation behaviour,
Chase also rode his bicycle to a nearby farm where he
bought rabbits and then butchered them (Biondi & Hecox,
1992). He drank their blood and once injected himself
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Journal of Psychology in Africa
425
with it as well (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). Chase once
announced that it was easy to butcher rabbits because they
looked like mechanical toys (Biondi & Hecox, 1992).
This suggests that Chase viewed his animal victims as
lifeless objects. A process similar to dehumanisation, de-
animilisation (Walton, 2012), probably enabled Chase
to commit such cruelty towards animals. Vaknin (2003)
suggested that the serial murderer is afraid that his victims
will run out on him or vanish as earlier objects had done.
The serial murderer therefore dehumanises his victims
in order to possess them like he would other subhuman
articles. The abandonment by Chase’s girlfriends might
have played an important role in this regard. In his teenage
years, Chase also displayed delinquent behaviour (e.g.,
drunk driving, possession of drugs and theft) (Biondi &
Hecox, 1992; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992; Storey et al.,
2005). He never showed any embarrassment or remorse
concerning his crimes and he was hopelessly inconsiderate
most of the time (Biondi & Hecox, 1992; Montaldo, 2013).
Bandura and Zimbardo (2005) view dehumanisation as a
process of moral disengagement in which people objectify
and harm others in order to pursue their own attractions.
Chase’s inconsideration of others might thus be regarded
as such a process.
Chase was raised in a strict household and beaten by
his father (Nieto, 2012). Allegedly, he was also a victim
of abuse at the hands of his mother (Castro, 2009).
Biven (1997), Claus and Lidberg (1999) and Vaknin
(2003) believed that dehumanisation is mostly caused
by childhood trauma and abuse. Abuse and the lack of
proper nurturing tend to destroy the bond between the
child and his or her caregivers (Biven, 1997; Haggerty,
2009). This absence of a true bond prompts a desire in
the child to annihilate all signs of being human in the
caregivers (Biven, 1997; Claus & Lidberg, 1999). Because
the child is unable to do this at a young age, the desire
becomes lifelong and the individual attempts to full it by
dehumanising others. In a way, dehumanisation becomes
a re-enactment of the past (Biven, 1997). The researchers
are of opinion that dehumanisation was present in Chase’s
functioning as serial killer.
Symbiotic merger
Symbiotic merger has been described in an earlier section.
Symbiotic merger is indicated in Chase’s functioning
in this period by the ingestion of some of his victims’
blood and intestines as well as the sodomy of one of his
victims. This might have been contributed to by a flawed
symbiotic process. Claus and Lidberg (1999) stated that
“to incorporate a victim by eating her is indeed a physical
merger; when the murderer has her in his body, she can
never leave him” (p. 431). According to them and many
other theorists (Bollas, 1987; 1995; Fox & Levin, 1994;
Geberth & Turco, 1997; Hale, 1993; Stein, 2009; Youngs &
Canter, 2011), the central point in the process of symbiotic
merger is the sense of loss stemming from early infancy.
Chase’s negative evaluation of his mother, and also
people in general is a case in point. He strongly believed
that others were dangerous and not to be trusted. According
to Mahler and McDevitt (1968), the symbiotic mother-
infant unit provides an important framework from which
the individual forms perceptions of objects outside the self
which directs his or her object evaluation. Favourable and
proper symbiosis is necessary for the infant to turn into
an individual who perceives others in a constructive light
(Mahler et al., 1975; Meltzer, 1992). According to Mahler
and McDevitt (1968) symbiosis constitutes a central part
in the attainment of object constancy. Object constancy,
similar to object permanence (Piaget, 1975), refers to the
ability to realise that important objects such as parents are
separate individuals with separate identities who remain
permanent even when they are not in the physical presence
of the individual (Louw & Edwards, 2008; Mahler et
al., 1975). A disturbed symbiotic process negatively
inuences the attainment of object constancy and leaves
the individual with a disturbed view that objects will
disappear (Mahler et al., 1975; Vaknin, 2003). Symbiosis
denotes the phase in the mother-infant relationship,
whereby basic security is formed as an inner shell against
a threatening environment (Mahler & Furer, 1968).
Proper symbiosis requires the mother’s care which should
incorporate affective and physical investment in the infant
(Spitz, 1965). Abandonment, neglect, and trauma could
disrupt the symbiotic process and have adverse effects on
future functioning (Mahler et al., 1975). It is probable that
Chase’s symbiotic process was disrupted by emotional and
physical abuse (Castro, 2009). Furthermore, his mother had
the reputation of a highly aggressive, hostile, provocative
and mentally unstable woman (Ressler & Shachtman,
1992). The likelihood is small that she invested sufcient
attention on, and care of, Chase. It is possible that Chase
was not only subject to abusive abandonment and neglect,
but that his earliest perceptions of others and the world
were predetermined by his mother’s antagonistic and
hostile attitude. The researchers speculate that Chase’s
infantile symbiotic process was disrupted and that he
performed symbiotic merger by ingesting his victims’
blood and intestines in order to create a symbiotic fusion.
Strengths and limitations of the study
This study illuminates the relevance of the Schahriar
syndrome model and encourages involved disciplines
(e.g., forensic and investigative stakeholders) to reconsider
its usefulness. The Schahriar syndrome model has utility
to explain the psychological functioning of a serial
murderer. This study also contributes to the existing body
of knowledge regarding Chase and provides trainers and
trainees with additional perspectives on his functioning. In
the past, most of the available biographical data on Chase
focused almost exclusively on his murders. Emphasis was
placed on the classification of Chase as a disorganised
offender, which merely necessitated a description of the
characteristics of him as a disorganised serial murderer
(e.g., poor social skills, poor hygiene, psychosis). The
study introduces a new dimension to Chase’s life and
hopefully sheds light on him as an individual instead of
merely labelling him as an evil, disorganised criminal. Due
to the limited number of psychobiographies conducted on
serial murderers (Chéze, 2009), it is recommended that
future psychobiographers consider including more serial
murderers as their psychobiographical subjects.
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Fouché et al.
426
Conclusion
Chase’s personality functioning meets the criteria of the
proposed Schahriar syndrome or serial murders. The
Schahriar model enabled the researchers to consider the
influence of infantile and early childhood difficulties
on Chase’s future functioning as serial murderer, while
psychobiography with its contextual and lifespan focus
(Schultz, 2005) enabled the researchers to analyse his
functioning throughout his entire life. The study illustrates
the value of biography for psychology and, in turn,
the value of psychology for biography (Elms & Song,
2005; Fouché & Van Niekerk, 2010), in this case, the
value that biographical life history material on Chase’s
life holds for the Schahriar model, and in turn the value
of the Schahariar syndrome model for understanding
biographical information on the historical lives of serial
killers such as Chase.
Note
1 Athena Intelligence is a registered specialist security facility
that provides bespoke investigation services and deals
with complicated and challenging jurisdictions. Some of
their operations and training services include, specialist
research; covert surveillance; close protection and residen-
tial security; kidnap, ransom, and extortion advisory; and
complex investigations. (Athena Intelligence, 2012, 2013).
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