BookPDF Available

Domestication of Plants in the Old World - The Origin and Spread of Domesticated Plants in South-west Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin

Authors:
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
1
CHAPTER 1
Current state of the art
The aim of this book is to review available informa-
tion on the origin and spread of domesticated plants
in south-west Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean
Basin. Two sources of evidence exist:  rstly, infor-
mation obtained by the analysis of plant remains
retrieved from archaeological excavations, where
early archaeological contexts—namely Epipalaeo-
lithic/Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age cul-
tures—are the main source; and secondly, data
provided by living plants, particularly by the wild
progenitors of domesticated plants. This chapter
presents the conclusions of the book as determined
from the combined information provided by these
two sources (relevant data and references will be
presented in the following chapters).
Beginnings of domestication
The rst de nite signs of domesticated plants in the
Old World appear in a string of Early Pre-Pottery
Neolithic B (PPNB) farming villages that developed
in south-west Asia (Map 1) by ca. 10,500–10,100
calibrated years before present (cal BP). Spikelet
forks of emmer and einkorn wheat with telltale,
rough disarticulation scars (pp. XXX—XXX) pro-
vide the most convincing evidence that these cere-
als were already domesticated by this time, and in
this area. The contemporary appearance of rela-
tively plump kernels further supports this notion,
but cannot be regarded as a fully reliable indication
of the early stage of domestication. These remains
and further evidence of pre-domestication cultiva-
tion suggest that the actual beginning of wheat cul-
tivation in this area should have been even earlier.
No convincing pre-PPNB domesticated plants have
yet been found.
There is a scholarly debate as to whether agricul-
ture originated in several places across a wide area,
including the Levant and northern Fertile Crescent
(e.g. Weiss et al . 2006 ; Willcox et al. 2008 ), or whether
it evolved in only one part of the Fertile Crescent,
such as south-east Turkey (e.g. Lev-Yadun et al .
2000 ). Although current archaeobotanical data sup-
port the  rst view, this critical question requires
more archaeobotanical and radiocarbon dating evi-
dence to support any de nitive  nding.
Neolithic south-west Asian crop
assemblage
The crops of early Neolithic agriculture in south-
west Asia are fairly well recognized. The most
numerous vegetable remains in early farming vil-
lages come from three cereals: emmer wheat
( Triticum turgidum subsp. dicoccum ), einkorn wheat
( T. monococcum subsp. monococcum ), and barley
( Hordeum vulgare ). Diagnostic morphological traits
(non-brittle ears, broad kernels) traceable in the
archaeological  nds indicate that by 10,500–10,100
cal BP, these domesticated annual grasses were
intentionally sown and harvested in a string of Pre-
Pottery Neolithic B sites in south-west Asia. Emmer
wheat and barley seem to have been the more com-
mon crops. Einkorn wheat is somewhat less
apparent.
Several grain legumes appear as constant com-
panions of the cereals ( see Map 2—Plate 6). The most
frequent pulses in the early Neolithic south-west
Asian contexts are lentil ( Lens culinaris ) and pea
( Pisum sativum ). Two more local legume crops are
bitter vetch ( Vicia ervilia ) and chickpea ( Cicer arieti-
num ). In contrast to the cereals, archaeological
0001353724.INDD 10001353724.INDD 1 10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
2 DOMESTICATION OF PLANTS IN THE OLD WORLD
remains of pulses usually lack morphological fea-
tures by which initial stages of domestication can be
recognized. Clear indications of lentil domestication
appear at about 10,100–9,700 cal BP; and of pea,
chickpea, and bitter vetch, at about 9,900–9,500
cal BP. Probably all four legumes were cultivated
somewhat earlier, either together with wheats and
barley or soon after the domestication of those cere-
als. Finally,  ax ( Linum usitatissimum ) belongs to the
south-west Asian group of founder crops. It is
impossible to decide whether the material obtained
from Early Neolithic layers represents collected wild
ax or the remains of domesticated forms. Yet, as in
the case of the legumes both direct and circumstan-
tial evidence indicates that by 9,900–9,500 cal BP,
ax was already domesticated in south-west Asia.
Evidence for early domestication of additional
plants in south-west Asia is much less convincing.
Grass pea ( Lathyrus sativus ) might have been such a
crop, yet the bulk of its early remains comes from
eighth and seventh millennia BP sites in Greece and
Bulgaria. Signs that rye ( Secale cereale ) was a south-
west Asian Neolithic crop are much rarer. The ori-
gin and early spread of the faba bean ( Vicia faba ) is
even less clear.
The plant remains from south-west Asian Pre-
Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) sites reveal another fea-
ture: as a rule, not a single crop but rather a
combination of cereals, pulses, and  ax appears in
these early farming villages. Moreover, the assem-
blage seems to be similar throughout the Fertile
Crescent ( see Map 2—Plate 6). In other words, a
common package of grain crops characterizes the
development of agriculture in this ‘core area’.
At almost the same time, signs of herding appear,
implying that sheep and goats had also been
brought under human control. Shortly after, cattle
and pig domestication took place (Zeder In Press
2011). Thus, an effective south-west Asian Neolithic
food-production ‘package’ was formed, comprising
Map 1 Archaeological sites in which the earliest south-west Asian domesticated grain crops were reliably identi ed.
Kissonerga-Mylouthkia +
Shillourokambos
Cafer Höyük
Asikli Höyük
Tel Abu
Hureyra
‘Ain Ghazal
Tel Aswad
Ali Kosh
Jarmo
Çayönü
Jericho
Yiftach'el
10,500-10,000 BP
10,000-9,500 BP
9,500-9,000 BP
einkorn wheat
emmer wheat
barley
chickpea
lentil
ax
pea
bitter vetch
0
0
100 200 miles
200 400km
0001353724.INDD 20001353724.INDD 2 10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
CURRENT STATE OF THE ART 3
vegetative crops as well as domestic animals.
Indeed, the remains uncovered in south-west Asian
PPNB sites indicate a major shift in food practices.
While in Epi-Palaeolithic contexts, gathering and
hunting of a wide spectrum of wild species is appar-
ent, the PPNB farmers already appear to focus on
domesticates as their principal source of food. A
large proportion of the remains retrieved from these
early farming sites belong to the crops mentioned
above and domestic animals. There is also a sharp
quantitative and qualitative drop in the wild- species
intake. An important con rmation of this ‘package’
concept occurred recently with the discovery of just
such an ensemble of plants and animals in Early
PPNB Cyprus, although some of them were not yet
strictly domesticated.
Wild progenitors
The wild ancestors of most of the food plants of
south-west Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean
Basin are already well identi ed. The distribution
areas and the main ecological preferences of most of
them are also well known. Comparison of this evi-
dence with the archaeological  ndings reveals that
with practically all early crops, the  rst signs of
domestication appear in the same general areas
where the wild ancestral stocks abound today.
The geographic distribution of the wild progeni-
tors of Neolithic grain crops is signi cant. Apart
from  ax and barley, the wild ancestors of the
founder crops have a rather limited distribution.
Wild emmer wheat and wild chickpea are endemic
to the Fertile Crescent. Assuming that their distri-
bution did not change drastically during the last ten
millennia, the domestication of these crops could
only have taken place in this restricted area. Because
domesticated emmer wheat appears to be the most
important Neolithic crop throughout south-west
Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin, the
con nement of its wild progenitor to the Fertile
Crescent delimits the place of origin of this
Map 2 The spread of the south-west Asian Neolithic crop assemblage in Europe, west Asia, and north Africa. For details on the numbered sites,
see pp. XXX–XXX. These are the earliest sites in which domesticated grain crops were found, in each country.
0
0
125 250 375 500 miles
250 500 km
Scale 1:16,000,000
1
2
4
5
6
7
3
9
10
11
12
15
16
20
17
19
18
30 26
27
28
29
23
25
24
22
21
41
33
32
31
40
38
39
37
36
35
34
47
44
54
53
57
65
67
68
73
69
70
72
71
81
78 75
76
77
79
82
80
56
66
58
62
60
61
59
63
83
45
43
42
74
64
50
48 49
51
52,55
13
14
8
46
2,500-2,000 BP
3,000-2,500 BP
3,500-3,000 BP
4,000-3,500 BP
4,500-4,000 BP
5,000-4,500 BP
5,500-5,000 BP
6,000-5,500 BP
6,500-6,000 BP
7,000-6,500 BP
7,500-7,000 BP
8,000-7,500 BP
8,500-8,000 BP
9,000-8,500 BP
9,500-9,000 BP
10,000-9,500 BP
10,500-10,000 BP
einkorn wheat
emmer wheat
barley
flax
lentil
pea
Legened
0001353724.INDD 30001353724.INDD 3 10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM10/18/2011 8:23:45 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
4 DOMESTICATION OF PLANTS IN THE OLD WORLD
domesticated cereal. It also marks the rather
restricted geographic area where Old World
Neolithic agriculture could have originated. Wild
forms of einkorn wheat, lentil, pea, and bitter vetch
have a somewhat wider distribution, but all, includ-
ing barley, are centered in the Fertile Crescent; that
is, the region in which the earliest farming villages
have been discovered.
The spread of south-west Asian crops
A most remarkable feature of south-west Asian
Neolithic agriculture is its rapid expansion soon
after establishment in the nuclear area ( see Map
2—Plate 6). The quality and quantity of available
archaeobotanical evidence varies considerably from
region to region. Comprehensive information is
available for most parts of Europe, but there is much
sparser and frequently incomplete documentation
from Caucasia, Eastern Europe, and central Asia. In
Africa, critical data on plant remains are available
only for Egypt (but a few current projects might add
vital data for north Africa). In spite of the uneven
documentation, the following main features of the
diffusion of agriculture seem apparent.
The spread of agriculture from its south-west
Asian core to Europe and central Asia involves the
species contained in the Neolithic crop assemblage.
Map 2 (Plate 6) summarizes the information about
the six most important south-west Asian crops:
emmer wheat (including its free-threshing deriva-
tives), einkorn wheat, barley, lentil, pea, and  ax.
From the data presented in this map and in Chapter
10 , it is evident that crops domesticated in the
south-west Asian core area were the initiators of
food production in Europe, central Asia, and the
Mediterranean Basin (including the Nile Valley).
The earliest farming cultures in these vast regions
always contain wheat and barley, with one, two, or
more of the other south-west Asian founder crops
frequently present as well.
Establishment of the south-west Asian crop
assemblage in the Fertile Crescent and its spread
both west (to Europe) and east (to central Asia and
to the Indian subcontinent) was rapid ( see Map
2—Plate 6). From the  rst farming communities in
the ‘Levantine Corridor’ at ca. 10,500–10,200 cal BP,
it was found to cover the whole Fertile Crescent by
9,500–9,000 cal BP. By ca. 9,000–8,500 calBP, agricul-
ture had already appeared in Crete and Greece. By
the end of the ninth millennium BP, these crops
were grown in Obre in Bosnia-Hercegovina and in
Jeitun in Turkmenia. Soon after, agriculture appears
as far west as Balma Margineda in Andorra, Spain,
and Sacarovca in Moldavia—and as far south as
Grotta dell’Uzzo in Sicily. By the second half of the
eighth millennium BP, the Linearbandkeramik
farming culture was already  rmly established in
loess soil regions throughout central Europe,
extending to Poland in the east, to northern France,
and Germany in the west. At the same time, early
Neolithic farming villages appeared in south Spain,
the Nile Valley, and in Chokh in Caucasia.
Substantial information on the age and spread of
early farming cultures is available for Europe,
where radiocarbon dating of sites exhibiting evi-
dence of early farming enabled the reconstruction
of the diffusion of agriculture. The evidence from
Caucasia, central Asia, and eastern Europe is much
more fragmentary. Yet the  nds retrieved from sites
including Jeitun (p. XXX) demonstrate that the dif-
fusion of the south-west Asian crops towards cen-
tral Asia happened relatively early, although it took
longer to reach Transcaucasia and the Nile Valley.
All over these vast areas, the start of food produc-
tion involved the same south-west Asian crops.
Availability of archaeological evidence
Any attempt to reconstruct the origins and diffu-
sion of agriculture in Eurasia and Africa must
address the uneven archaeological record. As
already mentioned, plant remains of Europe, south-
west Asia, and the Mediterranean Basin provide us
with a reasonable overview of the beginnings and
development of agriculture in these major areas. In
contrast, the archaeobotanical evidence from cen-
tral and eastern parts of Asia and from eastern
Europe is much less complete. It is very poor in
Africa north of the Sahara. Consequently, while the
early stages of food production in south-west Asia
are relatively well documented, most founder crops
are adequately identi ed, and the expansion to
Europe and west Asia are convincingly elucidated,
there are far fewer solid facts on crop domestication
and the development of farming in east Asia ( Smith
0001353724.INDD 40001353724.INDD 4 10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
CURRENT STATE OF THE ART 5
1998 ). However in the last few years, archaeobo-
tanical  ndings in these agricultural domains have
improved considerably. The history of crop domes-
tication in the African Savanna belt is still largely
uncharted and we still know very little about the
evolution of the unique crop assemblage of this
region ( Harlan 1992a ).
The time and place of origin of the majority of the
east and south Asian crops, and of practically all the
sub-Saharan African crops, are yet not fully estab-
lished. In numerous cases, the wild progenitors
have not yet been satisfactorily identi ed or they
are only very super cially known. However, critical
archaeobotanical information has been assembled
on at least two principal crops; rice ( Oryza sativa )
and foxtail millet ( Setaria italica ). Their essential role
in the independent rise of farming in China is now
well documented.
At present, our picture of crop-plant evolution in
Eurasia and Africa is unbalanced. While there is
relatively reliable information on its development
in the classical Old World, we are largely unin-
formed of events south and east of this area. We also
know relatively little about the early interactions
between west Asia and the major agricultural prov-
inces in east and south Asia, and in Africa south of
the Sahara.
Early domestication outside
the ‘core area’
Signs of additional domesticants start appearing
soon after the introduction of south-west Asia
agriculture to Europe, central Asia, and the
Mediter-ranean Basin. Addition of some of these
crops obviously took place outside south-west
Asia, but they developed within the already estab-
lished agriculture of the south-west Asian crop
assemblage. The poppy, Papaver somniferum, pro-
vides a well-documented example of such domes-
tication. Both the area of distribution of the wild
poppy and the archaeological  nds (p. XXX–XXX)
indicate that P. somniferum was brought into
domestication in west Europe. It was added to the
south-west Asian grain-crop assemblage after the
latter’s establishment in western Europe. Chufa,
Cyperus esculentus, is another example of an early
local addition, this time in the Nile Valley (p. XXX).
Its dry tubers were found in large quantities in
Egypt from pre-dynastic times on. The early
appearance of broomcorn millet, Panicum mil-
iaceum , in the Caspian basin and the Czech
Republic (p. XXX) might indicate another local
addition. However, since the archaeological evi-
dence from central and east Asia is still inadequate,
it is impossible to decide whether the Caspian P.
miliaceum was added to the expanding south-west
Asian crop assemblage after it reached central
Asia, or whether this cereal represents an east
Asiatic domestication independent of the south-
west Asian diffusion.
Beginning and spread of horticulture
Olive, grape vine,  g, and date palm seem to have
been the  rst principal fruit crops domesticated in
the Old World. De nite signs of olive and date-palm
domestication appear in Chalcolithic Levant about
6,800–6,300 cal BP. Indications of date-palm domes-
tication are also available from contemporary lower
Mesopotamia. We still do not know the extent of
Chalcolithic horticulture. Except for the Israel-
Jordan area, the archaeobotanical information from
seventh–sixth millennia BP sites in the Levant is
still insuf cient. The picture changes drastically in
the Early Bronze Age ( rst half of the  fth millen-
nium BP). From this time on, olives, grapes, and  gs
emerge as important additions to grain agriculture,
initially in the Levant and soon after, in Greece.
These crops were subsequently planted throughout
the Mediterranean Basin. The extensive Bronze Age
cultivation of olives and grapes is indicated by the
appearance of numerous presses and remains of
storage facilities for olive oil and wine. At the same
time, dates were domesticated on the southern
fringes and the warm river basins of the south-west
Asia, and they abound in the Nile Valley during the
New Kingdom.
Apple, pear, plum, and cherry seem to have been
added much later to Old World horticulture, as
de nite signs of their domestication appear only
in the  rst millennium BC. Their culture is almost
entirely based on grafting, so they could have been
domesticated extensively only after the introduc-
tion of this sophisticated method of vegetative
propagation.
0001353724.INDD 50001353724.INDD 5 10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
6 DOMESTICATION OF PLANTS IN THE OLD WORLD
Remains of fruit trees rarely show diagnostic ana-
tomical traits enabling archaeobotanists to distin-
guish between fruits collected from the wild or
those harvested from domesticated orchards. To a
large extent, recognizing domestication in fruit
crops is based on circumstantial evidence, such as
the  nding of fruit remains in areas in which the
wild forms do not occur or on the quantitative anal-
ysis of artefacts associated with fruit products (e.g.
oil, wine). It is dif cult, therefore, to determine the
initial stage of fruit crop domestication: in other
words, it might well be that olive, grape,  g, or date
cultivation did not originate in the Chalcolithic
(sixth millennium BP), but was already active in the
late Neolithic (seventh millennium BP).
Despite these uncertainties, the following have
been con rmed: (a) the earliest de nite signs of fruit
tree domestication appear in the south-west Asia;
(b) horticulture developed only after the  rm estab-
lishment of grain agriculture; (c) as with grain crops,
several local wild fruits were taken into domestica-
tion at about the same time; (d) domestication of
fruit crops relied heavily on the invention of vegeta-
tive propagation; (e) planting of perennial fruit trees
is a long-term investment, promoting a fully settled
way of life; (f) soon after its successful establish-
ment, horticulture spread from its original ‘core
area’ into new territories in the Mediterranean Basin
and south-west Asia; and (g) after the introduction
of grafting (pp. XXX–XXX), the domestication of a
whole group of ‘second-wave’ fruit crops became
possible.
Available archaeobotanical evidence of the
beginning of fruit-crop domestication can also be
supported by information on the wild relatives.
Wild olive, grape vine,  g, and date are widely
distributed over the Mediterranean and south-
west Asia. They have a wide geographic distribu-
tion, so this by itself does not provide critical
values for a precise delimitation of the place of
origin of these fruit crops. Yet it is reassuring to
know that forms from which domesticated clones
could have been derived thrive in wild niches in
the east Mediterranean basin. Therefore, evidence
from the living plants complements the archaeo-
logical  nds. Most probably olive, grape vine,
date,  g, as well as pomegranate and almond,
were  rst brought into domestication in the same
general area where, several millennia earlier, grain
agriculture was successfully established in the
Old World. Thus, during the sixth millennium BP,
eastern Mediterranean Basin human societies
belonging to the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age cul-
tures, were introduced to the use of copper and
bronze, and they also mastered horticulture.
Vegetables
This is the least-known group of domesticated food
plants of the Old World. Vegetable material consists
almost entirely of perishable soft tissues, which
stand a meagre chance of charring and surviving as
archaeological remnants (p. XXX). Consequently,
only few vegetable remains have been detected in
excavations. The exceptions here are Egyptian and
Judean Desert caves. In Egypt, especially arid coun-
try vegetables placed in pyramids and graves com-
monly survived by desiccation, and show that
garlic, leek, onion, lettuce, melon, watermelon, and
chufa were cultivated in the Nile Valley in the sec-
ond and the  rst millennia BC. As amply described
by Keimer ( 1924 , 1984 ), vegetable gardens consti-
tuted an important element of food production in
Egyptian dynastic times.
Beyond Egypt there are almost no early archaeo-
botanical  nds of vegetable crops. However, early
literary sources show that by the start of the second
millennium BC, vegetable gardens  ourished not
only in the Nile Valley but also in Mesopotamia.
Furthermore, in both areas the crops grown were
more or less the same. The only major exception
was chufa which was restricted, almost entirely, to
Egypt.
In summary, available evidence makes it clear
that by the Bronze Age vegetable crops were part of
food production both in Lower Mesopotamia and
in Egypt. It is very likely that this geographic pat-
tern is not accidental. In both regions, we are faced
with the dense human settlement of very arid envi-
ronments. Survival in these zones depends on utili-
zation of limited areas of irrigated or  ooded land
which is bordered by large, barren deserts. Areas
with no vegetation have little to offer in the way of
supplementary resources of green wild plants. This
shortage invites human initiative. The early devel-
opment of vegetable gardens might have been
0001353724.INDD 60001353724.INDD 6 10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
CURRENT STATE OF THE ART 7
caused by such needs. It must be taken into consid-
eration that this picture is partly skewed by the lack
of evidence in other regions.
Weeds and crops
Several Old World grain plants, oil producers, and
vegetables seem to be ‘secondary crops’; that is,
they  rst evolved as weeds and were only later
established as crops (p. XXX). Oat, Avena sativa, rye,
Secale cereale subsp. cereale , and gold of pleasure,
Camelina sativa, are well-documented examples of
this mode of evolution under domestication.
Turnip, lettuce, carrot, beet, leek, and several other
vegetables are also very likely to have entered
domestication through the same ‘back door’. The
incorporation of secondary crops into Old World
food production seems to have happened rather
late, since de nite signs of their domestication
appear in Europe and west Asia only in the second
and  rst millennia BC.
Migrants from other agricultural regions
With few exceptions, the classical ‘Old World’
(south-west Asia, the Mediterranean Basin, and
temperate Europe) received crops from other agri-
cultural regions rather late in its agricultural his-
tory. Foreign crops that arrived in this area (in
pre-Columbian times) fall into the following geo-
graphical groups ( Zohary 1998 ):
(a) Temperate climate crops from central
and/or east Asia
Broomcorn millet ( Panicum miliaceum ) and foxtail
millet ( Setaria italica ) seem to represent the earliest
arrivals. The origin of P. miliaceum is not fully
understood, but it was probably taken into domes-
tication in central Asia–north China (p. XXX). It
already appears in Caucasia and in central Europe
in sites around the  rst half of the eighth millen-
nium BP. S. italica, now recognized as a founder
crop of north China agriculture (p. XXX), appeared
in central Europe in the  rst half of fourth millen-
nium BP, some four thousand years later. For mil-
let, as well, the available information suggests
arrival from the east (p. XXX). However, the pos-
sibility of independent domestication of foxtail
millet in the west has not been ruled out yet. Hemp
( Cannabis sativa ) reached Anatolia and Europe
much later. Its remains appear (p. XXX) from the
eighth century BC onwards. Apricot ( Armeniaca
vulgaris ) and peach ( Persica vulgaris ) could have
been taken into domestication either in central
Asia or in China (p. XXX); the domesticated pista-
chio ( Pistacia vera ) must have originated in central
Asia (p. XXX). The peach seems to have reached
the Mediterranean Basin by the middle of the  rst
millennium BC. Apricot and pistachio arrived only
in Roman times.
(b) Warm-weather crops from south and/or
east Asia
A group of more tropical crops (sensitive to freezing
temperatures) that originated in south and/or east
Asia, seem to have migrated into the south-west
Asia and the Mediterranean Basin from the Indian
subcontinent. Many of these cultigens were already
grown in India and Pakistan in the second millen-
nium BC. Sesame ( Sesamum indicum ) is apparently
the earliest of these migrants (p. XXX). Undisputed
remains of this Indian oil crop already appear in
south-west Asia in Iron Age (ca. 900–600 BC) con-
texts. The citron ( Citrus medica ) was grown in the
east Mediterranean basin (p. XXX) by the end of the
fourth century BC. Asian rice ( Oryza sativa ) seems to
have arrived (p. XXX) in Hellenistic or early Roman
times. The cucumber ( Cucumis sativus ) might also
have been introduced (p. XXX) at the same time.
Finally, Old World cottons ( Gossypium arboreum
and/or G. herbaceum ) could have already spread
from the Indian subcontinent into the south-west
Asia (p. XXX) during Roman rule. However, a fully
developed cotton industry appeared in this area
only in Early Islamic times.
An impressive introduction of Indian and south-
east Asian crops was undertaken by the Arabs soon
after their conquests ( Watson 1983 ; Zohary 1998 ).
The Early Islamic diffusion (eightth–eleventh cen-
turies AD) includes lemon ( Citrus limon ), lime
( C. aurantiifolia ), bitter orange ( C. aurantium ), pum-
melo ( C. maxima ), and indigo ( Indigofera tinctoria )—
all of which are discussed in this book. It also
involves sugar cane ( Saccharum of cinarum ) and
0001353724.INDD 70001353724.INDD 7 10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM
OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – FIRST PROOF, 10/18/2011, SPi
8 DOMESTICATION OF PLANTS IN THE OLD WORLD
sugar extraction technology, banana and plantain
( Musa cultivars), aubergine ( Solanum melongena ),
and taro ( Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott), although
these crops are not surveyed here.
(c) Warm-weather crops from Africa south
of the Sahara
Although there are several good reasons to assume
( Harlan 1992 ) that indigenous agriculture was
already well developed in sub-Saharan Africa by
1,000 BC (or even earlier), surprisingly few of the
native African cultigens spread north into the
Mediterranean Basin. This is even more puzzling
since several African grain crops, namely sorghum
( Sorghum bicolor ), pearl millet ( Pennisetum glaucum ),
and cow pea ( Vigna unguiculata ), seem to have
reached the Indian subcontinent already by the sec-
ond millennium BC (Possehl 1998; Fuller 2000;
Manning et al. 2011 ). In contrast, only few arrivals
are recorded north of the Sahara. Domesticated sor-
ghum, was grown in Egyptian Nubia from ca 100
AD onwards (p. XXX), yet there are no signs of its
spread further north. Advanced durra-type sor-
ghum cultivars appear in south-west Asia only in
Early Islamic times, and as Harlan and Stemler
(1978) argue, they might have arrived not from
Africa but from India. In addition, cowpea ( Vigna
unguiculata ) is known to have come from Egypt in
Hellenistic and Roman times ( Germer 1985 , p. 88).
0001353724.INDD 80001353724.INDD 8 10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM10/18/2011 8:23:46 AM

Supplementary resource (1)

... The 5th−3rd millennia BCE witnessed one of the most significant transformations in the history of the Levant, i.e., the transition from village-based to urbanized societies and their subsequent decline [54][55][56] . This era witnessed the consolidation of the 'Mediterranean Economy' in this region, with the addition of intensive horticulture of olives, grapes and other fruits to an agricultural economy already based on the cultivation of grains and legumes and animal husbandry 57,58 . The large body of data gathered in archaeological surveys and excavations in the region 59,60 provides a comprehensive dataset of settlement locations and the local histories of these settlements. ...
Article
Full-text available
Unraveling the driving forces behind human colonization, settlement and abandonment throughout history has been a prominent research avenue for centuries. While social, political, technological, or environmental factors are commonly identified as the driving forces behind these processes, in this paper we explore a different factor – demographic stochasticity. Through an analysis based on the metapopulation theory, we assess whether demographic processes of a stochastic nature are the likely cause behind settlement abandonment and colonization within past human societies. We implement the analysis for a geographical region in the Levant and compare the results with historical and archaeological evidence. In all case studies tested but one, we show that our null hypotheses cannot be rejected. This suggests that, similarly to other species’ metapopulations, demographic stochasticity holds a significant role in shaping human settlement dynamics. We thus claim that this approach should serve as a null hypothesis for the assessment of settlement dynamic and the role of social and cultural processes.
... heat and barley are two of the founding crops that started the agricultural revolution about 10,000 years ago in the Fertile Crescent (Zohary et al., 2012). Many of the wild progenitors of these crops still exist in this region (Harlan and Zohary, 1966). ...
Article
Full-text available
Powdery mildew caused by Blumeria graminis f. sp. hordei and Blumeria graminis f. sp. tritici infects barley and wheat, respectively. The use of chemical pesticides to combat diseases has led to many problems, such as environmental pollution, the residual effect of pesticides on agricultural products, the emergence of new strains of pathogens the resistant to pesticides, and disruption of the natural balance between pests and their biological enemies. Therefore, interest began in biological control to reduce the role of pesticides in the process of resisting pathogens. In this study, the eleven-spotted ladybird (Coccinella undecimpunctata) or eleven-spotted beetle was used to resistance powdery mildew in barley and wheat, which is a type of insects belonging to one of the genera of the ladybug family of the order of beetles. The insect was observed feeding on mycelium and spores of the fungus Blumeria graminis f. sp.hordei, and B. g. f. sp. tritici which causes powdery mildew in barley and wheat. Therefore, it can be used to resistance disease as a type of biological control. Microscopic examination of the intestine Coccinella undecimpunctata revealed the presence of powdery mildew fungus spores in the guts of ladybugs when they were fed on powdery mildew.
... Olive tree is a sacred tree in ancient literature and shall be regarded as a sacred tree even in our times since it untimely represents life, abundance, resilience, health, beauty, hope, and peace, taking into consideration its unique and excellent characteristics like longevity, beauty of branches and flowers, and high nutritional value of fruits, leaves, and oil (Figure 1) [1]. The archaeobotanical records agree that the olive tree is one of the oldest trees together with grape, fig, date, pomegranate, and almond in the Mediterranean Basin, from the Near East to the western Mediterranean, going backward more than 6000 years in human history [2][3][4]. ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This study delves into the diverse varieties of table olives and olive oils in the Mediterranean Basin, renowned for its rich cultural heritage and culinary traditions. Focusing on the agricultural significance and gastronomic versatility of these products, the research explores varieties, their unique flavors, nutritional profiles, and historical importance. By examining their regional distinctions and health benefits, the study aims to highlight the integral role of olives and olive oil in Mediterranean cuisine and lifestyle. Ultimately, this chapter aims to emphasize the importance of managing cultivated olive germplasm sustainably for future breeding programs. Additionally, preserving wild and feral olive populations is crucial in the context of global warming and climate change.
... The Islamic period, however, saw the arrival of the African C 4 crops pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum) and sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) (Glick, 2005, Miller et al., 2016, Pérez-Jordà et al., 2024. While they were considered as secondary crops both in the Islamic and Christian periods (García Sánchez, 1994), their short growth cycle and ease of storage enable them to survive in both hot and dry or rainy conditions, making them good fallback crops in early spring when other grains were in short supply, especially in rural settlements (Hernández Bermejo and García Sánchez, 2008;Spurr, 1986;Zohary et al., 2012). Legumes were also consumed in medieval Spain, their high protein content making them a suitable substitute for meat amongst the lower socioeconomic classes (Salas-Salvadó et al., 2006). ...
Article
Full-text available
Local olive germplasm of the southern Levant includes wild populations of var. sylvestris and local traditional cultivars that are thought to be well-adapted to the region’s arid conditions. By controlling water availability, we tested the response of the Barnea cultivar, two local traditional cultivars (MLL1 and MLL7) and var. sylvestris to low (100%), moderate (33%), and severe (10%) evapotranspiration (ETa) conditions. Measurements of stomatal conductance, relative water content, stem water potential, and the net photosynthesis showed a stronger response of the Barnea cultivar to reduced ETa conditions in comparison to the other three investigated groups. Additionally, when exposed to 100% ETa, the net photosynthesis capacity of MLL1 was significantly higher than that measured in MLL7. Therefore, net photosynthesis, as an indicator of tree productivity, can explain the dominance of MLL1 (Souri cultivar) in local traditional orchards and the negligible abundance of MLL7 (unknown cultivar) as a fruit-bearing tree. Considering that climate change is already influencing olive cultivation, the results of this study stress the potential of the southern Levant local olive germplasm in maintaining sustainable olive horticulture.
Article
Full-text available
Written accounts suggest there were major changes in agricultural practices in Anatolia as the region switched between Roman, Byzantine, Arab and Turkic control, yet archaeological evidence of these changes is offered only on a site-by-site basis. This article presents the first synthesis of archaeobotanical, palynological and zooarchaeological evidence for changes in plant and animal husbandry in Anatolia through the first and second millennia AD. Available data indicate a minimal role of climate change in agricultural shifts but offer evidence for substantial changes towards short-term-return agricultural strategies in response to declining personal security, changing patterns of military provisioning and distinct taxation regimes.
Article
Full-text available
Barley is considered to have Ethiopia as its center of diversity, and it is among the most prominent cereal crops cultivated across different agroecology in the country. However, the available germplasm in the country has not been studied much compared to the number of accessions under conservation and the expected diversity of crops in the country. This study was therefore conducted to estimate the phenotypic variability and association of morphoagronomic traits among 49 barley accessions. The experiment was conducted in 2021 using a 7 × 7 simple lattice design. The results of the analysis of variance indicated significant differences among the accessions for all traits. Moreover, with a mean of 4.02 t·ha⁻¹, the variation in accessions for grain yield ranged from 2.18 to 6.89 t·ha⁻¹. The phenotypic and genotypic coefficients of variation varied in the range between 7.25% (days to maturity) and 35.18% (weight of kernels per spike) and 6.61% (peduncle length) and 32.25% (weight of kernels per spike), respectively. Broad-sense heritability and genetic advance as a percentage of mean varied from 43.18 (number of fertile tillers) to 92.5% (days to heading) and 11.87% (peduncle length) to 60.99% (weight of kernel per spike), respectively. Grain yield had positive phenotypic and genotypic correlations with the majority of traits. Moreover, the number of spikelets per spike followed by the number of fertile tillers, thousand kernel weight, and number of kernels per spike had strong positive associations with grain yield and they had a direct, positive genotypic effect on grain yield. Consequently, while selecting accessions for high grain yields, these traits should be considered as well. The Euclidian distances of accessions estimated from quantitative traits ranged from 1.07 to 9.24, and the accessions were clustered into six distinct clusters. Clusters V (32.65%), II (26.5%), VI (24.49%), and IV (12.25%) consisted of the largest proportion of accessions, whereas Clusters I and III consisted of one accession each. From principal components’ analysis, 79.65% of the variance was explained by three main components with eigenvalues greater than one. Thus, the current findings suggest that there is wide genetic variation among accessions which may be used for crop improvement and the information generated could also be utilized for genetic conservation.
Book
Full-text available
Iraq is a land of rich and diverse cultural heritage, shaped by thousands of years of history. As a crossroads of civilisations, the country bears the marks of many cultures, beliefs, and religions, each leaving a distinct imprint on its people and landscape. However, there are many groups and communities marginalised on religious, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural grounds in Iraq. It is the heritage of such marginalised groups that is most at risk of disappearance. The Handbook of Iraqi People’s Heritage is the result of a collaboration between the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), UK, and the University of Duhok in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. It is the fulfilment of a vision of heritage gathering and preservation that would not have been possible without the heroic efforts of the heritage gatherers: the young women and men who sought out the histories, traditions, practices, and places that constitute the heritage of their own respective communities. Personal narratives and excerpts from individuals interviewed provide rich content for the chapters that feature nine communities: the Armenians; the Assyrians; the Chaldeans; the Kakeyîs; the Sabean-Mandaeans; the Shabak; the Syriac Orthodox; the Turkmen of Tal Afar; and the Yazidis. The Handbook looks at the living heritage in the day-to-day life and activities of both individuals and communities. Traditions and practices reveal the deep cultural significance in the daily activities surrounding food and drink, music, clothing, and language and education. Similarly, there are the traditions focused around festivals, religious holidays, rituals, feasts, celebrations, and remembrance. Heritage is what is so meaningful in our lives that we choose to pass it on to the generations to come. Reaching beyond buildings and belongings, there is also the intangible heritage reflected in oral histories, traditions and practices, and personal and collective memories. This Handbook reflects the remarkable resilience and enduring strength of all the communities featured. Their continued preservation of collective memories, traditions, and history, despite the hardships, is testament to the communities themselves.
Article
Full-text available
The Aegean hosts some of the earliest cultural centers in European antiquity. To reconstruct the evolution of early anthropogenic impact in this region, we have examined lead (Pb) contents and vegetation dynamics on well-dated environmental archives extending to the early Holocene. We show that the impact of agropastoral societies on terrestrial ecosystems was locally confined during the Bronze and Iron Ages (5200–2750 years ago), although we record an onset of Pb pollution already at 5200 cal. years BP and thus about 1200 years earlier than previous archeological evidence. Our data demonstrate a marked increase in Pb pollution at 2150 cal. years BP that left an imprint across terrestrial and marine settings of the Aegean region. This first manifestation of marine pollution coincides with maximum deforestation and agricultural expansion, signaling pervasive human impact on ecosystems connected to the advanced monetized societies during the Hellenistic and Roman periods in Ancient Greece.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.