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Ideological Foundations of Revolution in Kwilu
... Weiss himself noted that even participants of the Kwilu rebellion hardly aimed for radical political change or for the creation of a new political order out of a lack of shared revolutionary consciousness, despite its Marxist sloganeering. The rebellion was, in effect, an outburst of rural radicalism missing a clear sense of revolutionary change and the organizational capacity and appeal to move beyond the ethnic frontiers (Welch 1975). No surprise perhaps that subsequently, in and outside of Africa, the focus was less on radicalism than on everyday resistance and patterns of subaltern avoidance, flight, dissimulation and low-key dissent. 1 ...
Cet article se penche sur l’Union des jeunesses révolutionnaires congolaises (UJRC), un groupe d’étudiants congolais marxistes-léninistes qui, entre 1965 et 1968, chercha à créer une jonction entre la diaspora étudiante congolaise et le mouvement des rébellions-révolutions simbas et mulélistes au Kwilu et à l’est du Congo. Basé sur l’analyse de centaines de documents inédits, l’article interroge le rapport de l’UJRC à l’idéologie marxiste. Le travail d’imagination du groupe est intéressant à étudier parce qu’il donne à voir, avec ses tensions et ses contradictions, une expérience de pensée décentrée de la révolution, à un moment où, à travers le tiers-monde, émergeaient quantité de « socialismes périphériques » et de « marxismes vernaculaires ». L’expérience de l’UJRC aboutit à un échec, mais son histoire nous montre comment un groupe d’étudiants congolais fut à même de produire un discours sur le Congo qui tienne compte de l’inscription du pays dans un horizon planétaire.
This study is the first comprehensive assessment of warfare in Angola to cover all three phases of the nation's modern history: the anti-colonial struggle, the Cold War phase, and the post-Cold War era. It also covers, in detail, the final phase of warfare in Angola, culminating in Jonas Savimbi's death and the signing of the Luena Accord
Gender and Decolonization in the Congo focuses on women and questions of gender in its examination of Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961), the assassinated leader of the independent Congo.
Mao Zedong’s political/military career provided a definitive model to emulate for many Africans who aspired to take part in an anticolonial independence movement in the 1950s. China’s emergence as a world power and Mao’s eagerness to promote his views on Marxism, revolution, and economic development made Beijing a focal point for Third World political and military leaders seeking inspiration as well as material support. Beijing offered military aid as well as sympathetic pronouncements in various international fora and supportive statements in newspapers and other media.1
The Democratic Republic of Congo has experienced patterns of mass victimization since the country’s inception. As a private domain of King Leopold ii of Belgium, a Belgian colony or an independent state; the country has undergone numerous episodes of violence affecting not only individuals but also entire communities. Socio-political and economic crises have been accompanied by inter-ethnic violence, mostly in eastern provinces. Over the last decade, various mechanisms have been explored in attempts to address past atrocities. In addition to ongoing prosecutions before the International Criminal Court, a number of domestic initiatives have been or are still being explored. The present article examines the suitability of these mechanisms against the backdrop of the politically and ethnically fragmented landscape in the country. The inquiry examines whether domestic or international peace-building processes address not only individual forms of victimization but also subjective experiences and perceptions of collective victimhood.
The headnotes typify growing interest in political change effected in developing countries by rural insurrection. Extraordinary and recent successes in Africa and Asia have led some authors and would-be leaders to suggest "the people"-as embodied in a revolutionary foco-are invincible. Some evidence is clear, to be certain. The PAIGC liberation of mainland Guinea-Bissau, coupled with extensive FRELIMO pressures in Mozambique and increasing challenges in Angola, hastened political change in both Portugal and the three African territories (Henricksen, 1976). The success of Mao Tse-tung in banishing the Kuomintang to Taiwan and unifying mainland China under strong central rule cannot be overlooked. The United States of America suffered military and psychological defeat at the hands of Ho Chi Minh's peasant fighters. All were, and are, touted as peasant successes. Their potential applicability to contemporary tropical Africa is the subject of this essay.
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