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1
Introduction
Sarfraz Khan, Yasir Saeed and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
The book “Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani
Society” tries to highlight the gender difference in Pakistan. In the
context of Pakistan, Perveen (2012) has rightly explained the word
gender and status of women. She stated that: “Gender! the word is
quite in vogue now a days even in Pakistan where it is yet to be
recognized as an issue officially. As far as the mushrooming CSO
sector is concerned, most of the organizations have adopted the
agenda as a fashion rather than passion. As a student of life I have
attempted to understand this hippodrome of a social construction
called Gender which is supposed to be different from a mere
biological accident called Sex. Though I am still in the process of
identifying the intricate details of the subject certain ground realities
make me sad and I ask myself: have we Pakistanis entered the 21st
century or the new millennium? The constitution of Islamic Republic
of Pakistan gives equal rights to both men and women. However, in
practice men are more equal than women are. The reality gives a
picture where women rarely appear in positions of power. According
to the Human Development Report 1999 of UNDP the Gender
Empowerment Measure (GEM) rank of Pakistan among 185
countries registered with UN is 100. The GEM quantitatively
measures the empowerment of women on a country basis. This
indicator includes the measure of inequality in control over earned
2Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
economic resources, participation in political decision-making and
economic decision-making.”
When we consider how females and males differ, the first thing
that usually comes to mind is sex, the biological characteristics that
distinguish males and females. Secondary sex characteristics are
the physical distinctions between males and females that are not
directly connected with reproduction. Secondary sex characteristics
become clearly evident at puberty when males develop more muscles
and a lower voice, and gain more body hair and height, while
females form more fatty tissue and broader hips, and develop breasts.
Gender, in contrast, is a social, not a biological characteristic.
Gender consists of whatever behaviors and attitudes a group
considers proper for its males and females. Consequently, gender
varies from one society to another. Whereas sex refers to male or
female, gender refers to masculinity or femininity. In short, you
inherit your sex, but you learn your gender as you are socialized
into the behaviors and attitudes your culture asserts are appropriate
for your sex.
On the status of the women in Pakistan Mukhtar (2012) asserts
that “Women in Pakistan, to the social and cultural conditions, are
more disadvantaged than the women in modern western democratic
societies. Educated and professional women in urban areas, who
are from upper class of the society, enjoy much better status and
rights than illiterate women in rural areas. In rural areas, women are
discouraged in attaining higher education just for the sake of avoiding
the time when women can lead man while in urban areas, women
are encouraged to get educated, so girls energetically join the technical
courses but after getting technically or professionally qualified they
are not granted
The constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan gives equal
rights to both men and women. However, in practice men are more
equal than women are. The reality gives a picture where women
rarely appear in positions of power. In general, Pakistani culture
tends to reinforce conservative ideas regarding the role that women
should play in society. At a minimum, this slows down policies and
3
a program designed to bring women more into the public sphere,
and thereby exacts an economic cost. This book focuses narrowly
on the potential economic, social, and political consequences on
gender mainstreaming in Pakistan. Despite numerous commitments
to gender equality during past decades, Pakistan has made insufficient
progress on a range of important gender measures. The country’s
skewed sex ratio of 108 men to 100 women is a reflection, in part,
of higher female infant mortality and the overall more privileged
treatment of boys. Given female biological advantage at birth, male
mortality rates are expected to be higher than female rates. The sex
ratio in a country is thus a first indication of gender discrimination
(World Bank, 2005). Areas of gender disparity in particular warrant
examination because of their linkage to economic growth: female
literacy and workforce participation.
Pakistan has for decades grossly underinvested in education,
and in particular, girls’ education. Education spending is mired at
roughly 1 percent of GDP, and in this environment of resource
constraints, girls tend to be short-changed. Overall literacy is only
44 percent while adult female literacy is less than 30 percent.
Moreover, the gap between male and female literacy rates has
widened. In 1975, the literacy gap between men and women in
Pakistan was 25 points (11 percent literacy for women vs. 36
percent literacy for men). By 2001, that gap had inched upward to
29 points (29 percent literacy for women versus 58 percent for
men) (World Bank, 2004). In fact, Pakistan’s high fertility rates are
now understood to be strongly correlated with its low level of
female literacy (Coleman, 2004).
The connection between female literacy and economic
development, educating girls in Pakistan has been a serious concern.
Educated women have fewer children, provide better nutrition and
health for their families, experience significantly lower child mortality,
generate more income and are far more likely to educate their
children than women with little or no schooling, creating a virtuous
cycle for the community and the country. Several studies have
shown that female education can also contribute significantly to
agricultural productivity (World Bank, 1994). Mounting empirical
4Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
data now indicate that the returns to educating girls are greater than
the returns from educating boys. The bigger the gender gaps in
primary education, the higher the return of investing in girls’ literacy.
REFERENCES
Coleman, I. (2004). Gender Disparities, Economic Growth and Islamization
in Pakistan. In Robert M. Hathaway and Wilson Lee (eds.)
Islamization and the Pakistani Economy Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C.
Mukhtar, S. (2012). Gender Discrimination in Pakistan. Ezine Articles.
Retrieved from <http://ezinearticles.com/?Gender-Discrimination-in-
Pakistan&id=944016> Retrieved on 20 March, 2012.
Perveen, R. (2012). Gender in Pakistan. SACHET, Retrieved from <http:/
/sachet.org.pk/home/g_for_gender/gender_in_pakistan.asp>
Retrieved on 20 March, 2012.
World Bank. (2005). Pakistan Country Gender Assessment 2005:
Bridging the Gender Gap - Opportunities and Challenges.
Washington, DC: World Bank.
World Bank (2004). EdStats Database. Retrieved from <http://
www1.worldbank.org/ education/edstats/> Retrieved on 20 March,
2012.
World Bank (1994). Improving Women’s Agricultural Productivity as
Farmers and Workers, ESP Discussion Paper Series No. 37
(Washington, DC: World Bank, 1994).
5
2
Women’s Status in History and Visual
Exploitation in Present Era: An
Anthropological Perspective
Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Zara Shehzad
ABSTRACT
Human societies all over the world share a universal trait, where
men have subordinated women always and this discrimination is
on both domestic and cultural level. Historically speaking, on
one hand women faced an inferior status as compare to men
while on the other, the enormous seeds of patriarchal notion
never even let anyone to think of them as an equal being with
equal capacity and strength. This article points out that the
exploitation of women is not a historical matter only but in the
modern contemporary societies, after the three decades of women
rights movements all over the world, female body is still suffering
with the discriminating attitude. In this article, historical debate
on women status would be presented with reference to the ancient
civilisations and their contemporary status by referring a
research study in Pakistani society. There is no single reason
behind this subordination, but the whole socio-psychological
structure of traditional culture is responsible for this.
A case study from the entertainment world would be presented
6Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
for discussion, which is based on primary field data collected
from five different selected cinemas of Rawalpindi. Through this
primary data source, it would be explored that how women are
being treated through the cinema world, and how their real
essence is still being damaged. Women exploitation still exists,
but the forms are different; in the past, they were the icon of
vulnerability whereas now, they are the icon of entertainment.
The effect of traditional institutional structure and patriarchal
division of society on women’s role and status is the core theme
of this article.
INTRODUCTION
Female subordination is the reflection of patriarchal society,
which unconsciously shape societal structure in a way where female
body never been able to survive on their own. Strengthening the
ideological roots of patriarchy where other institutions of society
work together, religion also support this notion. This article has
been divided into three sections - section one would argue on the
historical depiction of women’s inferior status in different ancient
civilisations; section two would elabourate the role of religion, and
its contribution in maintaining the extraction of patriarchy in public
mind, and section three would deal with women’s exploitation in
the Pakistani society through entertaining world as media, which is
based on the researched data, collected during the research in
multiple cinemas of Rawalpindi.
The purpose of this article is to depict that women were exploited
throughout history, and they are still suffering badly in this modern
era. The nature of exploitation was varied in different periods of
history but today, women are suffering by visual exploitation of
their bodily image. Now the women’s status take the form of dual
exploitation as they are still exploited by male dominance at domestic
level and still face the patriarchal thinking when they move towards
public sphere. Human culture has their own way to look at things
and it can see the world by their own cognitive logics. People have
their own interests for which they construct cultural rules and then
provide it the support from supernatural form called religion.
Therefore, the focus of this article is not to discuss the cultural
7
uniqueness but to expose one common similarity of human history
‘the inferior status of women’s which exists in all cultures with a
varying degree in a different nature. From savage mind to a civilised
mind, women status always treated as inferior to men. Claude Levi-
Strauss in his book ‘Tristes Tropiques’ (1955) argued that the
savage mind had the same structure as the civilised mind, and that
human characteristics are the same everywhere. Considering women
as an inferior creature is not the matter of savage mind or civilised
mind but the matter of basic human characteristics and their same
mental structure.
The inferior status of women or treating her as ‘second sex’ is
a bitter social fact of human society. The term ‘social fact’ is used
in the sense that every society has some existing facts which get
reflected in its norms and values, considering complementary to
follow by every single individual of that society. As societies are the
collective of individuals, they may have different intensity to perceived
women as inferior to that of men but this bitter social fact is in their
collective consciousness, which always influenced their mind and
actions towards women. Anthony Giddon (1986), a British
sociologist, gave four dimensions to which one can differentiate the
levels of collective consciousness of one society to another; he
defined the first level as volume (mean to which per cent of society
under that influenced), the other is society’s rigidity (meaning how
strictly and clearly it is defined), its intensity (meaning what an
individual feels about it), and its content (meaning in which form it
exists in the society). The debate is that in human history, the
volume, rigidity, content and intensity regarding women’s inferior
status may varied from culture to culture but it is the social fact of
human collective consciousness.
Indeed, it is human conscious creation to give woman such a
subordinating role and status, which prevail in the roots of patriarchy
and is the product of that societal fact, which penetrates the feminine
conceptualities throughout the history. Women inadequacy is no
doubt the product of male psychic consciousness as without mental
reasoning no human act has been occurring. Woman and her low
status throughout the history were not only the representations of
8Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
societal norms but also the reflection of the typical patriarchal way
of thinking. Roy D. Anrade said, “A basic cultural model in all
cultures is the representation of what happens inside the people – in
their minds or psyches – that result in their doing what they do.
There is a general agreement that thoughts, feelings, desires,
perception and intentions are mental states and process” (Anrade,
1995:158). If behind every action there is a mental effort, then it is
not possible that this greater exclusion of female in public sphere
and her subordination are the mere products of unconscious cultural
structure.
ROOTS OF PATRIARCHY
Women’s subordination is deeply rooted in its institutional form
after the establishment of civil society. (Ahmad Laila, 1992: 26)
With the support of andocentric view, women low status was
naturally determined, as they were perceived not able to cope very
well as man can do. Gerda Lerner (1986) argued, ‘The myth that
women are marginal to the creation of history and civilization has
profoundly affected the psychology of women and men. It has
given men a skewed and essentially erroneous view of their place in
human society and in the universe” (Lerner Gerda, 1986:221-222).
One of the strong assumptions for the existence of patriarchy
is the male dominance over the means of production. Men were
recognised in their class by their relationship to that means which
made them dominate those who did not. Women never achieved
that control as their status is mediated through their sexual ties to
man, and this system of patriarchy can function only with the co-
operation of women. As Gerda Lerner said, “This cooperation is
secured by a variety of means: gender introduction, educational
deprivation, the denial to women knowledge of their history, the
dividing of women, one from the other by defining ‘respectability’
and ‘deviance’ according to women’s sexual activities, by restraints
and outright coercion, by discrimination in access to economic
resources and political power and by awarding class privileges to
conforming women” (Lerner Gerda, 1986:217).
The social competition and wage wars between civilisations are
9
also among the sources to keep the notion of patriarchy more
strapping because the need of manpower in wars increased the
value of men throughout history. The notion that female body is
only an object to play and physically she is not in a position to
protect her own self was deeply rooted in the cognition of the
whole society. Individuals and families then set-up their social
structure on a patriarchal basis, with the husband and father
determining fundamental conditions and making the key decisions,
and with the humble obedience owed by women to male authority.
This patriarchal family structure rested on men’s control over women
at all, even marriages were arranged for women by their parents,
with a formal contract drawn up. The husband saved his authority
over his wife and children just as he did over his slaves. Culture of
patriarchy holding a view that it is women’s duty to obey and to
serve men and her aptitudes were inferior to those of men (women
in patriarchal society, 1992). In this way, patriarchy became a
principle for human society, which was greatly supported by two
strong institutions – religion and war. Both were held and manipulated
by male dominance of society.
Societies keep alive this notion of patriarchy by attached the
religious notion to it as in ancient Hebrew Monotheism, universe
was conceptualised as a creation by a single force; the God’s will.
He created male and female in a significantly different way, out of
different substance, He only covenanted and contracted with males
and only males could mediate between God and humans. This was
symbolically expressed in all male priesthood, and there are many
other ways of excluding women from the most essential and
meaningful religious rituals. Infect women were denied equal access
to religious learning. Carolyn Graves-Brown (2010) illustrated that
ancient Egypt was a patriarchal society; upper class women rarely
had their own tomb chapels or funerary stelae, but were instead
interred in those of their male relatives. Texts from New Kingdom
Deirel-Madina suggested that while man and woman both could
initiate divorce, it was largely the man who do so. Where marriages
broke down, women were socially and economically excluded,
resulting in single mothers struggling to bring up their families. Wife
10 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
beating does not seem to have been considered shocking. (Brown
G. Carolyn, 2010: 04)
In the book ‘the sexual contract’, Carole Pateman discussed
patriarchy as a sexual contract by male authority to a female. In
this regard, he also quoted Gerda Lerner who is in a support to the
notion that existing patriarchy in different societies is a form of
unwritten contract of provide economic and social security to women
by men, and in exchange, she has to be sexually loyal to one man
only (Pateman Carole, 1988:31). Women oppression arose at a
particular stage of social development, and was institutionalised
through a specific form of patriarchal family characteristics. In
other words, women oppression was social, not biologically given,
and has evolved over time (Friedrich Engels, 1884:09). Anthropology
believes that it is the culture, which is more strong and capable
enough to mould and shape the behaviour of its inhabitants. By this
debate, it can be said that inferior status of women is due to
cultural construct of patriarchal mind not by biological means,
which declared women as sexually vulnerable.
Institutional dominance and monopoly of men over women is
the key factor, which not only excluded female strength from
religious sphere and power structure but also limited their role to
domestic and reproductive activities. From the Stone Age to the
Neolithic Age and until now, women consciously got tied down
with domestic chore. The ignorance of female participation in
maintaining the social life throughout history is the proof that man
and his activity of hunting are greatly dominant and superior to that
of women’s activity of gathering. Women were more associated to
child-care activity with the notion that reproductive activity is the
only and limited capacity of them. It was from the Neolithic Period
that we find surviving evidences of cave paintings and sculptures
suggesting the pervasive veneration of the Mother-Goddess, in which
female Goddesses symbolically presented by dealing with limited
female affairs as child-care, domestic work, sexual duty towards
man, fertility and reproduction. Like in ancient Egypt, Goddess
Hathor was the embodiment of female sexuality, motherhood, love
and dance.
11
Roles and behaviours deemed appropriate to the sexes were
expressed in social laws, values, and customs and in allocation of
social roles, which become the essential part of socio-psychological
construct. In history, the values and norms provide great support to
maintain men’s needs only. With the development of agriculture in
Neolithic period, permanent settlements were introduced by human
society. In this pattern of settlement cultures did not afford any
wage war and to control this serious problem, women used as an
easiest solution in the form of inter-tribal marriages. This ‘exchange
of women’s serves not only as mean of avoiding incessant warfare
but also because with more women society could produce more
children and as a result they get more strength by creating man-
power.
In contrast to the economic needs of hunting/gathering societies,
agriculturists could use the labour of children to increase their food
production. By this way, women become a resource in the hands of
manpower. Gerda Lerner (1986) and Carole Pateman (1988) agreed
that this type of control over women at domestic level make them
only sexual providers and reproducers, which further lead them to
custom of bride price, slavery, and prostitution. They also agreed
that it might very well represent the first accumulation of private
property. Claude Levi-Strauss (1949), to whom we owe the concept
of ‘the exchange of women, speaks of the reification of women,
which occurred as its consequences. It was not only women who
are refined and modified but it was her sexuality and reproductive
capacity, which is so treated too.
The operations of women antedate slavery make women’s
exploitation possible. Kinship structured the social relations in a
way that women were exchanged in marriage and men had certain
rights in women, which women did not have in men. Women’s
sexuality and reproductive potential became a commodity to be
exchanged or acquired for the services of families; thus, women
were thought to be as a group with less autonomy than men. At the
very beginning of state formation and with the establishment of
hierarchies and class system, men have observed her sexuality,
declared it as more vulnerable, and learned from it that differences
12 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
can be used to separate and divide one group of human from another.
Women used as slaves and servants by men under unwritten
contractual framework, which expected to serve man sexually,
whether they consented or not. In the Mesopotamian society, father
and husband had the power of life and death over his wife and
children. He was free to exchange his daughters in marriage for
receiving bride price even during their childhood or he could
consecrate them to a life of virginity in the service of temples. Men
had authority to pledge his wife, his concubines and children as
pawns for his debts and if he failed to pay back the debt, the
pledges were turned into slaves. This type of power derived from
the concept that closed kin groups were responsible for any
wrongdoings of each other. However, it was only women who
were held responsible for man’s wrongdoings. Like in Athens, says
the encyclopedia of Britannica, “Women’s status had degenerated to
that of slaves. Wives were secluded in their homes, had no education
and rights, and were considered by their husbands no better than
chattels. In ancient Rome, a women’s legal position was one of the
complete subordination, first to the power of father or brother and
later to that of her husband, who had paternal power over his wife;
in the eyes of the law, women were regarded as imbecile.”1
Woman was not treated as human being even in laws and man
was free to do what they wish. As in ancient Mesopotamian law
code, it is reinforced that any women-victim who was raped have
to be married to the rapist and rapist’s innocent wife alternatively
turned into a prostitutes her husband’s punishment. Sumuel Slipp
(1993) argues, “Women did not have actual social power and were
at the mercy of men. As a protection against abduction and rape by
men, women stayed in their own clans, by accepting the authority
over them vested in their father, uncle and brother” (Slipp Sumel.
1993:25).
Man’s authority, his supremacy and control had only responsible
to designated woman as ‘respectable woman’ and ‘public woman’.
Any woman under a man’s protection, and who sexually serving
1Encyclopedia of Britannica, Vol.12 pp.919-920.
13
one man was respectable by being veiled; women not less than one
man’s protection and sexual control designated as ‘public woman’,
hence unveiled. In ancient Greek, women’s status was very low
and her main function was the reproduction of children, especially
sons. From the writings of Plato and Aristotle, it is clear that they
both ascribed the inferior status of women to degeneration from the
perfect human nature. Plato said, “It is only male who is created
directly by the Gods and are given souls. In this situation, obviously
it is only men who are complete human beings and can hope for
ultimate fulfillment; the best a woman can hope for is to become a
man” (Plato, Timaeus: 90e). According to Aristotle, men rightly
take the charge over women, because they command superior
intelligence. This will also profit the women who depend on them.
Aristotle compares this relationship between human beings and tame
animals, and argued, “It is best for all tame animals to be ruled by
human beings for this is how they keep alive. In the same way, the
relationship between the male and female is by nature such that
male is higher, the female lower, that the male rule and the female is
ruled” (Aristotle, politcia, ed. Loeb Classical library, 1254b:10-14).
Throughout history, women could not trace by recognising
their individual identity, ability and strength but it is their relation to
man, which give them name and allocate the social status in society.
Women and her body perceived as private property of men to
which man had complete control. Modern anthropological and
archeological evidences do support a Marxist explanation for the
emergence of private property and the oppression of women as
division between economic and social sphere of men and women.
(Engels Frederick, 1884: 21)
Engels argued that women mostly were used as sexual pleasure
for men and the frequency of sex between married men and
unmarried women became institutionalised over time. It flourished
in most varied forms throughout the whole period of civilisation
and developed more and more into open prostitution. In ancient art
of Egypt, Mesopotamia and Rome, it is clearly depicted that women’s
main duty was to satisfy men socially, psychologically and sexually.
Women have to be fertile and able to care her children, especially of
14 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
male ones. Women’s body, her sexual ability, her fertility and physical
attraction were the main features and characteristics of ancient art
throughout history. The ancient depiction of women’s figures shows
the cultural and psychological construct of ancient human societies
that perceived them as an object of sexual and physical attraction.
History of women evidently demonstrated that women are nothing
but play stuff before men’s requirements.
WOMEN AND RELIGION
Religions do not exist in a vacuum; they are influenced by
social and cultural context in which it prevails. In the history of
religion, women’s status was always determined by the cultural set-
up, which has strong religious support. In all the existing religions
in the world, the position of women was higher at an earlier period
than its later time – Hindu women enjoyed equal status with men in
many ways in the Vedic period (from about 1500 BCE). Upanayana
(the rite of initiation) was open to both of them, husband and wife
jointly performed ritual acts and widows were allowed to remarry.
(Holm Jean and Bowker John, 1994: xii)
The four leading religions of the world spread their teaching
which were amazingly radical when see against the socio-
psychological context of their times. The Buddha allowed the creation
of Nuns, and so provided women for the first time with an alternative
to domesticity. Jesus included women among his followers and
declared ‘neither male nor female, for you are all one in Christ
Jesus’. Mohammad (P.B.U.H) greatly enhanced the status of women
as banning infanticide and entitled to a share of inheritance. Guru
Nanak proclaimed the equality of women as they were allowed to
take full part in all religious activities.
Jean Holm (1994) argued that there are many cultural factors,
which are independent of specific religious teachings but which
have been absorbed into religions. Man’s greater physical strength
and their capacity to protect their families have provided the
unconscious excuse to make the restrictions on women by religion.
Women’s sexuality was considered the main disability of female,
which is caused by men’s negative attitude towards them.
15
Menstruation and childbirth were universally perceived as polluting,
and for these reasons, women were ideologically thought to be
sexual evils/beasts, responsible for sexual desires and even
witchcraft2 activities against any innocent ones. About two or three
hundred years ago, this was common tradition among protestant
divines in England and America to hang poor women as witches;
John Wasley, founder of Methodism,3 declaring that ‘the giving up
of witchcraft is in effect the giving up of Bible’ (Sinclair Upton,
1927: 191).
Sinclair (1927) argued that it is the religion that is responsible
for the inferior status of women by imposing religious interpretation
of sacred text. He quoted, “Vicar of Crantock, preaching at St.
Crantock’s, London, Aug. 27th, 1905, and explaining why women
must cover their heads in church:
1. Man’s is priority of creation: Adam was formed before
Eve.
2. The manner of creation: man is not of women, but woman
is of man.
3. The purpose of creation: man was not created for women,
but the woman for man.
4. Result in creation: man is the image of glory of God, but a
woman is the glory of man.
5. The head of every man is Christ, but the head of every
woman is man” (Sinclair Upton, 1927:193).
It is the culture, which takes up religion on the path of its
desires, and it is the man himself who interpret the religious notion
in support of his actions. Yvonne Yazbeck Hadded (1985) argued,
“In fact, religious movements in the history evolve; women appear
to be less and less the agents of change and more and more its
victims” (Hadded Y. Yvonne, 1985: xvii).
2Witchcraft, in historical, anthropological, religious, and mythological contexts,
is the alleged use of supernatural or magical powers.
3A religious movement, or iginated in 1939 by Jhon Wasley in the Anglican
Church of England.
16 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
In Greek poetry, which has its own socio-religious context,
there was also clear representation of women’s submissive status
as Sue Blundell (1995) in her book ‘women in ancient Greece’
quoted a poetic stanza, which reflects men’s perception about women:
“If a man avoids, Marriage and all the trouble women bring And
never take a wife, at last he comes To miserable old age, and does
not have Anyone who will care for the old man He has enough to
live on, while he lives, But when he dies, his distant relatives Divide
his property (Blundell Sue, 1995:22).
The role of religion in women’s history was not an innocent
one. Religion played a very complicated role in the formation of
men and women, social relations between man and woman, and
power structure, which dedicate man a higher status to that of
woman. Religion has excluded women from men by creating different
sacred spheres for them. For example in Muslim religion, five times
prayer is a daily obligation for both men and women but religion
segregated their spheres of worship as men have to move to the
mosque outside the home and women have to pay in inside the
home. The segregation of women is not only of physical type but it
is also abstractly expressed by religion. Susan E. Dinan and Debra
Meyers (2001) explained that in the history of church, women
were appreciated and encouraged to join and participate in the
church activities but were completely not allowed to add their voice
in its affairs. Church officials commonly separated women from
formal sites and avenues of church power by excluding them from
positions of authority within the church. (Dinan E. Susan and
Meyers Debra, 2001:15)
In ancient Egypt, Hathor and other Goddesses associated or
identified with her, were perceived as having a dual nature. On the
one hand, they were beneficent, bringing fertility and new life; on
the other hand, they were dangerous, bringing destruction in their
wake. In Egypt, women have to be loyal to her husband as it was
her religious obligation. Royal women in ancient Egypt derived their
importance from their relationship to the king. This notion of
dependency of women on men again derived from the specific
religious tradition that successive male Gods had ruled Egypt after
17
the creation, but later in ‘historical’ times, human kings had to
govern the country. (Robins Gay, 1993: 21)
Indeed all major world religions deprecate women to varying
degree. Socio-psychological structure of a society shape the different
elements of religion by interpreting sacred text and alternatively, it
consciously promotes patriarchal ideology by addressing women as
a creature who were created from the rib of men.
WOMEN AND PRESENT SITUATION
To explore the women’s status in contemporary situation, one
needs to focus on the societal and institutional means of exploitation.
Institutional exploitation of women through entertainment world is
one of the most important examples, which is more exploited for
female essence than the exploitation through religion and culture.
The religion and culture played their role as the root causes of the
destructive misuse of women’s capacity and skills. No doubt, as a
result, they both greatly contribute in making the women’s globe
very limited. Now through the manipulation of different institutions,
especially through media and entertainment, women not only loose
her dignity but also become a market product that have no other
way to prove her talent except to sell out her body and beauty.
Through the help of research findings on the issue of ‘Women
Exposure through Cinema’, it will explore the fact of greater
exploitation of women quintessence and her epitome. Through cluster
sampling, five different cinemas were selected during October-
January 2009 in the Rawalpindi city – the Moti-Mehel cinema
(situated at Tipu Road, Rawalpindi), the Shaheen Auditorium (situated
at PAF Rawal Road, Chaklala Rawalpindi), the Shabistan cinema
(situated at Muree Road, Rawalpindi), the Ciros cinema (situated at
Haider Road, Saddar Rawalpindi), and Cinepax (situated at Jinnha
Park, Kecheri Road, Rawalpindi Cant.).
Women’s submission and inferior status in both history and
religion laid the basis for greater exploitation not only at micro
(domestic) but also at macro (societal) level. Through this case
study of entertainment world, one can understand the different
aspects of women’s exploitation and its actual nature. The nature of
18 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
this mistreatment against women enhances its intensity in the present
world. With the expansion of industrialisation, male dominated and
again male-oriented world used women as an object of gratification
and her value is only determined by her charm and beauty rather
than her competence and intelligence.
Exploitation of women in history and control over her by men
are the sources that work greatly behind the present perception of
women’s image; in other words, history influenced the present
status of women to that man perceived her as only a playing stuff
and a source to fulfill man’s requirements and desires. In modern
time, even in western societies where all rights of women legally
acknowledge as equal to that of man, women still survive as ‘second
rate sex’. In fact, the attempt to provide women with an equal
status in the modern civilisations of present time failed, and women
ended up with a permanently unequal status. The author Maulana
Wahiduddin Khan in his book ‘woman between Islam and Western
Society’ quoted with the reference of a report on American working
women in Indian Express (New Delhi), August 3, 1986 that ‘in
whatever sector of western economy a woman may be working,
she is considered second-rate as compared to a man. Even to
achieve this second-rate position, a woman has to pay a certain
price. She must willy-nilly become the plaything of men, allowing
herself to be subjected to masculine cruelty and lasciviousness.
There are even laws prohibiting harassment of women workers by
men, but this has not prevented women being victimised by
unprincipled male colleagues and superiors’ (M. Wahiduddin,
2000:37-38).
In the age of industrialisation where even the products have to
be measured based on their quality, capacity and reliability, the
women’s essence is frequently exploited by her body and beauty.
Women are perceived not as an active member of society but fully
subordinated passive creature. Contributing to this fact in “Promoting
Healthy Body Images”, Carla Rice (1995) asserts, “In a culture
where women’s value is determined by the attractiveness of her
body, her identity becomes strongly attached with how she looks.
This causes the cultural perception to view women’s bodies as
19
objects, which in turn, cause women to see themselves as objects”
(Rice, 1995:13).
Objectification is a form of oppression. In being made objects,
a woman is dehumanised; their intelligence, abilities and feelings are
ignored and they are valued solely for their bodies. Objectification
may leave women vulnerable to act of sexual violence. Seeing a
woman as less than human makes it easier to insult, degrade,
harass and abuse her. With the development of film industry,
women’s exploitation becomes a recognised institution in all developed
and under-developed societies. Media, especially the film industry,
set the minds of people as they are thought to be the agents of
creating and generating new thoughts in its viewers. In the Oxford
Guide to Film Studies, Blumer (1933) said, “A successful production
was one which managed to draw ‘the observer’ into the drama that
‘he loses himself’ and, in such a condition, ‘the observer become a
malleable to the touch of what is shown’ and ‘develop a readiness
to certain forms of action which are foreign in some degree to his
ordinary conduct” (Blumer, 1933:198). Films have such strong
influence on the mind of people that they perceive things to be real
and normal as they watch through films. Laura Mulvey (1993) in
‘visual pleasures and narrative cinema’ stressed that in patriarchal
society, pleasure in looking has been split between active male and
passive female. The cinematic codes of popular films are obsessively
subordinated to the neurotic needs of male ego. (Mulvey 1993:27).
Advertisements and commercials utilise female and her body as
commodity and present them with not well-mannered way. Media
is not projecting women’s rightful place in the society. The physical
appearance is emphasising, in a way that project “sexuality” rather
than “beauty” and “quality”. They are being used as products for
male pleasure. Female image is being stereotyped, i.e., print media
are creating a mindset that people want to view female as “sex-
icon”. Media builds mind set for people; meaning, people think in
accordance to what media projects to think and do what the media
wants them to do.
Societies all over the world set their structure on the same
patriarchal ideology, as it existed in human past. No doubt, there is
20 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
understanding of gender differences but they are mainly of patriarchal
nature, which means that they are male-oriented and alternatively
favour them only. Bhasin (1998) believes that gender differences
are anti-women, girls face many obstacles, and they experience
discrimination. It is true that it is the need to crusade for the need
of both but the extent to which the female gender is being affected
is alarming. In films, it has reached to such an extent that it opens
the doors of violence, harassment and many more turmoil for them.
Film theorist and many more writes have paid attention to this
aspect in different ways. (Bhasin, 1998:30-36)
In fact for the very first time, the impact of big screen and the
conditions in which the entertainment is provided, is discussed by
Laura Mulvey (1993), “Although the film is really being shown is
there to be seen conditions of screening and narrative conditions
give the spectators an illusion of looking in and a private world”
(Mulvey Laura.1993:45). As a result, various studies were conducted
which showed that the images are stereotypically inaccurate and
non-reflective of individual diversity that exists in real life. As a
result a considerable public concern has arisen over the issue of
media diversity, as it generally accepted that mass media has strong
social and psychological effects on viewers. Film viewing, for
example, not only portray typical made up image of women but
also give societal image of religious and social values and culture.
What they see on screen therefore, affect their behaviours with
each other.
In this industrial world, women are perceived to be the source
of pleasure for men. She is not considered by her individuality that
has her own personal needs and strengths but only as a being that
is innately made for the male satisfaction and desires. The
objectification of women acts as a barrier to the status of women.
It is very true in order to question, how can someone be on equal
terms with an object? If a woman are not viewed as a person, she’s
merely a collection of objects to be used, and therefore, never be
treated equal to man.
Farida Batool (2004) asserts, “The film advertisements present
beautiful, glamorous, sensuous female forms to the viewer in dazzling
21
and usually arousing postures. One takes visual delight seeing these
overpowering sensuous figures painted on a very large scale,
appealing to many unspoken desires of the passers-by in the midst
of the busy daily routine. Freud’s term ‘scopophilia’ is not only
being acted out but forms a very basic characteristic of the general
psyche that formulates a cycle of the gaze producing such images
and vice versa. The heightened sexuality of the female suggests
possibilities to the male gaze – to look and identify those lascivious
figures with the average women walking on the street. These female
forms are designed to produce strong visual gratification for male
desires and reduce these women to fetishist scopophilia” (Batool
Farida, 2004:54).
On basis of research findings, it was explored that women’s
representation in cinemas is not the presentation of women’s talent
and abilities, it is not the pure entertainment, it is not the source to
promote a better thinking in society but a source to exploit women
figure by exposing her female core and spirit through entertainment.
Cinemas are not selling their pictures; instead, they are selling
women’s body and beauty without considering their individuality in
minds. This is not the case of cinemas only but overall media
promoting such corporal reflection of woman.
On the role of media, Seema Pervaiz (2008) says, “The media
tries to put too much emphasis on the description of women’s
beauty, jewelry, clothes and physical appearance. It conveys that
she does not have enough inner human qualities to stand without
the crutches of such super imposed decoration. A healthy human
approach in projecting a character should be that you accept a
person and make human contact with her or him, because of the
personality characteristics; but the image of women projected through
the media generally lacks good human qualities. What we find is a
cluster of attractive physical features” (Pervaiz Seema, 2008:159).
As the culture of cine-going is on the decrease because of low
quality of film’s script and story, women’s illustration and her body
is the only great source to attract the viewers towards it. It is also
going to discuss that how the terms of local and specific languages
used to expose the specific body parts of the female actors. This
22 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
exploitation of female beauty is clearly seen in most of the titles and
songs of the movies. Cinema’s administration adopts the only tactic
to grab the target audience by sensational female figures having
nudity and for this they deliberately demonstrate such images of
female body outside the cinema walls. The boards, which flaunt in
the main entrance of cinema houses, are holding the information
regarding the specific film but also the indecent and offensive
presentation of female body. It all depends on the target audience of
the selected cinemas as three out of five cinemas, targeted low and
uneducated class of society (as shown by graph 01 and 02) which
alternatively favours them as they have no concerns about the
milieu of cinemas and quality of films. Mostly males visited the
cinema as its environment is not considered suitable for females.
Women’s body selling became the indispensable part of cinema
business because now there is nothing exceptional and remarkable
in Pakistani films, which can run their business. Almost whole body
of woman is displayed with nudity but there are some selective
parts, which exposed very frequently through cinemas. Usually
woman’s chest line, female bumps and her nicked Thais represent
for the attraction of cinema viewers. Almost in all posters, female
body is exposed with heavy chest as a source to attract the target
audience. Cinema owners want to attract the male population towards
the cinema and for this, they target their psychological satisfaction
by presenting vulgar body image of their opposite sex. The images
displayed by either posters or billboards, are the source of
psychological sexual satisfaction for the male gratification and in
return cinema generating their income by selling women’s body
image.
23
Males
Females
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0% 1
Graph 01 Source: Field Data
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Illiterate
Primary
Middle
Metric
Inter
Bachelors
Master
Higher
Education
1
Graph 02 Source: Field Data
Women have always been used for male pleasure and male
satisfaction, and every institution of the society fabricate their
structure in the comportment that they produce an environment
which favour man and abuse women. In the cinema industry,
women are not only exploited visually but also verbally through the
construction of language and communication. Most of the titles and
songs of the films that are screened in the Pakistani cinemas represent
the women’s image as malevolence and sexual creature that is not
equal in status with man. It is depicted in the ftitles of the movies
like Teen Wehshi Kuriya (three horrible girls), Shareef Gujjar Ayaash
24 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Haseena (decent man, sexy woman), Khofnak Bijliya (horrible
thunderous woman), Haseena Tap 10 (beauty top 10), 3 Atom
Bomb Jawaniya (3 hot beauties),Ghundi Ran (criminal woman),
Hawis (lust), Payase Badan (thirsty body), Haseena Goli Mar (hit
beauty), Billo 302 (billo 302), Gunah Ki Raniya (queens of sins)
and Bali Nakhre Wali (women have attitude). These titles are seen
displayed outside the cinemas with the nude body exposures of
women.
Romance is culturally universal, and there is no doubt that films
really need this element to entertain its viewers. Films have to be
considered a specific cultural hub in which it is going to be present.
Songs are mainly presenting the quixotic element of film and they
are mostly based on imagination of male and female actors’ feelings
and emotions. The main thing is that this imagination should not
cross the cultural limits. In Pakistani films, the terminology, which
is used in film’s songs, is clearly nude in its nature. There is no
expression of art but it seem to be a way of sexually entertaining
the viewers. In most of the songs, the exploiting use of language
clearly indicates that woman always desire sexual pleasure with
men. The sexual urge is directly associated with women’s inner
desire. Some stanzas of the film’s songs are cited here:
•khulya iijaazta ne seane nal lag we garam badan wichho
nikle gi aagg we4
•kurti da palla aik pasoo mai chukya ang ang wicho mahiya
pyar tera lukya5
The songs of the Pakistani films are not only exploiting women’s
image in the oral discourse but their visual representation also
4This stanza is taken from the film ‘Shareef Gujjar’. Poetry of this song is
written by Altf Bajwa and singer is Naseebo Laal. In this stanza, woman said
that my body is too hot so you have open permission to come near to my
chest.
5This stanza is taken from the film ‘Shareef Gujjar’. The singer is Naseebo
Laal. The poet and director of this film is Masood Butt. In this stanza, a
woman said to a man that when she opens her shirt from one side it is only
his love which reflects from her body.
25
destruct their female essence. Female body parts are consciously
screened at outside the cinema houses to attract the public. Female
participation in the films is not treated as creativity and art but as a
source to catch the attention of large targeted audience. This holds
true concept for the objectification of women where they are reduce
to mere objects of “sex symbols” for the gratification of male ego
and as the result they back fire at the reality level of society. There
is no doubt that the films are the icons in our everyday entertainment
world, but they are also architects of images and idealism that
create the images of desire and making a woman an object of
desire. The production of films and their content are selling more
than products: they are selling a particular image of women.
CONCLUSION
In fact, female body is used as a business trick and surely such
representation of women’s image is not the source to improve their
status in society but a source to make them substandard and
submissive to that of man for forever. Women oppression through
film and cinema industry is just one case to think the whole structure
of this man-made-world. Social structure is not the free unconscious
and comatose creation but there is absolute and well-built
psychological mechanism working behind, as there is nothing in
this human world, which comes into continuation without cognitive
ability. Actually we, the humans, made this world’s structure on the
man’s favourable patterns because he never think of his self a same
being as woman but he is one who created to control and manipulate
women’s capacity and competence by applying self made laws and
by imposing cultural norms. Social institutions either in the form of
religion, politics, art or entertainment, all are work under the same
agenda to make women weaker by considering them physically and
psychologically disable or second-rate not only as sexually but also
as emotionally. Society imposes such obligations on the part of
women only, which make them vulnerable and alternatively give
men many incentives to hold the power alone in their hands.
Throughout history, woman is not treated as first-rated sex in
human society and not considered as an individual. Women’s sexuality
26 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
becomes the prominent feature of their personality by ignoring her
inner potentials. She is perceived an inferior being in every aspects
of her personality to that of man. The point is that this all happen in
this so-called intellectual, logical and rational world but the most
awful thing is, women exploitation now fortify its roots in a way
that the intensity of this oppression is continuously increasing by
taking the institutionalised form as cinema institution. There is need
to review the whole socio-psychological structure of human society
because only by this way, a can woman get her commendable
status in society. By reforming one or two segments of society,
women cannot get what they deserve; it is only possible when
human society correct its collective consciousness by accepting
women’s abilities and their individual essence.
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Cowie, E. (1997). Representing the Woman: Cinema and Psychoanalysis,
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Dinan, E. S. and Mayers, D. (2001). Women and Religion in Old and
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Engels, F. (1884). The Origin of Family, Private Property and The State,
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Horney, K. (1926). The Flight from Women Hood, International Journal
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Haddad, Y. Y. (1985). Women, Religion and Social Change, New York
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Holm, J. & Bowker, J. (1994). Women in Religion, Printed in Great Britian.
Khan, W. Mulana, (2000). Women between Islam and Western Society,
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28 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
29
3
Feminism and Islamic Feminism: An
Exploratory Study of Pakistan
Arab Naz, Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Waseem Khan
ABSTRACT
Islam, feminism and feminism in Pakistan are among the important
areas for the researchers to explore and analyse. The current
study aims to interpret and assess the secondary information in
regard of Islam, feminism and feminism in Pakistan, and to
establish an argument for future of feminism in Pakistan. The
data obtained from secondary sources argue that feminism and
the idea of gender parity has been the founding stone in Islamic
ideology, Qur’an, hadith1 and other holy scripts. Feminism and
women’s rights have been the hallmark of Islam and the prophet
(SAWS) was the foremost propagator of women’s rights. The data
also reveals that not only female rather male scholars have
promoted feminism throughout Islamic history were more
prominent in this regard. However, in respect to Pakistan,
feminists have no such foundation in the Islamic ideology and
mostly the women activists are inspired by the Western feminists.
This kind of conception since independence of the nation has
been in promotion and drastic changes and development have
1 Saying of the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
30 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
been observed. The current study has been framed in such a
context that it patently distinguishes between the radical feminist
approaches and embellished Islamic ideology regarding women’s
rights and duties. The study shows that Islam is among those
codes of life, which is based on equalitarian ideology having
pertinacious steps in women’s empowerment and rights
preservation.
WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN ISLAM
The gender movement or Islamic feminism is basically
concerned with the role of women in Islam. The central question
behind Islamic feminism was to bring complete equality among all
Muslims, regardless of their sex and gender both in public and
private spheres of life. Philosophy of Islamic feminists promotes
women’s rights, gender equality, and social justice within Islamic
traditions. The ideology and basic principles of Islamic Feminism
are deeply rooted in European or non-Muslim feminist’s discourses,
which proves their status as a part of global feminism. The
profounder of said movement intends to highlight teachings of
equality in Qur’an and to encourage such questions, which are
related to patriarchal interpretation of Islamic teaching through
Qur’an (holy book), Hadith (sayings of the Prophet), and Sharia
(law) towards creation of a more equal and just society.
To define Islamic feminism, Badran (2000) is of opinion that
Islamic feminism is defined by Islamic scholars as being anchored
within discourse of Islam with Qur’an as its central text. Further,
Islamic feminism is more radical than secular feminism. Islamic
feminism deals with subordinate position of women within social
and legal domain. It is argued by Islamic feminists that Islam has
historically been interpreted in by scholars within Islam in a
patriarchal manner and Sharia has been misinterpreted in terms of
women position and to Prado (2009) both the spirit and letter of
Qur’an have been distorted.
Sharia or Islamic law in Islam is based on Qur’an (Divine
religious script) Hadith (sayings and deeds of Holy Prophet), Ijma
(consensus), Qiyas (reasoning), etc. The challenge to Islamic
31
Feminists was a patriarchal interpretation of Holy Qur’an and to
spread female’s supportive verses present in Qur’an and sayings of
Holy Prophet (PBUH) for equality among Muslim males and females.
However, according to Stephen (2005), in recent decades concept
of Islamic feminism has expanded, promulgated by Islamic groups
seeking support from as many components of society as possible,
and by educated Muslim women striving to articulate their role in
society. This support came from two wings, first from upper-
middle-class women in modern Islamic World, who were
economically more secure, and second, has been linked to increase
in influence of Western political and economic powers to spread
ideas of universal suffrage, human rights and education.
Early History of Women’s Reforms in Islam
The early reforms started in 7th century AD mainly focusing on
women’s rights violation in marriage and divorce. However, it was
Islam, which for the first time in human history supported women’s
rights as argued by Haddad and Esposito (2005), Muhammad
(PBUH), was first who granted women’s rights and privileges in
sphere of family life, marriage, education, and economic endeavours,
rights that helped to improve women’s status in society and to
Esposito (2005), early reforms at that time were surrounded by
women’s rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance. Women were
not accorded such legal status in other cultures, including West,
until centuries later. Various steps have been initiated to improve
women legal and social position and in this regard, The Oxford
History of Islam by Esposito (2004) states that general improvement
of status of Arab women included prohibition of female infanticide
and recognising women’s full personhood. Besides, to Khadduri
(1978), the dowry, which was previously regarded as a bride price
paid to father, became a nuptial gift retained by wife as part of her
personal property. He further argues that under Islamic Law, marriage
was no longer viewed as a “status” but rather as a “contract”, in
which a woman’s consent was imperative. Women were given
inheritance rights in a patriarchal society that had previously restricted
inheritance to male relatives and Annemarie Schimmel (1992)
states, “compared to pre-Islamic position of women, Islamic
32 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Legislation meant an enormous progress; woman has the right, at
least according to letter of law, to administer wealth she has brought
into family or has earned by her own work.”
The Medieval Period and Women’s Reforms in Islam
The medieval period in Islamic feminism brings changes in
women status and it focuses on improving women’s rights and
autonomy. The voices for women’s rights came from men’s side
and famous medieval mystic and philosopher Ibn-Arabi with
reference to Hakim (2002), argued that women could achieve a
high spiritual level equal to that of men because field of mysticism
is open equally to all. Besides, as mentioned in Make and Boyd
(2000), medieval period history promoted literacy and education for
Muslim women. For achieving goal of education, women strive to
establish educational institution and to Lindsay (2005), women such
as Fatima al-Fihri, founded University of Al Karaouine in 859 AD.
This university played an important role in establishment of many
Islamic educational institutions. In Ayyubid Dynasty in 12th and
13th century, women through Waqaf (charitable trust or trust law)
system funded 26 of 160 mosques and Madrassahs established in
Damascus. Half of all royal patrons for these institutions were also
women.
During the 12th century, as noted by Lindsay (2005), many
religious scholars wrote about women’s rights. Among them Ibn-
Asakir proposed that women could earn degree in ijazahs (academic
degrees), and can become scholars and teachers and avail
opportunities for female education. He further argues that Ibn-
Asakir has himself studied under 80 different female teachers.
Muhammad’s wives: Hazrat Khadijah, was a first religious scholar
and a successful businesswoman whose inspiration for Muslim
women was a symbol and Hazrat Aysha, who was a renowned
Hadeeth scholar and military leader, praised women of Medina for
their desire of getting religious knowledge as quoted in Lindsay
(2005), “How splendid were women of ansar; shame did not prevent
them from becoming learned in faith”.
During this period, female observed no restriction on their
33
education. Legally, they were allowed to take admission in any of
institution but concept of formal education and class system was
absent and they had to attend lecture, sermons and sessions in
Madrasahs and other such places. This practice was also resisted
by few among people as mentioned in Lindsay (2005), that some
men did not approve this practice, such as Muhammad Ibn-al-Hajj
(1336) who was appalled at behaviour of some women who
informally audited lectures in his time. Steady improvement came in
women’s empowerment where number of women scholars increased
from one per cent during 12th century to a significant number in
15th century AD. This increase was due to availability of institution
and reducing social and legal barriers to female opportunities. About
number of scholars produced at this period, Beck and Nashat (2003)
wrote that Al-Sakhawi devoted an entire volume of his 12-volume
biographical dictionary Daw al-lami to female scholars, giving
information on 1,075 of them and this shows that how much
increase came in women literacy at that time.
The medieval era in Islamic Feminism is also rich for women’s
employment in different occupational groups. Shatzmiller (1994)
noted that men and women of various ethnic and religious
backgrounds were involved in diverse occupations and economic
activities in Islamic Caliphates, and women were employed in a
wide range of commercial activities and occupations, for example,
in primary sector (as farmers), secondary sector (as construction
workers, dyers, spinners, etc.) and tertiary sector (as doctor,
investors, nurses, president of guilds, brokers, peddlers, lenders,
scholars, etc.). Muslim women also held a monopoly over certain
branches of textile industry largest and most specialised and market-
oriented industry at that time, in occupations such as spinning,
dying, and embroidery. While making a comparison of Islamic
World with Europe, Shatzmiller (1997) again noted that female
property rights and wage labour were relatively uncommon in Europe
until industrial revolution in eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
This is what female have more rights in Islamic world at that time
as was not available to female in West.
Writers and scholars in medieval time support notion that male
34 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
and female were equal in their capacity of fighting in war. Ahmad
(1994) has noted views of the famous 12th century Muslim
philosopher and jurist Ibne-Rushed (Averroes) who declared that
women were equal to men and had possessed equal capacities to
excel in peace and in war. He has given examples of female warriors
from Arabs, Greeks and Africans countries and to Jacinto (2003),
notable female Muslims who fought as soldiers or generals during
Muslim conquests and civil wars of early Muslim history included
Nusaybah Bint k’ab, Al-Maziniyyah to Black (2004), Aisha, and
Kahula and to Josepha Buell (1853) Wafeira, and Um Umarah.
These women were representative of all other Muslims who
historically set a platform and provide chances for women’s
movement.
In Islamic Law, females’ found comparatively fewer legal
restrictions, which are found in that of Western Legal Systems until
the 20th century. Females in traditional system of Sharia, women
have to take inheritance and bestow inheritance and can independently
manage their financial affairs and to have free contract in marriages
and divorce. In contrast to that, Badr (1984) argues that restrictions
on legal capacity of married women under French law were not
removed until 1965. Similarly, to compare ratio of divorce, in Western
World that was relatively uncommon till 19th century; however,
divorce (talaq) in Middle East was a common occurrence in medieval
period. In this regard to note Yossef (2005), in Medieval Islamic
World and Ottoman Empire, rate of divorce was higher than it is
today in modern Middle East and further he argues that in 15th
century Egypt, Al-Sakhawi recorded marital history of 500 women,
largest sample on marriage in Middle Ages, and found that at least a
third of all women in Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria married
more than once, with many marrying three or more times.
Women’s Reforms in Nineteenth Century
in the 19th century Islamic Feminist movement was basically
concerned with question of polygyny, veil, and purdah (sex
segregation). Pioneer in the 19th century feminism was Egyptian
jurist Qasim Amin, who wrote his famous book i.e. Women’s
Liberation (Tahrir al-Mar’a) in 1899 where he has discussed some
35
of practices in Islamic traditions including Purdah,polygyny etc. of
his time in detail and condemned them as un-Islamic and against
teachings of Islam. This pioneer work laid foundation of women’s
political movements throughout Islamic World. Before Amin, there
were few women in Islamic feminism who were putting such
questions as raised by Amin in their own societies but they were
not so actively involved in the feminist movements. However, in
1892, Egyptian women’s press started voicing about women’s issues
and were criticising prevailing customary laws and legal system
while such press issues were not found before as noted by Farida
Shaheed (2004), Egyptian, Turkish, Iranian, Syrian and Lebanese
women and men had been reading European feminist magazines
even a decade earlier, and discussed their relevance to Middle East
in general press. Although Islamic feminism couldn’t get to the
peak of its development, yet, it moved steadily to provide a strong
base to twentieth century feminism. The strong platform provided
by such feminism was mainly based on its inspiration from Western
feminism. Most of Muslim feminists used to read European feminist
magazines, which paved the way for Islamic feminism in western
manner.
Women’s Reforms in Twentieth Century
Islamic feminism in the 20th century has been proved an elegant
step towards achievement of its goals. In this regard, Aisha al-
Rahman was first modern feminist woman to undertake exegesis of
Qur’an. Though she does not consider herself as a feminist, yet,
her works represent feminist themes and produced some valuable
contributions in this regard and according to Roded (2005), she
started to produce her popular books in 1959, same year that
Naguib Mahfouz published his allegorical and feminist version of
life of Muhammad. In this regard, she also worked on writing
biographies of early women in Islam as noted by Zeidan (1995) that
included mother, wives and daughters of Prophet Muhammad, as
well as literary criticism.
Parallel to Islamic World, few activists in Islamic feminism
were also found in West having their Western background. These
feminists include young Muslim women as mentioned by Strieff
36 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
(2006) in France led by Fadela Amara created Ni Putes Ni Soumises
(usually translated “Neither Whores Nor Submissive”) and their
focus was on issues like sexual violence to and forced wearing of
Hijab (veil) etc. In today’s world, focus of Islamic feminism is on
Muslim Personal Law (also known as Muslim Family Law) which
includes marriage, divorce and property ownership. The countries
who have implemented partially or totally Muslim Personal Laws
include Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Senegal, Sudan, Egypt,
Indonesia, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan etc. The feminists in these
countries are working with above-mentioned family laws and have
accelerated much in other areas of women’s concern. To conclude
gender movements and women’s reforms in Islamic World, much
of issues are related to women’s rights about property, divorce,
family life, marriage and selection of mate etc. Their focus was
upon to revive Qur’anic text for more liberal explanation in regard
of women’s rights. Similarly, criticism from feminists in Islamic
World has been observed over legal and customary law where
women have a neglected position and they have been deprived of
their basic human rights. The work of these early feminists provide
a conducive atmosphere for future of women’s rights and this is
also applicable for women’s empowerment in Pakistan and even in
community under study. Thus, many of issues have been taken to
understand local community and specifically the problems faced by
women in research area.
HISTORY OF WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT
IN PAKISTAN
This section highlights evolution of women’s empowerment
and gender reforms in Pakistan. The history of women’s
empowerment in country has its origin in beginning of colonial
legacy of social transformation. Slowly, movement merges into
more formal and liberal atmosphere, which we can see in Pakistan
today passing through historical junctures before independence,
position of Pakistan, role of Martial Laws, Islamisation of laws and
some other contributing factors. Gender reforms in Pakistan seek
their history and roots in colonial period, politics and economy of
37
nineteenth century. The same colonial era led liberal nationalists to
make reforms in old and conservative structure of society. They
were opposed by Islamic conservative reactions because they
considered that Islam and Western ideology are incompatible to
each other. They further argued that Islam was a complete ideological
system, which provided guidance to Muslims in all their economic,
social and political spheres of life, and that had no relations with
other systems. According to Geertz (1968), “Colonialism created
such conditions in which an oppositional, identity preserving, view
of Islam could and did flourish”. Colonisation did not necessarily
improve participation of women, however little has been done in
this connection. The reason behind this was, in fact, transformation
of absolute ownership of land towards tribal heads and feudal
landlords, which strengthened feudal and tribal fabric of society in
rural areas. The British introduced various changes in legal system;
however, they were reluctant to introduce amendments in domestic
spheres. Their legal innovations regarding issues such as land
ownership deprived Muslim Women of their rights under Islamic
Law to inherit property. Moreover, stringent interpretations of inter-
family relations under colonial rule froze evolution of the Muslim
Family Laws.
During such circumstances, women lagged behind in various
fields of life. In addition, first cry for women’s rights came from
men’s side because they shared much with their parallel counter
parts in Europe, Australia and the United States who belonged to
privileged class of society. The Pakistan Movement gave opportunities
to Indian Muslim women to work shoulder-to-shoulder with men
towards goal of achieving independence. In fact, movement paved
way of social, economic, and political empowerment of women
and that occasion was really beginning of what became women’s
empowerment movement in Pakistan later on. The Founder of
Nation, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, emerged as a staunch
supporter of said movement, who once said in 1944, “It is a crime
against humanity that our women are shut-up within four walls of
houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for deplorable
conditions in which our women have to live. You should take your
38 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
women along with you as comrades in every sphere of your life.”
Before independence, these progressive politicians formulated most
of personal laws that benefited women. These laws included
Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, Child Marriages Restraint
Act, and Guardians and Wards Act. After creation of Pakistan as a
separate homeland, however, women started their movement in a
very organised fashion and mostly male members guided them. In
early years of independence, two women’s organisations were
established. One was Pakistan Women’s National Guard (PNWG
founded in 1949) organised by Begum Rana Liaquat Ali Khan and
other was Women’s Voluntary Service (WVS) founded in 1948.
Women’s Voluntary Service played a major role in rehabilitation of
millions of refugees, especially young girls and married women
who came from different parts of subcontinent. According to Begum
H.I. Ahmad (1975), “The PWNG was under administration of army
and PWNR under navy. Begum Raana Liaqat Ali was chief controller
of both with rank of Brigadier (one-star general). Under these
programmes women were given training to use guns, learn
marksmanship and signaling (coding and decoding) as well as first
aid and typing. For this, they received a stipend. They were also
involved in social welfare work. The initial response was considerable
and a very short time a trained National Guard Corps of three
battalions with 2,400 women had been formed. National Guards
Departments were set-up in all provinces including Karachi.”
According to Political and Administrative Survey in North West
Frontier Province (2004), this organisation later became All Pakistan
Women’s Association (APWA, on 22nd of February, 1949 in Karachi)
and raised issues of health, education, and family laws largely
within framework of welfare and social reforms. Besides APWA,
few other organisations came into existence, such as Federation of
University Women (1956), which aimed at providing chances of
employment to those who had their Bachelor or Master degrees. A
separate degree college for women was also constructed by
organisations in Karachi, because most of girls did not want to
enter male colleges. The network of organisation also spread to
other major cities of country and it was associated with International
39
Federation of University Women. The Karachi Business and
Professional Women’s Club (BPW) was established in 1954 under
supervision of Raana Liaqat Ali Khan. Later on, their branches were
opened in Lahore, Peshawar and Rawalpindi. The aim of BPW was
to identify problem areas, which professional women faced during
their professional engagements or in search of it.
Besides, other specific objective oriented organisations were
established, in which Family Planning Association of Pakistan (FPAP)
Pakistan Child Welfare Council (PCWC), Pakistan Red Cross (PRC),
Pakistan Nurse’s Federation (PNF), House Wives Association (HWA),
Girl’s Guide Association (GGA), Domestic Women Association
(DWA) and International Women’s Club (IWC) are worth mentioning.
These associations worked for some specific objectives and women
showed great zeal and enthusiasm in joining them. Although these
organisations focused mainly on women, children and their health,
but DWA also focused on women participation in political activities.
Another organisation, Young Women’s Christian Association
(YWCA), established in 1899, also provided hostel for working
women and facilitated them for training in secretarial and office
administration. The only organisation in country, which was claiming
for women rights, was United Front for Women’s Rights, founded
in 1955 by women political activists. The front started its work on
women political position and it laid emphasis on political parties to
take issue to forefront.
Women’s Empowerment in Democracy and Military
Governments
Pakistan experienced many political upheavals in first decade of
its existence, resulting in successive government changes, and
delaying of drafting constitution. In 1955, when United Front for
Women’s Rights was formed, it was a first organisation in history
of Pakistan, which raised issue of women’s rights. The primary
objective of front was to bring about reforms in women laws.
Unfortunately, in 1958, General Ayub Khan imposed martial law and
all organisations including United Front were banned. Ayub Khan
was more liberal in his policies and women entered education and
many other fields. They gained power as they entered into new
40 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
fields of employment: teaching, medicines, and journalism, etc.
During Military Government of Ayub Khan, women faced no such
restrictions in social and cultural environment. The army and civil
bureaucracy were manifestly liberal and under sway of western
ideologies.
Ayub Khan introduced several changes including Family Law
Ordinance 1961, which discouraged polygamy and regulated divorce
procedure for both male and female. He also brought changes in
family relations and in process of Talaq (Divorce) Nikahnama,
(Marriage Contract/Certificate), etc., which gave women a chance
to seek justice in courts. Nikahnama gave, in writing, right of
divorce to both male and female. Although Ayub Khan’s regime did
a lot in terms of women’s empowerment, however, it failed to
empower women in political decision-making process. The seats
reserved for women remained limited. During the same period,
most important event for women was presidential election in which
Combined Opposition Parties (COP) chose Fatima Jinnah, sister of
Quaid-i-Azam as a candidate. She was candidate of all secular and
religious parties. However, at the same time, Ayub Khan challenged
her status of being a president of an Islamic state because of being
a woman, and he produced several FATWAS (religious edicts) against
her as a president and a head of an Islamic state. In addition, few
organisations were established including Behbood Association (BA)
founded in 1967, Soroptomist Club (SC), established in January
1967, and extension of Anjuman Jamhooryat Pasand Khawateen
(AJPK) or Democratic Women Association (DWA). The Anjuman
Jamhooryat Pasand Khawateen established in 1948 in Karachi, was
perhaps first and most important women political organisation at
that time. Its work was directed towards women labour class and
especially towards women factory workers.
After Ayub Khan, Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto’s regime started with anti-
Ayub slogans as it was start of new era of democracy in Pakistan.
Marked increase in feminist awareness came during this period.
The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) manifesto had promised women
of equal opportunities for excelling as that of men. The most
significant and historical development in Bhutto’s regime was to
41
design and frame Pakistani constitution, which was promulgated in
1973. The constitution gives women more rights than before.
Fundamental rights are enumerated in article 25; article 27 and it is
clearly mentioned that there shall be no discrimination based on sex,
religion, cast for appointments in services in Pakistan. The amended
228 article accepts principle of at least one women member on
proposed council of Islamic Ideology.
It was in same period that women were allowed to hold key
positions in government. At the same time, Foreign and District
Management posts were opened to women through civil services. A
cell was established in Manpower to raise status of women in
Pakistan. For the first time women were appointed to key positions
in institutions of state. International Women Year (IWY) was launched
in 1975 and semi autonomous Pakistan Women Institute was set-up
in Lahore the same year. The Women’s Front and Shirkat Gah
were formed in 1975 with a primary objective of encouraging
women who were eager to perform their role in national development.
The Front started its struggles for equal rights to women in society
and workplace. In addition, in 1976-77, Aurat Foundation was
established by university teachers, students, and employed women.
Imprisonment of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto on July 5th 1977 led to
martial law, which brought Zia-ul-Haq in power who announced
Islamisation process in country. He also included Muslim League
and Jamate-e-Islami in his cabinet. Right from its inception,
government propagated Islam and Islamic values. Both print and
electronic media was exploited to teach and preach Islamic values.
The Women’s Action Forum (WAF), established and organised in
this era, remained partially successful and in words of Haroon
(1995), “WAF was not able to achieve much in concrete terms of
repeal of unjust laws or reversal of other discriminatory measures.
Nevertheless, WAF was successful in creating and raising a voice
against martial law, raising political consciousness among women,
increasing membership of women’s movement and gave impetus to
formation of many new women’s groups and organisations in
following years”. Subsequent to departure of Zia from power,
democracy was introduced. The democratic governments took steps
42 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
to empower women but all such steps were more of political nature
and could not produce concrete results.
Because of political turmoil and various charges of insufficiencies
over democratic regimes, country was again thrown into hands of
military ruler in 1999. General Pervaiz Musharraf, though without
popular mandate, appeared to take some steps to encourage
participation of women in various sectors of life. As compared with
previous governments, Musharraf’s policy towards women’s
development was more liberal and bold. He took some serious steps
for an active participation of women in all social, cultural, economic
and political spheres of life. Keeping political up-gradation of women,
both at national and local level, various seats were reserved for
them in political bodies. In local government plan introduced by
Musharraf, 33 per cent and national and provincial assemblies, 17
per cent of total seats were reserved for women, which is a bold
and remarkable step. Presently, there are more than 40,000 women
in local government across the country. There are also 213 women
in parliament, of which 139 are Members of Provincial Assemblies
(128 on reserved seats and 11 elected on general seats) and 74
Members of National Assembly.
Among feminist movements that led and moved throughout
world followed almost same philosophy. Most of the movements
tagged on each other’s in ideas and thoughts, though steps and
arrangements in attainment of goals were varying. In this regard, it
would not be wrong if said that one movement was caused by
another movement through inspiration and flamboyance. In a run of
women’s empowerment, European and American feminists’
movements have closest analogy in shape of writers; their ideas,
thoughts and struggle. The writers and philosophers of European
movements also served in American movements.
CONCLUSION
The research study conspicuously reflects the relationship
between feminism, Islamic ideology and Pakistani structure. It has
been evidently drawn out that feminism; both in Islam and Pakistan
are the inspirations of Western feminism. Feminism throughout the
43
globe follows almost the same philosophy and advocate for the
unanimous concerns in respect of women’s issues. The research
study reveals that European feminism predominantly empasised on
male dominance, patriarchy and religious dogmatism while the
American feminism and gender movements were more inclined
towards women’s disparity in education and workplace that were
delved as responsible for women’s subjugation in workplace. In
this connection, the foundation shows affinity in priorities that
tended to initiate the feminist movements. The literature studied
during the research illuminates that Pakistan has also experienced
gender movements since its existence. In Pakistan, feminist
movements have been initiated by different women organisations,
which were then fortified by the prevailing governments. With the
passage of time, such movements were more stabilised as few of
them gave more priorities by privileging them in various aspects. It
is conspicuous that feminist movements and the process of women’s
empowerment in Pakistan have been crossed through various stages
and have been further supported by various governments including
both democratic as well as military regimes. In such regimes,
initially women were allowed to enter education along with few
other fields, where the travel got acceleration while entering into
liberal and modern stages after crossing through the different stages.
In this regard, policies have been streamlined and women entered
into new fields of employment, which was a pertinacious alteration
in women’s status.
Islam in this context has a leading position in its ideology as a
strong advocate of women’s rights preservation. Islam is among
the foremost religions that give high prestige and privileges to women
while Muhammad (SAWS) was the very first advocate for women’s
rights in all spheres of life. Women in Islamic societies have savoured
excessive rights including marriage, education, inheritance and
divorce. The history is witness that Islam has improved the status
of women through preservation and promotion of all the rights that
are recommended and deemed necessary for the rapturous and
ecstatic life. On the contrary, the Islamic feminists mostly focus on
the sacred scripture ‘Qur’an’ as it is the outcome of European
feminism. They have a kind of agnatic thoughts regarding the
44 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
sacred script while declaring it as a patriarchic interpreted scripture.
In addition, lucrative change in women’s empowerment occurred
when rights were given to them in constitution. Such step
empowered women and let other women be inspired of those who
savor their lives by utilising their rights. The regime of General
Pervez Musharraf was the most fabulous stage for women’s
empowerment whose thoughts were more liberal as compared to
others because mass media got liberty and means of communication
were ensured to be instilled in far flung areas of rural settlements.
After a strong insistence, such proliferation thrived to bring
modification in life of rural women and such is a case with area
under study.
Changes are also occurring in research area that is striving to
change way of thinking of people. Although, research area is moving
slowly, because of its traditional structure, male dominancy,
patriarchy, lack of educational facilities and no proper permission
for employment to women. In short, it is observed that roots of
gender movements and women’s empowerment have same sources,
yet there is variation in their occurrence because in some countries
such movements had occurred centuries ago while in others they
are supposed to commence presently or have commenced recently.
It is proved from discussion regarding women’s empowerment
movements that in Western countries intimation regarding women’s
rights has been emerged very early due to their advancement while
in rural areas and particularly in area under study, such movements
or concepts of gender equality have been aroused recently.
Recommendations
The study extends few of the lucrative recommendations in
order to bring harmony and stability among the conflicting ideologies
regarding women’s rights preservation. These recommendations
tend to enumerate the steps for better policy planning and illumination
of the ambiguity that remains dormant in the course of feminist
movements and Islamic ideology.
•Religious scriptures are the divine words that include
perfection almost in all aspects of social and economic life.
45
In addition, the Holy Qur’an as a word of Allah is the
complete code of life that should be dealt rationally while
the misinterpretation and agnatic propagation of its teachings
lead to disharmony and instability. Qur’an shall be interpreted
in its original and contextual way that will renovate the
thinking and would bring ease to the problems faced by the
masses.
•Although change is the law of nature and need of the day
that must be brought in a pro-social and acceptable because
the anti-social and radical movements are always in conflict
with the prevalent religious beliefs that augment confusion
and frustration among the followers.
•The feminists shall eschew blaming the sacred scripture
because it leads to abhorrence and misunderstanding in a
social setup. Rather, the teachings of scriptures shall be
dealt profoundly in order to search solution of the social
problems.
•The role of government is inevitable in facilitation of the
masses, particularly the vulnerable segments. The steps
taken by former government shall be appreciated and kept
continued till the achievement of the specified goal.
•Media plays a key role the empowerment and
disempowerment of the citizens. In most of the cases,
media reflects one sided image that is a retaliation of the
emotions of others, which brings revolutionary thoughts
and restlessness. The teachings of equality and true picture
of the religious ideology and sacred scriptures shall be
illuminated through media to bring awareness and remove
the ambiguity accordingly.
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48 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
49
4
Beyond Boundaries, Shifting Lives:
Globalisation, Gender and Family
Dynamics in Pakistan
Sarfraz Khan, Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Sundas Ayyub
ABSTRACT
This research paper is based on the review of literature on the
issues concerning impact of globalisation on gender and family.
It includes both national and international published articles.
The main purpose behind this research is to identify the role of
the globalisation in shifting the traditional setup of the male
dominating societies towards their female on one side and on
the other side it looks into the transformation process in family
institution. As it has been stated by the different scholars that
this age of Simultaneity made it possible for the women to
participate in the all types of the works which were previously
assigned to the men and did raised the opportunities for women
to take education and participate in job market (e.g., Elias,
2010). They are now equally participating in the education
acquiring activities, participating in the job spheres, having their
say in the household decision-making process, taking care of
their own health and their dependents too. So, it can be said
that the globalisation has widened the scope of the women and
50 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
made them active in participating the all works and also affected
the family structures.
INTRODUCTION
With the intimidation of internationalisation of the human rights
and more influence of the development agencies in the nation
statehood, the debates on gender equality and equity has been
increased significantly. It can be stated that women emancipation
targets are somehow in the line to achieve but obviously this trend
vary from the developed to developing states. This research papers
tries to highlight the role of the globalisation in the emancipation of
the women at national and international level on one side and on
other side, it tries to underline the impact of globalisation on the
family structure. Few studies have been conducted to understand
the role of globalisation in changing family structures not only in
the developing world but also in the developed world. Before moving
forward, let us contextualize globalisation.
The Globalisation has been the buzzword in the social sciences
since the 1990s. As in the case of most academic (and political)
issues, it has been the subject of debate and controversy. There are
differences of interpretation as to what this concept means, and
even when different scholars agree on the meaning, they disagree
as to whether it represents something ‘really new’. But whereas
globalisation has been the issue of debate within the social sciences,
and sociology in particular, it has had very little impact on the field
of family studies. There are a number of possible reasons for this.
Firstly, there has been a tendency for globalisation to be conceptualised
primarily in economic and political terms. It has been seen as
synonymous (or at least principally about) the economic and political
integration of societies across the globe and one of the debates has
been about whether or not this has actually occurred. The family is
seen as something different from the polity and economy-a different
institution which raises different empirical and theoretical concerns.
It is not unimportant that the family has traditionally been seen as
representing the ‘private realm’ while the economy and polity are
seen as constituting ‘the public realms’. This is, of course, an
51
ideological distinction, which (family) sociologists have, for decades
now, been questioning. This has not changed the fact that there has
been very little dialogue between scholars who have participated in
the globalisation debate and those interested in family studies (Ziehl,
2004).
Drawing on Held (1999), Giddens (2001) described the
globalisation debate in terms of three positions: hyperglobalisers;
sceptics and transformationalists. Hyperglobalisers claim that we
have indeed entered a new era (the ‘global age’)-driven by a global
economic system (capitalism) into which all societies are integrated.
Also associated with this view is the idea of global governance and
a reduction in social inequality. Hyperglobalisers further claim that
we are approximating a ‘global civilisation’, that is, a common set
of values and norms that govern the behaviour of individuals all
over the globe (Giddens 2001).
Giddens (2001) is one of the few sociologists to draw a
connection between globalisation and the family. He writes:
Globalisation is fundamentally changing the nature of our everyday
experiences…forcing a redefinition of intimate and personal aspects
of our lives, such as the family, gender roles, sexuality, personal
identity.… We are faced with a move towards a new individualism
(before which) the weight of tradition and established values is
retreating [and that] traditional frameworks of identity are dissolving
and new patterns of identity emerging (Ziehl, 2004).
A concern with changing family patterns is by no means new.
It goes back to writers such as Bachofen (1861), Maine (1861),
Morgan (1877), McLennan (1886), Le Play (1871) and Engels
(1902) – all of whom identified various stages, which they believed
the family has gone through historically. The idea of an evolution in
family patterns was echoed in Talcott Parsons’ work–his central
theoretical argument being that there is a fit between the nuclear
family and a modern industrialised economy. This idea was taken
further by William Goode (1963; 1964) who argued in favour of a
world-wide trend towards the nuclear family pattern as more and
more societies industrialise (convergence thesis). However, in the
52 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
1960’s and 1970’s these ideas became increasingly unpopular as
Laslett and the Cambridge group provided historical data in support
of the view that in England at least, ‘the family’ has always been
nuclear. So, if the modern family is nuclear and the pre-modern one
was also nuclear, there can be no evolution or change of family
patterns. But it was not long before other scholars took issue with
Laslett and his colleagues claiming that ‘the family’ has indeed
changed historically (Shorter 1975, Stone 1977, for example).
According to these scholars, the modern family is significantly
different from its pre-modern counterpart (Ziehl, 2004).
While enthusiasts, notably the neo-liberal writers, often overstate
globalisation as a concept others claim that there has been no
qualitative change in international economic relations. Even if we
accept that the fundamental structure of the world economy has
not significantly altered, however, there have certainly been noticeable
changes that affected the ways in which our contemporary societies
are organised. These include the trends toward increasing market
liberalisation, greater specialisation in production, and higher mobility
of capital, goods, and labour around the globe. Most notably,
globalisation of production has been a key element in the reshaping
of the world economy with visible impact on our daily lives (Gills,
2002). In recent decades, a greater number of countries across the
world have become even more interlocked with globalisation. While
opening up national borders as a result of free trade agreements
across countries, the free flow of goods and services, and the
growing numbers of international corporations and organisations,
globalisation has simultaneously created work opportunities for those
seeking employment abroad. According to a United Nations report,
2000 saw 175 million people migrate worldwide (Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations 2005, as cited in
DeWind and Holdaway, 2005), which was an increase of more than
100 per cent from 1960 estimates. In 2005, it has been estimated
that around 192 million people live outside their countries of birth,
according to the World Migration Report (2005) published by the
International Organisation for Migration. This figure, however, only
captures the documented migrants; in reality, the total number of
migrants is probably much higher (Devasahayam, n.d.).
53
Globalisation has been largely influenced and spread due to
advancement of technology of communication. There has been
emphasis in developing countries to seek public opinion on various
aspects of globalisation. The trend of globalisation has opened up
doors for country like Pakistan to explore opinion of its intellectuals
on this particular dimension (Tahir, 2011). In the context of Pakistan,
Globalisation is not a new phenomenon. The British entered in the
area of sub-continent with the purpose of trade in early years of
18th century (Rasool, 1989). However, the process has speeded up
dramatically in the last two decades as technological advances made
it easier for people to travel, communicate and do business
internationally, quickly and efficiently (Heath, Fisher & Smith, 2005).
A massive spread of education and western-oriented norms of learning
at all levels of social life has accelerated the process of measuring
attitudes of stakeholders on particular dimension (Ahmad, 2007).
There is some direct intervention in the governance of national
educational systems by trans-national agencies such as the IMF and
the World Bank, the impact of globalisation is most felt through the
extent to which politics everywhere are now essentially market-
driven (Leys, 2001).
GENDER AND GLOBALISATION
Globalisation has obviously both positive and negative effects
on the women’s life. In the case of the wage equality, women are
less paid as compare to the male while in the case of education, in
most of the countries women’s education has been on the top
priority including Pakistan. Elias (2010) asserts, “Research into the
gender impact of globalisation suggests that the process has had
quite mixed consequences for women. On the one hand, we could
point to the opening up of employment opportunities in the expanding
service economy (for example in global information and global
communications businesses, global retail and tourism). Women also
account for a large number of the jobs in globalised manufacturing
industries, often working on the export-processing zones that are
an essential component of transnational organised manufacturing
production. The argument is made that such job opportunities have
54 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
granted women access to a greater level of economic freedom, as
they move out of the household and into the (global) market
economy.” Seguino (2006) opines, “Gender inequality in developing
countries may be linked to the inadequacy of societies’ material
resources. Females, it is often argued, are placed at the back of the
queue, whether for food, health care, education or jobs, given that
all of these are in short supply. We might therefore expect per
capita income to be positively correlated with gender inequality, and
indeed, several studies provide evidence to support this hypothesis
(Dollar and Gatti 1999; World Bank 2001). As a result, economic
growth is argued to be a key factor in promoting gender equity in
well-being. If this holds, the thorny question of how to stimulate
economic growth remains. The debate can broadly be characterised
as between those who argue for market liberalisation against the
view that the state plays an important role in moving economies up
the industrial ladder to higher value-added production and in insuring
a fair distribution of resources.” Potrafke and Ursprung (2001)
state, “The literature dealing with the influence of globalisation on
economic well-being is well established and extensive. It
encompasses studies on globalisation-induced economic growth, on
distributional effects across developed and developing countries, as
well as studies on the within-country distribution across workers of
different skill-levels and workers in different industries” (e.g., Marjit
et al., 2004).
Do these structural shifts lead to improvements in women’s
well-being? Some have argued that they are likely to because women’s
access to employment increases, which can improve their bargaining
power in the home. Lim (1990) and Kabeer (2000) empasise this
aspect of liberalisation and export-oriented growth, arguing that
women gain on net, while others (including Kabeer herself), note
that women’s access to insecure work may have little effect on
women’s “voice” within the household (see also Benería 2003).
The net effect on female relative well-being remains, however, an
empirical question (Seguino, 2006). In this age of globalisation the
main challenge for the policy makers at national and international
levels are to shape policies and processes so that they promote
55
improved living standards and increased gender equality. Further
monitoring and policy research on the impacts of globalisation are
necessary. Areas for attention include: (1) job sphere; (2) wage and
working conditions; and (3) social services. These are the number
of areas in which the states should invest on to for the sake of the
gender equality.
Seguino (2006) asserts,”Globally, gender gaps in well-being
remain pervasive. Proponents of globalisation have argued that
economic growth facilitated by policies to liberalise investment,
trade, and financial flows as well as to privatize industry and reduce
public sector deficits, will have a differentially beneficial effect on
gender equality. Competitive pressures in a globalised economy, it is
argued, make women an attractive source of labour, given their
relatively lower wages. In the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC)
region where there is greater gender equity in education relative to
other regions of the developing world, globalisation cum liberalisation
of markets then should bode well for women.” Moreover, rapid
growth, signaling rising per capita incomes, should generate more
revenue for households to invest in female family members, closing
the gender gap in well-being. This “income effect,” in the view of
some, is not necessarily gender-biased, since females’ lower future
earnings make it rational to direct household investments to men
when income is limited. By implication, this view suggests that
economic growth will overcome the structural bias against females.
Further, it is conceivable that economic growth generates increases
in state-level resources that can be differentially allocated to females,
thus improving their relative well-being during the process of growth
(Seguino, 2006).
A region like South Asia, which is already home to a quarter of
the world’s poor population, can certainly not afford to let
globalisation further compound the inequalities already existing here.
Moreover, it is said that poverty today has a woman’s face. Of the
1.3 billion people living in poverty, 70 per cent are women. Women
produce a staggering 60per cent of all food, run 70 per cent of
small-scale businesses and make up a third of the official labour
force – in addition to caring for families and homes (Human
56 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Development Report, 2004). We are witnessing today that poverty
is more deep-rooted for women. Exclusion are actively produced
and reproduced by specific processes of production and market
engagement make it an imperative for us all to address the processes
of impoverishment in general and, feminized impoverishment, in
particular. Feminization of poverty is a dynamic process of social
exclusion and marginalisation that operates differentially among
women and men, involving discrimination, denial, and violation of
human rights leading to deprivation and vulnerability to risks and
difficulties for women (SAP-PK).1
Khan and Khan (2009) stated, “Like many developing countries,
in Pakistan also, housekeeping is considered the main activity of
married women.” Sathar (1993) explains that there exists a
segregation of time allocation by sex, i.e. men work for wages
generally outside their home while women and daughters have
overlapping household chores. Along with household tasks, a small
ratio of women participates in economic activity, though the majority
of them are involved in the informal sector. Educated women realise
the returns to their education and join the labour force. Professionally
educated women who are in fact a very small ratio, share economic
activity in their respective professions. The marital status of females
correlates with aspirations of work. Some women work before
marriage, as they have less responsibilities of household chores or
child-care of younger brothers and sisters. Sometimes girls feel
free after their education and before their marriage, they temporarily
participate in economic activity. Some women participate in the
labour force to generate savings for their dowry that is regarded
necessary for marriage. Before marriage, girls feel happy to work
since they develop many friendships and communicate freely among
themselves (see also Jasmin and Salway, 2000 for Bangladesh).
Rural women in Pakistan particularly face the looming threat of
eroding livelihoods, increased migration, scarcity of food and water.
1SAP-PK, Retrieved from <http://www.google.com/search?q=Globalisation+
and+women+in+Pakistan+&hl=en&source=hp&gbv=2&rlz=1W1_____en&gs_sm
=s&gs_upl=0l0l1l1266l0l0l0l0l0l0l0l0ll0l0&oq=Globalisation+and+women+in+
Pakistan+&aq=f&aqi=&aql=> Retrieved on January 6, 2012.
57
Yet, these women are not passive or inactive despite the adversities
faced by them. In fact, women in the country have always been
integral to the major sectors of production and economic activity in
Pakistan. Their contribution in agriculture, animal husbandry and
handicrafts production is particularly significant. Moreover, women
are the caregivers in these societies and therefore a disproportionate
burden of maintaining health and well-being of families rests upon
their shoulders. Despite the inaccuracy of statistics, there is ample
research to support the claim that rural women contribute significantly
to household income through farm and nonfarm activities,
particularly through cottage industry. Cottage industry is one of the
major areas of involvement of rural Pakistani women. Weaving
cloth and rugs, and sewing constitute important components of
rural women’s non-routine tasks. Women also generate cash income
through the sale of livestock products. Women have active, intensive
involvement in forest product harvesting (SAP-PK).2
FAMILY AND GLOBALISATION
According to De Silva (2003) “Currently the subject,
“globalisation” might be the theme given highest priority in the
world development debates. The word globalisation is comprehended
and defined differently by different people. Concisely and simply,
the term globalisation can be comprehended as a mass process in
which or by which, various, geographical regions, economies and
states and the people belonging to different cultures of the globe are
linked together in an efficient and meaningful way. Actually it is a
combination of various administrative, economic and political
processes paving the way for increased global inter-dependence.
According to the 1997 report of the Asia Pacific Commission,
globalisation is a process in which capital, goods and services,
technology, information, and various cultural items flow freely beyond
national boundaries.”
2SAP-PK, Retrieved from <http://www.google.com/search?q=Globalisation+
and+women+in+Pakistan+&hl=en&source=hp&gbv=2&rlz=1W1_____en&gs_sm
=s&gs_upl=0l0l1l1266l0l0l0l0l0l0l0l0ll0l0&oq=Globalisation+and+women+in+
Pakistan+&aq=f&aqi=&aql=> Retrieved on January 6, 2012.
58 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Dowling and Brown (2009) assert, “Globalisation has had a
significant impact on the worldwide transfer of goods and services
with both negative and positive results for populations and individual
consumers.” As Giddens (1998) comments, “Globalisation is not
only or even primarily about economic interdependence, but about
the transformation of time and space in our lives. Distant events
whether economic or not, affect us more directly and immediately
than ever before. Conversely, decisions we take as individuals are
often global in their implications.”
In recent decades, globalisation has tended to promote the
nucleation of family units. Difficulties of child bearing and rearing
due to formal sector employment, lack of government incentives,
global cultural influences, and rural to urban migration have
diminished the importance of the extended family. The nuclear
family has a high capacity for mobility. This capability is
advantageous as families move from one place to another within
short periods due to the instability and working routines involved
with new kinds of jobs (De Silva, 2003). On other hand, Pais
(2006) stated, “Fragmentation of the traditional family network is
leading to an erosion of the available support within the immediate
and extended family. Migration of younger generations from rural
to urban areas and from one urban centre to another, as well as
transnational migration has resulted results in the elderly being left
to fend for themselves at a time when family support becomes
more crucial. With more women joining the workforce system, the
care of aged within families has declined. For those who live within
extended families the elderly have to live in harmony with the
younger generation that has to face a highly competitive world of
globalisation.”
According to Wilson (2005) “Tearfund has recently carried out
some research into the positive and negative impacts of globalisation
on developing countries. Questionnaires were sent out to Tearfund
partner organisations all over the world. One of the issues raised in
the questionnaire was the impact that globalisation is having on
family life. Some respondents said that globalisation is not affecting
their family life.” Most, however, said that globalisation is having an
59
impact, mainly through television and technology. Television lessens
the amount of time that families spend together. It also exposes
children to new value systems, makes them grow up faster and
gives them a thirst for consumer goods. Other technology is having
a more positive impact. The internet and telecommunications are
helping to connect families living in different places and allows fast
communication. However, both television and technology are leading
to materialism. They create a growing desire for luxuries; one of
the interviewee from Asia stated, ”We are exposed to products that
certainly make life easier, but sometimes we are not able to afford
them. There is tension in the family when there is a mismatch
between what members want and what we can afford.”
Family lifestyles have changed. Family ties are breaking down
and families consisting only of parents and children are gradually
replacing the traditional extended family system. One of the
interviewee from Latin America said, “There is pressure for more
work and less time to see each other and be together as a family…
We are placing our children into other people’s care because both
parents have to work.” An english-Speaking African said, “Child
discipline, which should belong to everybody in society, now belongs
only to parents.” Other respondents were less negative about
globalisation – they have seen their family’s health improving, and
they like the fact that their children are global citizens and are able
to appreciate different cultures. Parents spend better time with their
children. They listen to them and very often decide things with them
(French-speaking Africa).
Asian Family Magazine describes that in Pakistan, the joint
family system is quite usually found. Joint family usually comprises
father, mother, children, grandfather and mother, and they live
together with their people in the same family unit. Moreover, the
governing male of the house will play a significant role with respect
to the well-being of his family unit. Also, they give a good care and
take the responsibility to guard their grandparents. Above all, they
respect their folks and grandparents. People in Pakistan dearly follow
the joint family system and live their life along with their folks.
Conversely, in the recent years, urbanisation has directed to the
60 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
alterations and amendments in the existing family system, in larger
cities. Moreover, the realism of urbanisation will make the social
units living together to get less exerted and large nuclear group.
This method of practice will commonly be practiced and determined
in developing countries. As known well that Karachi is the biggest
city in Pakistan, the city has observed and on-looked the most avid
impingement of urbanisation. Also, people can clearly get to know
and study the comparable variations in the family system.
CONCLUSION
Dowling and Brown (2009) have rightly pointed out the effect
of globalisation in transforming lives by mentioning the following
statement of the (Sykes et al. 2001) that the far-reaching
transformations globalisation has on people’s lives cannot be
underestimated. Our constructions of our lives are altered by the
realisation that we are part of a global world. people’s connection to
the rest of the world is very crucial in the context of the impact of
the globalisation, although it the well knitted but obviously in the
case of the rural Pakistan as mentioned by SAP-PK it is still beyond
expatiations. The influence of the globalisation in both gender and
family matters is there but it varies from region to region and from
spatiality. The state of women is although improving with the interest
of the Government to provide them with equal opportunities but it
is still in the phase to achieve in a future.
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64 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
65
5
Role of Women Autonomy in Determining
Health Conditions in Pakistan
Yasir Saeed and Kashif Ashfaq
ABSTRACT
In this study, author extents his account to address the issue of
women’s autonomy and health condition. The research was
conducted in urban areas of Lahore by using cross sectional
method of research. In quantitative research survey was
conducted. This study was conducted in Union Council # 109 of
district Lahore to know the level of autonomy of women in health
related decision-making. A sample size of 110 was drawn by
using purposive sampling technique. Gathered data was entered
in SPSS for analysis and presented in frequency tables in the
section of descriptive; and association of certain variables of
women autonomy with women health care is analysed in the
inferential statistics section. Findings of the research reveals
that women’s participation either alone or jointly in household
decisions on their own health care was considered as an
indicator of women’s autonomy in decision-making. The results
revealed that decisions of women’s health care were made without
their participation in the majority household activities. Results
also documented that decision-making for contraceptive use was
a collective responsibility in the majority. At the end, researcher
66 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
tried to sum up with some valuable suggestions that can be taken
at micro and macro level as well.
INTRODUCTION
Autonomy is the ability to obtain information and make decisions
about one’s own concerns (Dyson and Moore, 1983). It facilitates
access to material resources such as food, land, income and other
forms of wealth, and social resources such as knowledge, power,
prestige within the family and community (Dixon, 1978). Women’s
autonomy in health-care decision-making is extremely important for
better maternal and child health outcomes (Anonymous, 1994), and
as an indicator of women’s empowerment. Gender-based power
inequalities can restrict open communication between partners about
reproductive health decisions as well as women’s access to
reproductive health services. This in turn can contribute to poor
health outcomes (Anonymous, 2001). Evidence from other developing
countries showed that women’s age and family structure are the
strongest determinants of women’s authority in decision-making
(Sathar and Shahnaz, 2000). Older women and women in nuclear
households are more likely than other women to participate in
family decisions.
The socio-cultural context conditions the relationship of women’s
individual-level characteristics to decision-making, and autonomy is
a key intervening mediator between women’s status and reproductive
outcomes (Jajeebhov, 2000). Women have little autonomy in many
cultures, so it is important to get a better understanding of the
determinants of their decision-making autonomy; and variations
across regions and socio-cultural contexts in the same country. In
Pakistani society, which is a male dominated society, most of the
women do not have any right to take part in family decision-
making. In some cases, women do not have the right even to take
decision about their own lives also. This situation is more prevailed
in rural areas. There is a great difference in rural and urban woman’s
decision-making power. Urban women have more autonomy and
decision-making power than rural women. They are more educated
than rural women are and have more awareness about outer world
67
(Mukhtar and Hussan, 1992).
Women who constitute about half population of the country,
their participation in different fields of life is of vital importance.
Women have different roles such as mother, wife, daughter and
sister, which she performs at different stages of her life. Usually
people treat women as a personal property in our society especially
this practice is very common in feudal lords. This research paper is
planned to explore the autonomy/freedom of women in decision-
making of household matters regarding health care utilisation.
Researchers and reform activists have always advocated for gender
equity and women’s empowerment as prerequisites of social reform.
These notions have been most strongly stressed by advocates of
health reforms. Empowerment by definition is “a process by which
the powerless get greater control over circumstances in terms of
both ideology and resources” (WHO, 2007).
Women’s right to health has repeatedly been advocated. However,
a multitude of social and cultural barriers have directly or indirectly
hindered empowerment, reinforcing the negative impact on their
health status (Zayas et al., 2004). Health systems, therefore, must
develop an understanding of women’s role and status within this
complex socio-cultural environment. Having acknowledged this,
strategic health reforms need to be translated into actions for the
enhancement of the lives of women. This is not just for their own
sakes: there is evidence that the health systems in a country function
more effectively if women are acknowledged as the crucial link
between health services and the home (Gala, 1997).
This research highlights the factors that contribute to gender
inequities, that create barriers to women’s empowerment and that
compromise their health status in developing countries. These factors
will be discussed within the framework of four institutions of
power, i.e. family, community, health care systems and the state
(Kabeer and Subrahmanian, 1996). The impact of women’s low
status in some developing countries and its repercussions on their
health will be discussed, with special reference to Pakistan.
Furthermore, the paper highlights the potential for active input by
68 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
women in promoting the health of their families and the wider
community.
Women’s low social status is directly linked to health status of
women in Pakistan. UNDP’s Gender related Development Index
(GDI) 2000, shows Pakistan’s poor position internationally where
Pakistan currently ranks 135 out of 174 countries. On the Gender
Empowerment Measurement (GEM) 1999, Pakistan ranked 100 out
of the 102 countries measured. Where health status is concerned,
the figures are galling. Some 30,000 women die each year due to
complications of pregnancy, and 10 times more women develop
life-long, pregnancy-related disability. Rural women’s health is
generally poorest due to the lack of health facilities. For example,
the maternal mortality ratio in predominantly rural Baluchistan is
800 maternal deaths to 100,000 live births, compared to the national
average of 340 per 100,000.The premature death or disability of a
woman, a tragedy in itself, adversely affects the health of her
children, household productivity and the national economy. About
25 per cent of children are underweight when born due to maternal
problems. Ten per cent children die before they reach one year of
age. High fertility, with an average of six children per woman, has
resulted in high population growth of three per cent per annum.
Through the use of contraceptives and spacing of children women’s
health will improve resulting in the reduction of population growth
which will spare women more time to pursue economic activities
(ADB, 2009).
As in other south Asian countries, the situation of women’s
health is grim in Pakistan. Estimates of the maternal mortality rate
(500/10,000 live births), infant mortality rate (86/1000 live births)
and total fertility rate (5 children/woman) are still high (WHO,
2005). In terms of the United Nations Development Programme’s
(UNDP) gender empowerment measurement (GEM), Pakistan lies
100th out of 102 countries (ADB, 2007). Traditions in a family play
a fundamental role in developing a girl’s physical, social and mental
health status. Cultural values are embedded deeply in the family
traditions, making her access to health care limited and most of the
time dependent on the family’s decision (Mahmood and Kuani,
69
1994). In terms of seeking health for herself, a woman has no
control over decision-making, difficulty in accessing health centres
and discomfort with communicating with male physicians. With a
patriarchal system dominating, women are not allowed much liberty
in terms of education and freedom of any kind, including freedom
of movement. (Sarwar and Sheikh, 1995)
Another factor inhibiting women’s empowerment and better
health status is lack of support from the husband’s family (Rubbani
and Raja, 2000). In Pakistani society, the role of women as prescribed
in Islam is often cited as a determinant of women’s status. However,
religious doctrine is often misinterpreted, leading to an unjustified
restriction on women’s mobility on the grounds that it is a threat to
social and religious values and a distraction from household duties
(Ibraz and Fatima, 1993). Barriers imposed by the community play
a primary role in opposing women’s empowerment, resulting in
poor health indicators. Disregarding girls’ education, restricting the
decision-making power and the mobility of women and
misinterpreting religious teachings are some of the many community-
instituted barriers. For example, a woman in labour who suffers
from complications may be unable to seek help if a male member of
the family is absent. Support from the community is minimal or
absent, and social support systems are lacking. Such a situation can
lead to the death of the mother or the child or to future morbidity
(Fikree et al., 2004).
As for health care providers, the situation is no different. As
women do not have any economic autonomy, the cost of health
care is definitely a barrier to appropriate and quality health care
seeking. Even if care is accessed, there is a communication gap
between male physicians and female clients, whose problems are
considered to be of lesser importance than males (Palikadvath et al.,
2004). Due to a dearth of female health care providers, only 16 per
cent of women seek proper antenatal care and as few as 17 per
cent deliver in health facilities (WHO, 2005). Most of the health
care in Pakistan is sought from the private sector. Private practitioners
thus have a crucial role to play in promoting women’s health (Tanveer
et al., 1998). However, the urban and formal setting of these clinics
70 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
makes these health services difficult and costly to access for rural
women (Gadit, 2004). Furthermore, male practitioners are neither
gender-sensitised nor well trained to handle women’s health
problems; this brings a great deal of uneasiness among women
clients (Stephenson and Henrik, 2004). In the state-owned health
sector, there are also inadequate numbers of female health care
practitioners employed in the government sector, a fact which
restricts the female client’s access to health care (Islam and Tahir,
2002). Village elders or community leaders often impede the activities
of women practitioners and health professionals for various reasons,
which may be political or incorrect interpretations of religious laws—
for example, services may be seen as socio- culturally inappropriate,
there may be mistrust of the health workers and services or there
may be myths and misperceptions about the services. In the public
sector, primary health care centres are underutilised (NHMIS, 2000).
Another factor is short working hours so that health providers are
often unavailable in the facilities. The ability to deliver quality health
services also remains a big challenge in the Pakistani health sector
because of the dearth of sound policies and poor implementation of
public health programmes (Siddiqi et al., 2004).
Objectives
•To find out the level of women autonomy in the society.
•To know the women general health according to their own
perceptions.
•To measure the relationship between women autonomy and
their perceived general health
•To propose some valuable suggestions to improve the
participation of women in decision-making
Hypothesis
Higher level of women autonomy will lead towards their better
health conditions.
Review of Literature
There have been a number of recent studies in other parts of
the world that examine women’s autonomy and its relationship with
71
health. Most of these studies found relationships between various
aspects of autonomy and health, but there are many complexities
and contradictory findings among them. For example, lower fertility
was observed among women with higher levels of autonomy in
Bangladesh (Balk 1994) and in many regions of India (Jejeebhoy
1995), and lower fertility was found to be associated with women’s
greater autonomy in Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand (Tfaily
2004). These findings are attributed primarily to higher modern
contraceptive use among women with higher autonomy (Schuler
and Hashemi 1994; Dharmalingam and Morgan 1996; Morgan and
Niraula 1995).
Women’s ‘status’ refers to both the respect accorded to
individuals and the personal power available to them (Mason 1993).
While women value prestige, it is the level of personal autonomy
that appears to influence demographic behaviour and resulting
outcomes (Basu 1993; Jejeebhoy 1995). Autonomy has been defined
as the capacity to manipulate one’s personal environment through
control over resources and information in order to make decisions
about one’s own concerns or about close family members (Basu
1993; Dyson and Moore 1983; Miles-Done and Bisharat 1990).
Women’s autonomy thus can be conceptualised as their ability to
determine events in their lives, even though men and other women
may be opposed to their wishes (Mason 1984; Safilios-Rothschild
1982). In the present study, we use the term autonomy-or
interpersonal control-as defined by these authors.
Bloom et al (2011) explored dimensions of women’s autonomy
and their relationship to utilisation of maternal health care in a
probability sample of poor to middle-income women in urban Varanasi,
Uttar Pradesh (UP), India. Issues pertaining to the definition of
women’s status and its context in north India were addressed. The
socio-demographic characteristics associated with the nature of
women’s relationships to affinal and natal kin were investigated,
because these factors are known to influence women’s position in
that region. Composite measures based on how women described
their behaviour for three distinct areas of autonomy are created:
control over financial resources, decision-making power, and the
72 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
extent of freedom of movement. The patterns and determinants of
each of these three areas are examined in relation to socio-
demographic and kinship structure effects. The influence of women’s
autonomy on the use of care during pregnancy and childbirth was
then investigated.
Chudasama et al (2009) conducted this study on women position
and their behaviour toward family planning”. The main objective of
this study was the position of women in their families and their
behaviour towards family planning. Stratified random sampling was
used in this study. Results revealed that education level, occupation,
son preferences, family income have positive impact on family
planning methods. Education was important factors to improve the
status of women. Those women had more income had more
practices of permanent methods of family planning as compare to
those who had less income.
Saleem and Bobak (2005) conducted study in Pakistan, which
had the aim to investigate the relation between women’s autonomy
and contraception use. In this study researchers used two indicators
to measure the women autonomy (1) in movement and the (2)
decision-making.The findings showed that the decision-making
autonomy is significantly associated with the current use of
contraception. The movement autonomy was not associated with
the use of contraception but use of contraception was strongly
associated with education of women.
Malhorta et al. (2002) conducted a research to analyse women
empowerment by using different approaches. In this paper, woman
empowerment was examined in different fields like economically,
socially and demographically. Researcher also analysed about women
empowerment and its impact or consequences on development and
poverty reeducation. The finding of the research was that if the
women empowerment is low it will have terrible affect on
development and ultimately it will increase poverty.
Senarath and Gunnawardena (2009) conducted a study on
women’s autonomy in decision-making for health care in South
Asia. The objective of this study was to discuss the women’s
autonomy in decision-making on health care. Findings revealed that
73
mostly decision of women’s health care were without their
participation. Women participation in decision-making was
significantly increase with the age, education and number of children.
Women who were employed and earned were more powerful in
decision-making but those women who were not employed and
earned were less participative in decision-making. Rural and poor
women were less likely to be involved in decision-making than
urban or rich women.
Kamal (2000) highlighted that women who have higher decision-
making ability and higher mobility were using more modern
contraception. This study investigated the association between
women autonomy and use of contraceptive. Findings of this study
were that overall 28 per cent women reported that they can go
outside the village, city etc, and 56 per cent respondent reported
that current use of contraception. Current use of contraception is
positively associated with woman’s and husband’s educational level,
woman/husband’s employment status, age of the woman, number
of living children, woman/husband’s desire to have more children,
asset score, roof material, number of household members, whether
visited by family planning worker, urban/rural residence and region
of residence. As the woman became more mobilise she was more
likely to be a user of a modern method of contraception. The study
also found that in spite of controlling for mobility, decision-making
and women’s working status, the administrative divisions vary
significantly in their contraceptive uptake.
Acharya et al. (2010) conducted study on women’s autonomy
in household decision-making in Nepal. This study aimed to explore
the links between women’s household position and their autonomy
in decision-making. In this study the researcher found out the
socio-demographic factors that influence the women’s autonomy
decision-making on health care, purchasing the goods, visiting the
family and relatives. Women autonomy in decision-making was
related with their age, employment, and number of living children.
The finding of research was that almost half (47.1 per cent) of
ever-married women took decisions on their own health care alone
or jointly with their husband, participation in own health care decision-
74 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
making gradually increased by age.
Marked differences between the health status of women and
men in Pakistan are also noticeable. For example, malnutrition is a
major public health problem in Pakistan that disproportionately affects
women and girls. More girls than boys die between the ages of 1
and 4; in fact the female mortality rate here is 12 per cent higher
than for boys. Women, girls and infants most often die of common
diseases such as tuberculosis, diarrhea, pneumonia and tetanus,
which could have been easily prevented and treated by the use of
vaccines. The high prevalence of communicable diseases and
malnutrition is not only related to poor living conditions, but also to
the lower social status of women and girls. In addition, because of
social stigma and gender norms, as many as 50 per cent of women
suffer from recurrent reproductive tract infections consequently,
poor women’s health in Pakistan is as much a social as medical
problem. Underlying factors here are the lack of awareness of, and
attention to, women’s health needs; women’s lower education and
social status; and social constraints on women and girls, including
the practice of seclusion.
METHODS AND MATERIALS
This study was conducted in Union Council # 109 of district
Lahore to know the level of autonomy of women and health
conditions. It was designed to conduct by cross sectional1 method
of research and universe of the study was comprised of respondents
who are the residents of Lahore city because researcher belongs to
Lahore and it was easy to access to the respondents of the own
city. A well representative sample was taken from UC 109. A sample
size of 110 was drawn for study by using purposive sampling
technique. Sample was selected based on the characteristics like a)
demographic profile of the respondents b) age ranged 19-60 and c)
married women. Semi-structured interview schedule was developed
to collect information from the respondents. Further, the data was
analysed by using SPSS version 16.0. Per centage and statistical
1Cross sectional is a time dimension of the research in which data is collected
from the respondents only at once.
75
test was used to test the hypothesis and to draw conclusions. In
this study, the characteristics of the respondents were given a
special focus in order to valid measure of the indicators. The
characteristics were defined to cover every aspect of the study
efficiently. Information that was relevant to the topic was the core
subject matter of the study.
Data Analysis
The information obtained from the sample is represented in the
form of frequency tables, and cross tabulations. The characteristics
of the sample were the questions that are taken from questionnaire
are described in the form of frequency tables, and percent. Moreover,
Gamma test is used to explore the relationship between women
autonomy and their perceived general health.
Descriptive Analysis
Table No. 1: Age of Respondents and Age at Marriage
Mean SD Median
Age 30.9 6.4 30.0
Age at marriage 21.2 3.3 21.5
In table no. 01 the average age of respondents and their average
age at marriage is shown which is 31 and 21 respectively with the
standard deviation of 6.4 and 3.3 respectively.
TABLE NO. 2: LEVEL OF EDUCATION
Degree No of Respondents Percentage
MA 0 0.00
BA 4 3.63
FA 7 6.36
Matriculation 21 19.09
Middle 23 20.90
Primary 34 30.91
None 17 15.45
No response 4 3.63
Total 110 100.0
76 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Most of the respondents i.e. 34 (about 31 per cent) had only
studied till primary level or less while 15.5 per cent had not received
any education at all. About 50 per cent of the sample respondents
had received education equal to 7 years of schooling or less. A
major portion of the sample either did not have any education or
had studied for 1 year or less and then dropped out of school.
Table No. 3: In Emergency where do you go for Medical Help
Response Frequency Percentage
Government Hospital 62 56 %
MBBS Doctor 35 32 %
Dispenser 3 3 %
Private Clinic / Hospital 3 3 %
No response 7 6 %
About 56per cent respondents reported that they go to
government hospitals for medical help in emergency and one-third
respondents said that they go to MBBS doctors while others go to
dispenser, private clinics and hospitals etc.
Table No. 4: Frequency of General Health Conditions of Respondents
Health condition in general Frequency Per centage
Very Good 38 35 %
Good 40 36 %
Fair 16 15 %
Sometimes Good and Poor 16 15 %
Total 110 100 %
Above table shows the respondents health in general according
to their own perceptions. Findings show that the 38 respondents,
which is 35 per cent of the whole data enjoy the very good health
where as the 40 respondents, which makes the 36 per cent of
whole data are having good health. 16, 16 respondents, the 30 per
cent of whole data are having fair and sometines good & poor
health.
77
Table No. 5: Frequency of taking Daily Life Decisions
Question Always Sometimes Occasionally Never Total
How frequently do you buy 70 % 18% 9 % 3 % 100 %
groceries yourself
How frequently do you buy 29 % 35 % 24 % 13 % 100 %
children clothing yourself
How frequently do you buy 85 % 14 % 2 % 0 % 100 %
your clothing yourself
How frequently do you decide 39 % 36 % 13 % 12 % 100 %
to buy durables
How frequently do you have 9 % 40 % 18 % 33 % 100 %
to account for money you get
in routine
The data shows the autonomy level of women which enables
them to take decisions. The simple questions asked to them about
their decisions to buy groceries, children clothing, clothing for
themselves, household durables etc, had a psychological background
that to measure how much their daily life decisions influence their
life. The level of autonomy is mainly evaluated from purchase
decisions. 70 per cent responded that they always purchased
groceries themselves and 84 per cent said they always bought their
own clothing. However, more weight age has been awarded to
making purchase decisions regarding durables such as washing
machines because such decisions exhibit greater autonomy for
females.
Inferential Analysis
Inferential analysis was performed on the data using SPSS.
Typically inferential analysis is performed for the general purpose
of testing the research hypothesis. As far as the research and null
hypothesis are concerned they can be formulated in following ways.
H1. Higher the degree of independence in decision-making,
influences health and education of women.
Level of Significance ± = 0.05
Level of Confidence = 0.95
78 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Test Statistics = Gamma Test
Calculations
Table No. 6: Health Conditions and Frequency to Purchase Household
Items
Frequency to Health Condition In General Total
Purchase Things
Very good Good Fair Sometime
Good & Poor
Always 11 18 5 1 35
Sometimes 9 13 9 7 46
Occasionally 1 9 2 4 16
Never 3 3 0 4 13
Total 38 40 16 16 110
P-value = 0.037 Value of Gamma Test = 0.023
Table 06 indicates the proportion of autonomy of making
decisions for the women to purchase household items and their
health in general. The findings show that women with higher
decision-making autonomy enjoy better health as compared to those
who are not granted to take their daily life decisions at their own.
The Gamma test is used to check the relationship between the two
variables and validity of assumed hypothesis H1. The Gamma test
results in significant relationship between the two variables. Since
the P value is 0.037 and it is less than level of significance ± which
is 0.05 so we will accept the alternative hypothesis H1. Value of
Gamma (0.23) reveals the moderate relationship between two
variables and shows that it is positive i.e. with the increase in value
of one variable the other will also increase.
DISCUSSION
Women autonomy is measured in this study by level of women
education and the frequency of purchasing household items by
women. Sujatha and Reddy (2009) found that education impacts
positively the women autonomy and it increases with the higher
level of education. In our study, most women are found to have
lower education than matriculation level and this low education of
79
women confirms the statement Aqil (2007) of male dominance in
Pakistan. Low level of education of women results in low level of
participation in decision-making so it can be said that women
autonomy is low in Pakistan. A person learns the way to survives
for its right in the society by the education and education also
aware the people about their rights so educated women can better
ask for their rights making them more autonomous.
Matthews et al (2005) measured the women autonomy by the
frequency of purchasing important household items. We found in
this study that usually women purchase household items for daily
use herself. In Pakistani society, usually women take care of house
so they better know about the required appliances of household.
That’s why women are mostly purchase these items which show
women autonomy because they can continue purchasing these things
if they are not stopped by anyone from the household. In the study,
it was found that most women often buy household items. The
empowerment and autonomy of women, and improvements in their
health status were recognised by the International Conference on
Population and Development (ICPD, 1994) as highly important ends
in themselves. In our study there found a momentous relationship
between women autonomy and their perceived general health status.
This is because when women are free to make decisions they will
be more likely to take good care of their health. On the other hand,
healthy and educated women are
CONCLUSION
Many factors affect the ability of women to take part in the
decision-making process in the household. Some of these factors
relate to the type of decision that is taken and some to the background
of the women. The third millennium development goal (MDG) aims
to promote gender equality and empower women. It empasises to
increase financial resources to accelerate the goal that equally benefit
and empower women and girls. Many intervention programmes
exist to improve women’s household position in Nepal; however
their situation still appears as bleak. Women from middle and richer
class have the least decision-making power, which suggests involving
80 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
them in education and health to lessen their dependency on the
family members and husband/partner. In the household, husband-
wife relations are central to women’s autonomy in decision-making,
and improved communication between them can deserve sustained
support. More than just lack of education exclude women from
decision-making. Health and education have always empowered
women and brought a positive impact on decision-making, including
reducing the inequalities among men and women.
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84 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
85
6
The Catastrophe of Equivalence: The
Gendered Educational Decision-Making
Process among Pakhtuns of Batkhela
District Malakand KPK Pakistan
Arab Naz, Waseem Khan and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
ABSTRACT
Sexism and gender disparity are by no means limited to a specific
region, society or culture, but in-fact it is a global and universal
matter of concern that may not be particularised to any area of
the world (Naz and Rehman, 2011). The history is witness of
numerous miseries that have faded the individual into oblivion,
which include the severe form of gender disparity and inequality
(Khan, 2011). In this connection, this current study persists to
explore gender-based discrimination in a typical traditional
society of Pakhtuns1. The study flamboyantly explicates the inferno
of women’s deprivation and subjugation with respect to their
educational decision-making. It has thoroughly been analysed
that education is among the lucrative tools for social and national
prosperity and an ecstatic life. This research was conducted in
1People belong to Pakhtun ethnic tribes or belong to area marked as Pakhtun
belt and speaking Pashto as a language. Synonym of Pathan
86 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Batkhela (capital of District Malakand ‘former Malakand Agency’),
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. The data was
collected from 200 respondents including both male and female
through stratified random sampling technique using pre-
determined interview schedule as a tool of data collection. The
empirical data has been analysed through the application of
Chi-Square test while processed in the form of tables and
enumerated qualitatively in a technical research report manner.
In addition, the study has been further analysed in the light of
Marxist Feminism, which patently reflects a strong relation
between the ethnography of the area and the collected
information. Resultantly, the study reveals that the process of
decision-making is extremely gendered that is caused by the
severe practice of patriarchy, male dominance, customary law
and rigidity of Pakhtun social organisation. The factual data
expresses and determines the way of life of the inhabitants, which
includes gendered reflection in the context of women’s
educational decision-making process.
INTRODUCTION
Over the last two decades, international efforts in education
have focused largely on gender parity – closing the enrolment and
completion gaps between girls and boys – while insufficient attention
has been paid to retention and achievement, or the quality and
relevance of education (CIDA, 2010:5). The good news is that
international focus on gender parity goals in education since 1990
has helped all regions to improve enrolment rates for girls where
such ratios in basic education in most regions of the world were
close to parity in 2000. The exceptions are in South Asia and sub-
Saharan Africa, where significant challenges remain despite increases
of ten per cent (10 per cent) or more in the gross enrolment rates
for girls (Grown et al, 2005). Low enrolment of females in educational
institutions is mainly the outcome of gendered-culture of education
(Lynch and Feeley, 2009:53) because the gendered nature of education
has been important in the quest for educational justice. Initially it
was feminist scholarship, which alerted us to the complexity of
gender matters in education; although anti-patriarchal, the feminist
perspective is not anti-male, rather it seeks to rebalance gender-
87
based inequalities that, like all forms of injustice are destructive for
those who occupy both dominant and subordinate positions (Freire,
1992; Wilkinson, 2005; Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). During the
1980s and 1990s especially, considerable research was undertaken
showing how male-defined interests were enshrined and enacted
throughout every facet of the education system (Arnot, 1982:12;
Hooks, 1989; 1990; 1994; Spender, 1980, 1982; Weiler, 1988;
1991:449).
The conceptions of both gender and equality differ across
cultures where the approach to gender equality adopted in a given
country therefore depends on the ideological perspective or the
“broader mission” adopted by state policy makers and interpreted
by individual educational establishments and those who work within
them (CEC, 2002:142). In this context, classical liberal approaches
to equality will focus on equal formal rights to access in particular;
liberals that are more critical want fair equality of opportunity,
seeking not just the right to access education but to participate on
equal terms within it (Rawls, 1972). On the other hand, those with
a more radical view will want equality of condition, a greater focus
on measuring gender equality not only in terms of access and
participation but in terms of outcomes and benefits over time (Baker
et al., 2004; Lynch and Baker, 2005:131). The major factor behind
such a misconception regarding inequality and gender biased
education is an equality of condition perspective, which highlights
the fact that if society generally remains economically, politically
and socially very unequal, it is highly unlikely that one can have any
meaningful equality of opportunity in education (Blossfeld and Shavit,
1993:2; Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009).
The problem is that economically and politically powerful groups
use their own advantages to block less advantaged groups until they
themselves have maximized the gains from education at a given
level that is known as maximally maintained inequality (Raftery and
Hout, 1993). In this context, Lynch and Moran (2006) reflect that
maximally maintained inequality (MMI) results in continuing social
class-based inequalities in education (Lynch and Moran, 2006:27)
while most analysis of inequality in education focuses on inequalities
88 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
in rates of attainment and performance. There is a ‘proportionality
test’ applied to women and men’s participation and achievement
rates in education; are rates of attainment etc., equivalent to their
proportion in the population etc. While central to the equality debate,
this redistributive view of justice largely ignores issues of recognition
and respect for girls and women, issues of power and the role of
feminist values and traditions within education (Lynch and Baker,
2005). On the contrary, through citation of the positive aspect, the
more equal a society in terms of welfare regimes and employment
opportunities, the less differentiated the educational attainments and
early labour market outcomes for young people (Iannelli and Smyth,
2008: 213).
Restrictions over educational decision-making and gendered
environment in almost all societies have the analogical basis where
inequality in cultural patterns and gendered policies have always
been observed as obstructing factors in gendered-environment
formation (Khan, 2011). Even when schools have explicit gender
equality policies, they can inadvertently reinforce a culture of
hegemonic2 masculinity and femininity. Throughout the hidden
curriculum, stereotypical images of “good, quiet girls” and “tough,
naughty boys” emerge in school discourses, wall displays, stories,
and through the attitudes of some teachers. An explicit culture of
gender equality can belie a marginalisation of girls in more subtle
ways: in the choice of school play that has few female roles, the
choice of project topic that favours male interests and in the
prioritisation of male-dominated sports which makes girls’ sporting
achievements relatively invisible (Lynch and Lodge, 2002; Lyons et
al., 2003).
Besides, the research of Duru-Bellat and that of Furlong, Skelton
and others indicate that schools and teachers are limited in what
they do in gender terms by a range of competing expectations.
2Hegemony refers to the cultural norms (in this case about gender) that have
become accepted as common sense and have infiltrated society to the point
that they have become like old wallpaper – always present yet unnoticed in
the processes of day-to-day living.
89
Their daily project is about following course work with children,
undertaking examination preparation, and working on other measured
and visible processes and outcomes in schooling, not just as required
by school authorities but also as expected by parents (Giroux,
2002:3; Skelton and Read, 2006; Duru-Bellat, 2008; Furlong et al,
2009). Apart from the role of instructors; the contemporary
theoretical and empirical studies assessed and challenged the
dichotomized conceptualisation of gender roles. The growing
multiplicity of masculinities and femininities changes over time,
which interacts with other identities like social class, age, ethnicity,
religion and sexuality where the influence to gender formation and
learning experiences in education (Plummer, 2000; Epstein et al,
2001:158; Walkerdine et al, 2001; Kehily et al, 2002:167; Weaver-
Hightower, 2003:471; Connell and Messerschmitt, 2005:829). In
effect, the masculine and feminine gender distinctions carry a huge
diversity that is illuminated by major studies that there is a group of
boys who continue to do well academically and to maintain their
social privilege and power in society because they are privileged
and focused in the course of their education and freedom of decision-
making pertaining to their future (PISA, 2006).
The under-privileged status of females in cultural and social
context including the choice of education and academic run inside
the educational institutions; girls have very limited choice in freedom
of expression inside the class room because their femininity may be
questioned. Young women students are expected to be more passive
and inactive than boys, and this is regulated by expectations (Gordon,
2006:3). In addition, girls inside the classrooms are expected to be
more still in space, their bodies are supposed to be more contained
and their voices quieter, which is a complex for girls (Gordon,
2006). In order to break-out of passive roles and become empowered
citizens, girls need to become more actively involved in articulating
ideas and opinions, particularly in public spaces, however they are
often interrupted and even silenced (Cameron, 1995). Resultantly,
the long term impacts of such a gendered setup in respect of
education and decision-making lead to psychological disorders
including fear and anxiety for some about becoming active articulate
90 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
citizens in public places in their future endeavours (Arnot and
Dillabough, 2000).
Statement of the Problem
Gendered issues in educational decision-making are not the
contest of girls versus boys rather it is the classed, raced and
disability specificity of gendered educational inequality that needs to
become the central concern (Reay, 2001; 2002; Gorard and Salisbury,
1999). Gendered educational inequality has a deeply rooted status in
contemporary Pakhtun settled areas. Pakhtun culture; being one of
the oldest cultures having centuries old customs and traditions that
are mainly driven through the patriarchic and male dominated norms,
which highly favours masculinity (Naz, 2011). In such context,
Connell (1995) devised the term “hegemonic masculinity” to describe
the multi-layered processes of expressing and preserving male power
and dominance through the denigration and subordination of women.
Research by Connell (2005) and that of Kimmel (2000) and Seidler
(2006, 2007) shows how different versions of hegemonic
masculinity exist, varying across classes, groups and cultural
contexts, yet how the principle of asserting male dominance is
central to each. Not all masculinities are equal in status however;
while several co-exist at a given time, some are more powerful,
particularly in schools and homes where they are constantly and
aggressively monitored within the peer group and among family
members.
The research from schools and domestic levels suggests that
prevailing forms of masculinities tend to valourise dominance-led
behaviour (that vary by class and culture) through which, femininities
and gay masculinities are generally dishonoured, ethnic masculinities
are marginalised, sporting masculinities are generally idealized, and
ageing masculinities are less respected (Mac An Ghaill, 2007; Ashley,
2003; Jackson, 2003). In collaboration to the privileges of masculinity
in almost all societies while particularly in the area under study i.e.
Pakhtun society; the feminine roles are contemptuously dealt that
are abating the freedom of women in the process of their educational
decision-making (Khan, 2011) as the traditional, compliant (polite,
91
feminine), transgressive (“girl power”) and dissociative (tomboys)
femininities interact side by side (Reay, 2001).
In addition, the gendered femininities are monitored and
restrained by the peer group, community as well as staff who are
active in maintaining traditional gender roles and restraining
transgressive attitudes and behaviours on the part of girls (Gordon,
2006). Ultimately, as a result masculinity is still one the most
powerful, privileged identity for both boys and girls, and although
girls may be doing better in academic terms, all the boys and a
considerable number of girls in the research still saw it as better to
be a boy (Reay, 2001). The mentioned discussion regarding obstacles
to femininity predominantly fits in this research study as in Pakhtun
society almost every girl should wish to be a boy for being observing
the privileges that are attained and savoured by boys. Besides, the
family background and familial set-up also play a pivotal role in
women’s educational output and selection of the field Fraser (1997).
In relation to the familial background and occupational level;
the social class system that is deeply rooted in most of the societies
having a key role in defining gender roles that is supported by study
of Tinklin (2003) pertaining gender differences in high attainment,
which suggests that social class remains the biggest factor
contributing to differences in educational attainment. This finding
confirms those of large-scale statistical studies and derivative work
by econometricians showing that higher educational attainment is
closely correlated with social advantage and prestige (PISA, 2000,
2003, 2006; Entorf and Minoiu, 2004). Nevertheless, men
(Blackmore and Sachs, 2007; Drudy et al, 2005; United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE, 2009) still
disproportionately hold positions of power and decision-making in
educational sphere of females. This creates the paradoxical situation
of a field regarded as “women’s work” that is largely defined and
controlled by men (Drudy et al, 2005) whilst a continued focus on
gender is important in order to ensure progress towards equality,
gender analysis needs to take account of social class, ethnicity and
sexuality (Skeggs, 1997; Tinklin et al, 2001).
92 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
In this regard, the area under study that reveals the formidable
kind of discrimination in likes and dislikes of both the genders
where female students have very low chances of desired choice
selection in curriculum. Furthermore, the area under study is highly
traditional in nature where the Pakhtun code of life (Pakhtunwali3)
has a dominant conjecture almost in all the matters of social,
economic, political and more specifically in educational matters of
the inhabitants. In addition, the Pakhtun social organisation is under
the strong influence of Pakhtun norms and values that is also
hampering women’s educational decision-making (Khan, 2011; Naz
and Rehman, 2011).
Objectives of the Study
1. To assess Pakhtun social organisation while playing the
role of hindrance in women’s educational decision-making.
2. To illuminate Pakhtun norms, values and customary law as
the sources of restriction with respect to women’s
educational decision-making process.
3. To interrogate the communal perception (particularly of
males) towards women’s participation educational decision-
making process.
Hypothesis of the Study
1. Patriarchy, strict Purdah4 system and women’s restricted
mobility play a decisive role in gender-decision-making
pertaining education.
2. Pakhtun’s traditional norms and values, customary law, the
concept of social stigma structure and negative/conservative
3It is Pakhtun codes; composed of Nang (honour),Gharit (valor, gallant),
Pakhtu, Badal (revenge), Tor (dishonour, social stigma), Rorwali (fraternity)
and Tarborwali (agnatic rivalry among first cousins) etc.
4Veil (Hijab) or Veil of face covering wore by women with help of a length of
fabric over head and face as concealment or for protection adopted in many
cultures especially in Muslim countries. A mandatory symbolic and physical
seclusion of women, remains obligatory as well as a sense of honour and
prestige for whole family.
93
communal response lead to gendered decision-making in
mate selection process.
Theoretical Framework
In the present research study, the Marxist Feminism has been
utilised as the substantiation material to find out the cross-cultural
study regarding women’s subordination, particularly in the field of
decision-making process in different societies. The fact of women’s
oppression and subjugation is patent throughout the world in the
history that there is no such society where women (as a group)
have dominance over men (as group) (Henslin, 1996). In this context,
Marxist feminism gets a high status of prestige regarding women’s
rights advocacy and their subordination as it mostly empasises over
the private property and its ownership that has a deeply rooted
status in the area under study.
Evolving from the philosophy of Karl Marx (1818-1883), conflict
analysis has a large output to gender issues. Marxist feminism is
based on the philosophy of dismantle capitalist structure and women’s
liberation. Marxist feminism believes that private property leads to
economic inequality, women dependency and political confusion
with imbalance in social relations between men and women. These
are major causes of women’s suppression almost in all social
structures including Pakhtun society where such factors have an
active role while depriving women from participating in decision-
making process in general while particularly in their educational
course. In this connection, Engels (1820-1895) placed Marx’s general
approach in a feminist context as he claimed that, root cause of
patriarchy is private property and ownership. Furthermore, he
explained that, although capitalism did not create patriarchy, but it
intensified this through concentrating on wealth and power in the
hands of a small number of men, which is the ultimate source of
power, authority and prestige, usually exercised by men in every
society. Such is the case in research area, where the overall structure
is patriarchic and male dominated and has caused nuisance among
women to be suppressed and subordinated.
In Marxism, subordination and subjugation of women lies in
94 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
means of production and more specifically in introduction of private
property and family structure. The classical work of Engels (1884)
rightly describes the origin of human society in detail. He argues
that at the time of simple communism or hunting and gathering
level of evolution, there was no such discrimination between male
and female while the gender roles confronted the drastic changes in
the agricultural mode of production that required more strength and
specialisation. Pakhtun society in general represents such scenario
where men embezzle the overall means of production while women
are restricted to domestic errands. Such restriction further leads to
women’s subordination and deprivation while participating in the
decision-making process both at domestic and public (external)
levels. According to Engels, at this stage, few men got control over
all the productive resources and laid down the foundation of private
property that empowered them in social relations of production and
women became the vulnerable segment. In this regard, Pakhtun
social organisation or Pakhtunwali has also empowered men based
on private property and has disempowered women due to restrictions
applied on them in the field of making the decisions pertaining to
their education. Marxism further reveals that such private property
is then transferred to the male-biological-offspring and the cycle of
class structure remains continuous. Speculations of Engels apparently
show the situation in present research study where property is
owned by men and is then transferred to the biological offspring
i.e. male. In addition, these are centuries old traditions that are
practiced throughout the Pakhtun settled areas as well as tribal
settlements, which ultimately lead to the male dominated and
patriarchic social structure.
To conclude Marxist feminism, where women’s oppression
and subordination is linked to property and family structure and
masculine hold over property resulted in historical defeat of female
sex based on false consciousness. Marxist feminists locate the
origin of patriarchy in the emergence of property relations, personal
possessions, ownership on resources, which ultimately leads to
women’s oppression in society. The Marxists sort out discrimination
at the level of occupational segregation, low pay, poverty, and
95
discrimination against women that are also practiced in Pakhtun
settled areas. They feel that fighting for such policies will expose a
fact that it is not possible to have remedy for these problems under
capitalism. For Marxist, capitalism extends privileges to a few women
and it ignores mass of women population. It does not provide
equality to women in economic and social sector of society including
decision-making rights. On another level, ideological system and
power structure is in the hands of few men who control rest of the
population including women.
Based on such discussion it is apparent that women are deprived
in each and every sector of their lives including their participation in
economic activities, making a decision concerning their future in
shape of education, political participation, mate selection, inheritance
rights, employment and other familial decisions. In this regard,
ideological position and power relations are male oriented and
patriarchal, which is best suited to Marxist philosophy and justifies
the position of researchers while utilising such a theory as an
evidence material to the current study.
METHODS AND PROCEDURES
The major emphasis of this research study is to find out the
role of Pakhtun social organisation in gendered decision-making
concerning education among Pakhtuns of Batkhela, District
Malakand,Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Furthermore,
the research study ventures the subjugated status of women among
Pakhtuns after the diagnosis of the core factors in their subordination
and oppression in the course of their educational well-being. In this
research study, stratified random sampling method has been used
for the selection of samples from the target area. Stratified random
sampling is a method for obtaining a greater degree of
representativeness by decreasing the probable sampling error (Babbie,
2005). The overall population was divided in two strata that included
age and education. In addition, the age limits were confirmed for
the samples as above the age of twenty (20) years and below forty
(40) years. Furthermore, a defined criterion was also framed in the
course of education where it was obligatory for both the educated
males and females having at least graduation. In this context, the
96 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
actual population of the target community i.e. Batkhela consists of
38222 (Census Report 1998) both males and females. Besides, the
ratio of males (according to the census) is 52 per cent that makes a
total of 19875 members while females constitute 48 per cent (18346)
of the whole population. In addition, literacy rate of Batkhela is 26
per cent while out of the total literacy rate; the ratio of graduate
male members is 4 per cent while that of female members is 2 per
cent. In accordance to the calculation of the total population and
then the target population based on education and the required level
of qualification; 4 per cent graduate males constitute a population of
1146 while that of 2 per cent graduate females make 764 members
out of the total population. In this connection, the target population
of male members was 1146 while that of females was 764. Based
on such calculation, the total sample size i.e. 200 has been drawn
that can be understood in the table given as below:
Table : Sample Frame and Sample Size
Gender Total Target Population Sample Sampling
Population (Graduate 20 Size years Technique
and above)
Male 19875 1146 120 Stratified
Female 18346 764 80 Random
Total 38222 1910 200 Sampling
Newman Formula: Population of the strata/Total Population of strata * Sample
Size
Besides, interview schedule has been used as a tool of data
collection where the researchers have conducted 200 interviews
(120 from males and 80 females) in a face-to-face conservation in
order to collect the in-depth information. All the respondents were
thoroughly interviewed in face-to-face, well managed and organised
atmosphere and suitable environment.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Educational Facilities for Males
Pakhtun social structure has been regarded as one of the most
rigid and patriarchic structures (Naz, 2009) where males have more
97
privileges in domestic as well as public sphere. In this context,
women’s education is referred to a social disapproval in the shape
of social stigma (refer to C3, Table-5) that is an unbearable situation
among Pakhtuns. A majority i.e. 68 (34.0 per cent) respondents
marked C3 as a key role player in women’s deprivation from education
and educational facilities. In addition, 22 (11 per cent) referred to
C4 i.e. ‘males are the real heirs and future of family who need more
education in Pakhtun families’ as a responsible factor while 48 (24
per cent) marked C5 (women’s educational mobility is restricted in
the area) as a corner stone while impeding provision of educational
facilities to women.
Table 1: Reasons of More Educational Facilities for Males
Categ Reasons / Factors
F per cent
C.P Mean
Median
Mode
ories
C1 High males’ enrollment
30 15.0
15.0 3.13
3.00 3
C2 Males’ education is more profitable in area‘
32 16.0
31.0
C3 Female education is a social stigma among Pakhtuns
68 34.0
65.0
C4 Males are the real heirs and future of family
22 11.0
76.0
C5 Women’s educational mobility is restricted among Pakhtuns
48 24.0
100.0
98 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Ct Total
200 100.0
The analysis show the highest degree of respondents’ agreement
with C3, which shows that females’ education is considered as
social stigma among Pakhtuns. Such a notion evidently expresses
the typical Pakhtun culture and social organisation, which is the
main stream of this study. In addition, the prevalence and availability
of more educational facilities for male members patently express
that male are dominating the area having more educational power in
the course of its attainment and decision-making (see Table-1). The
above cited data has been statistically analysed with the mean of
2.62 and standard deviation of 1.406 where the data shows
significant association.
Gendered Educational Decision-making
Virtually everything social in our lives is ‘gendered’: people
continually distinguish between males and females and evaluate
them differentially while it is an integral part of the daily experiences
of both women and men (Kimmel and Messner, 2004). Illuminating
the mentioned; ‘gendered’ is a broader phenomenon that prevails
almost everywhere, although varying in culture to culture and society
to society. Cultures like Pakhtun; having a strict pattern of gender
differences accumulate a vast range of diversities while directing
the gender roles and dispensations, which predominantly include
the decision-making in the field of education. The empirical data in
Table-2 showed more opportunities and facilities for males, while
the following table reveals the differences (gendered) in the process
of educational decision-making among males and females of the
target area. Gendered decision-making; as a variable has been
classified and enumerated in five categories that are denoted as C1,
C2, C3, C4 and C5.
Table- Gendered Educational Decision-making
Categ Statements
99
F per cent
C.P Mean
Median
Mode
ories
C1 Culture recommend women for home or grave
48 24.0
24.0 2.82
3.00 1
C2 Women’s restricted educational mobility
42 21.0
45.0
C3 Women’s education is culturally banned among Pakhtuns
40 20.0
65.0
C4 Women’s extensive involvement in domestic works
38 19.0
84.0
C5 Women’s education is for others (in-laws)
32 16.0
100.0
CT Total
200 100.0
Pakhtun social organisation bears fewer chances for its female
members in the field of decision-making due to centuries old
customary laws and traditional pattern (Naz, 2011). Women in the
research community has have scarce opportunities to decide regarding
the education because of the cultural maxim ‘women are for home
or grave’ (48 ’24 per cent’ (denoted as C1). 42 (21per cent) out of
the total respondents mentioned C2 i.e. ‘women have restricted
educational mobility’, 40 (20 per cent) respondents marked C3 i.e.
‘women’s education is culturally banned among Pakhtuns’ as causes
of gendered decision-making in educational process. In addition,
100 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
women are kept tightly engaged in domestic activities (38, ‘19 per
cent’) while 32 (16 per cent) of the respondents expressed that
women have no/lack of educational decision-making power because
their education is considered as unworthy as it would benefit the
others (in-laws). The analysed information reflects that the target
area accumulates the real picture of Pakhtun culture as majority of
the respondents favour the statement, which includes the cultural
maxim of Pakhtun social organisation that declares women as best
suited for home or grave (see Table-2).
Statistical analyses of the data hereby reveal the mean of 2.82
and standard deviation as 1.406.
Patriarchy and Gendered Educational Decision-making
The socio-historical evidences reveal that substantial inequality
between women and men has existed for about 6000 years (Brym
and Lie, 2005). Besides, in male dominant societies, man have, as a
group, greater power than women (Stockard and Johnson, 1980)
where women tend to be more polite and less assertive while men
tend to be more directive and demanding (Lakoff, 1975).
Table-6 patently expresses that gendered educational decision-
making is prevalent in the research community, while the following
table shows the origin of gendered decision-making in education as
an outcome of patriarchic structure. Traditional societies are more
often patriarchic in nature where most of the power remains with
male members (Naz and Rehman, 2011). Patriarchy in the following
table has been enumerated as a variable that is dependent on other
factors, which are marked as C1 to C5 in the table. 58 (29 per
cent) of the respondents believe that ‘Pakhtun’s social organisation
is male oriented’, 42 (21 per cent) of the total respondents marks
C2 as a working variable behind the prevalence of patriarchy i.e.
‘males are more privileged among Pakhtuns to have more education’.
Table-3 Patriarchy and Gendered Educational Decision-making
Categ Statements
F per cent
C.P Mean
Median
101
Mode
ories
C1 Pakhtun social organisation is male oriented
58 29.0
29.0 2.80
2.50 1
C2 More educational privileges to male as a bread winner
42 21.0
50.0
C3 Males’ control over the informal power structure
22 11.0
61.0
C4 Women’s involvement in domestic-activities
38 19.0
80.0
C5 Women’s no/lack of exposure to the external world
40 20.0
100.0
CT Total
200 100.0
In accordance to the traditional structure of Pakhtun society,
its members wholeheartedly believe in their own informal power
structure that is Jirga rather than formal courts (Naz, 2009). Such
kind of power structure has been ultimately monopolized by male
members that lead to patriarchic set up in the community, which
has been presumed by 22 (11 per cent) of the respondents (C3,
‘males have control over the informal power structure that creates
gendered setup). In addition, according to the rules of social
organisation, the code of life (Pakhtunwali) and local maxims;
women are necessitated to live inside the four walls and to care the
children and take care of the domestic activities as mentioned in the
102 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
table against C4, marked by 38 ’19 per cent’ respondents). Besides,
due to women’s heavy engagements in domestic activities, they
bear very rare permission to have external exposure because their
external mobility from house is highly restricted. In this context, 40
(20.0per cent) respondents are of the opinion that ‘women’s lack
of exposure to the external world’ (C5) is responsible for their
deprivation in educational decision-making and prevalence of
patriarchic structure. In study, the male orientation of Pakhtun
social organisation has a prime importance as it is marked by
majority of the respondents i.e. 58 (29 per cent) by expressing it as
responsible for patriarchy, which plays a significant role in bringing
gendered decision-making in educational sphere. In the nutshell,
majority of the respondents express and favour the statement of
male orientation of Pakhtun social organisation (C1) as a key factor
in the prevalence of patriarchic structure that ultimately leads to
gendered educational decision-making. Such information validates
the objectives and authenticates the proposed results (see Table-3).
Analyses of the statistical tools reflect the mean as 2.8 while
standard deviation as 1.527.
Customary Law and Gendered Educational Decision-making
Customary law is a recognised source of law within jurisdictions
of the civil law tradition, inferior to both statutes and regulations
(Merryman, 1985). In addition, customary law has a constitutional
foundation in some societies due to which it has increasing influence
(Slattery, 2008). In traditional societies, the role and influence of
the customary law is far beyond the other structures. The area
under study has a traditional and customary structure in shape of
Pakhtun code of life i.e. Pakhtunwali, which directs and regulates
all the communal activities. Such code includes numerous patterns,
which are declared as obligatory for all members of the society
including the Riwaj or Riwajuna (traditions) Purdah (sex segregation),
Ghairat (steadfastness) etc. that are run under the defined rules of
Pakhtunwali. The following table analyses the customary laws of
Pakhtun social organisation as responsible for gendered decision-
making in education for women among Pakhtuns. Customary law(s)
103
as variable has been evaluated in four statements i.e. C1 to C4. In
this context, a high number of respondents i.e. 55 (27.2 per cent)
regard C1 (male control over the power structure in Pakhtun society)
as a key role player in deprivation of women in educational decision-
making. Besides, Pakhtun culture has its own unique set of norms
and values that regulate the societal network and contribute to the
social circle. In this context, 47 (23.5 per cent) of the respondents
express that the men are regarded as superior among Pakhtuns by
the centuries old norms and values, which ultimately affect the
process of educational decision-making between men and women
among Pakhtuns (C2).
Table-4 Customary Law and Gendered Educational Decision-making
Categ Statements
F per cent
C.P Mean
Median
Mode
ories
C1 Males’ control over the power structure
55 27.5
27.5 2.45
2.00 1
C2 Males’ superiority in centuries old norms and values
47 23.5
51.0
C3 Women’s education is violation of Pakhtun customary laws
51 25.5
76.5
C4 Customary laws restrict women to domestic activities
47 23.5
100.0
CT Total
200 100.0
104 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
The strict and straightforward social structure of Pakhtun
culture has no space for violation of its cultural and traditional
limits. In addition, deviation from the expected path and customary
rules is dealt harshly where negative consequences are prophesized.
In this regard, 51 (25.5 per cent) respondents reveal that customary
laws do not allow women’s education and it is considered as violation
of such laws among Pakhtuns (C3) while 47 (23.5 per cent) are of
the view that the best place in a Pakhtun society for a woman is
the four wall of house. Women’s position is best suited for domestic
activities and she has to perform the domestic tasks. The mentioned
statements marked by respondents; state that the customary laws
are responsible for disparity between both the sexes in the field of
educational decision-making, while males’ control over the power
structure (C1) is mainly responsible for gender biased customary
laws, which has been favoured by majority of the respondents (see
Table-8). Application of the statistical analyses shows the mean of
data as 2.45 and standard deviation as 1.129.
Norms, Values and Gendered Educational Decision-Making
Norms in any society have central position to bring social
control as they are the established rules of behaviour or standards
of conduct (Kendall, 2008) while values are collective ideas about
what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in
a particular culture (Williams, 1970). Values do not dictate which
behaviours are appropriate and which ones are not, but they provide
the criteria by which objects, people and events are evaluated
(Kluckhohn, 1961). Both the norms and values create the codes for
life that then becomes among the most inspiring and influential rules
of conduct. In this study, the evaluation of norms and values is of
high importance, as the current study is conducted in a traditional
community while norms and values are among the core objects of a
society based on traditions.
The following table best exemplifies the role of social norms
and values in prevalence of gendered decision-making between males
105
and females. The variables are stratified in three statements in shape
of C1, C2 and C3. The empirical data explicitly reveals that social
norms and values are responsible for the gendered setup in the
target area. Pakhtun social organisation is male dominated since its
existence while the social norms are also always male oriented. 60
(30 per cent) of the respondents are of the opinion that male
orientation of social norms lead to gendered setup in the course of
educational decision-making (C1). In addition, women have restricted
mobility in Pakhtun settled areas (see table-5, C5; table-6, C2 and
table-7, C5) where they are mostly kept inside the four walls of the
houses. In this context, a majority of 88 (44 per cent) respondents
declare C2 as responsible for gendered structure because it expresses
that the social norms and values declare women as queens of
houses, which ultimately indicates that they should live inside the
houses. Furthermore, 52 (26 per cent) respondents express that the
centuries old norms and values are prevalent in Pakhtun social
organisation, which restrict women’s mobility for educational
purposes (C3).
The mentioned information elucidates the preference of
respondents in a very high ratio regarding the social norms of
Pakhtun culture that declare woman as the queen of house who
must live inside the four-walls (C2). Such information reveals the
link among the objectives; hypothesis and findings of this study,
which authenticates one another in a valid manner (see Table).
Table-5 Norms, Values and Gendered Educational Decision-Making
SOCIAL
Categ Statements
F per cent
C.P Mean
Median
Mode
ories
C1 Social norms are mostly male oriented
60 30.0
30.0 1.96
2.00 2
106 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
C2 Social norms and values declare woman as queen of home
88 44.0
74.0
C3 Norms and values restrict women’s educational mobility
52 26.0
100.0
CT Total
200 100.0
The statistical analyses in this respect express the mean of data
as 1.96 and standard deviation as 0.749.
Application and Results of Chi-Square Test
With respect to the mentioned observations and analyses of the
different variables in the above tables along-with the strong support
of respondents and the application of Chi Square test for the given
hypotheses has been proved as valid and authentic. The results of
the applied test patently show that the independent variables are in a
strong connection and association with dependant variables that are
persevering to influence each other in the mentioned settings of
Pakhtun social organisation in accordance to the educational decision-
making process. The value of Chi-Square test is P=.000**<.05,
with the Chi-square value Ç2 = 38.083 and the degree of freedom
value D.f. = 4, shows highly significant association among the
independent and dependant variables.
CONCLUSION
The empirical data of the present study patently regards and
evaluates the social structure of the research community that is
traditionally cultured and customarily inflexible. The social
organisation of the area runs under the code of Pakhtunwali that
includes the centuries old customary law and traditions. The social
organisation of Pakhtun culture has been observed as a source of
107
deprivation in the process of decision-making both at familial and
public sector. The ethnographic details of the research area further
reflect that the prevalent Pakhtun social organisation has been
intensively influenced by the patriarchic structure and male
dominance. Such a male oriented structure predominantly favours
male members almost in all spheres of life including decision-making
process. In accordance to these patriarchic and gender biased traits
of the research community, this research study is highly compatible
and has significant grounds for conduction. Education; one of the
most important and basic rights of individual, is considered as light
to the eyes is found at the verge of havoc in the area under study.
The study highlights the educational decision-making process among
Pakhtuns, as well as women’s participation in such decision. The
empirical data blatantly reveals that all the educational decisions are
taken by male members in the area. The educational decisions are
the monopoly of men, whether that relates to the education of
children or female members. The research also indicates that there
are highly scarce chances and opportunities for women to attain
education and keep it continue while males are more privileged in
this regard. In addition, analyses of the collected information show
that women have restricted educational mobility and are hampered
to move outside the four walls for such purposes. Besides, the
cultural values of Pakhtun social organisation consider women’s
education as for other, means to say that it will benefit her in-laws,
due to which she doesn’t need education.
Furthermore, the empirical analyses also show that the
patriarchic structure of Pakhtun social organisation and male
dominancy in the social structure restricts women to have decisional
power in the process of their education. All the matters concerning
women’s education are decided by men and it is the authority of
them because they are more rational in this context. Besides, the
secondary information in the study highly validates the empirical
data that culture is almost the ultimate source of women’s deprivation
from the process of educational decision-making. In addition, the
theoretical framework in this regard also have emphasises over
equality in almost all spheres of life between both the sexes. A
108 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
probable link has also been observed the theoretical perspective,
literature review and primary information that control over the power
structure, ownership of property and dominance in traditional
activities lead to gendered structure and subordination of one sex.
Recommendations
Research is among those lucrative instruments that bring
valourously and gallantly combats the social evils and blistering
social monsters. In this connection, the current study has also been
formulated to illuminate one of the social nuisances that are
persevering to jeopardise the social and national development and
equality. Resultantly, the findings and analysis of this research search
the satiable and practical solution of the discussed issue in the
following pattern:
•Empirical data of the research expresses that the research
community is dominated by patriarchy and male dominance
where males are savoring the overall authority and privileges.
In addition, the centuries old customs, traditions and code
of life intensify and instigate the other constraints as well.
The study suggests that gender equal socialisation, equal
facilitation and access to mass media needs activation in
order to reduce males’ hold and create opportunities with
respect to women’s empowerment in educational decision-
making.
•Pakhtun family reflects a traditional and customary image
in the research community that has been regarded as a
source of discrimination between males and females due to
its patriarchic structure. Males are regarded as the driving
force of family while females are suffering from vulnerability.
This research study recommends that the power structure
inside the family and in the familial matters should be equally
divided. In addition, the Pakhtun family strictly believes in
the traditional norms and values, which are almost agnatic
to women’s educational decision-making that needs
mediation and moderation to attain elegance in familial matters
including decision-making pertaining to education.
109
•The role of government in terms of policies and programmes
is very passive in respect of women’s empowerment and
participation in educational decision-making process. Further,
the hold of pressure groups and local politicians also has
no such idea regarding the importance of such issue. The
role of government is pivotal and it shall take other
organisations, responsible persons of the community and
the common people in confidence to introduce gender
balanced policies and initiate programmes, which shall
contribute in women’s social, economic and political
empowerment both in the process of familial and public
sector decision-making including education. Furthermore,
the educational institutions for women are highly scarce
that add fuel to the fire, which must be notified and honestly
considered to bring decisional equality and equalitarian
empowerment.
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115
7
Understanding the Role of Traditional Birth
Attendants in Managing Home Birthing
Aneela Sultana and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
ABSTRACT
The study deals with the social and cultural dilemmas, which
affect reproductive health of females with a particular focus on
the procedure of delivery at home and post partum care. The
principal objective of the research was to explore the relationship
between harmful social norms, individual beliefs and reproductive
health and particularly to examine how certain traditions and
home remedies jeopardise health of childbearing women. The
data was collected from 45 married females by employing
anthropological research methods including in-depth interviews,
focus group discussions and personal observation during 6
months fieldwork. The results reveal this fact that women have
little say and they are quite apprehensive about speaking out
and voicing their opinions, fearing that it may be perceived as
being offensive by their husbands and the negative consequences
that may result, such as divorce, abuse and violent backlash if
they pursue their right to conduct their delivery at hospitals.
Data indicates that 76 per cent deliveries took place at home
and only 24 per cent deliveries took place at hospitals. Dai’s
(Traditional Birth Attendants) hold a central position among
116 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
the rest of the birth attendants assisting 53 per cent of the total
deliveries. Deliveries are usually handled without using sterilised
equipment and maintaining hygiene. So Women reported many
complications including vaginal wounds because dai introduces
her hand several times to check the baby and home remedies are
also used to augment the labour. Shortly, the main argument
which emerged from this research is that having a baby is less
joyous and more risky in the context of rural women because the
process of reproduction is not actually controlled by her; rather
it is controlled by the social environment in which she lives.
INTRODUCTION
Reproductive health is a broad category and it is not limited to
the health of people in relation to the begetting of children.
Reproductive health relates to all aspects of people’s sexual and
reproductive lives. Just as everyone should have the possibility of
achieving their reproductive intentions in terms of the number and
timing of their children. For women it is based on the principle that
all women do possess the right to attain reproductive health, that is,
to regulate their fertility; to remain free of disease (sexually transmitted
diseases and reproductive tract infections), disability or risk of
maternal death; and to safely bear and raise healthy children.
Reproductive health also refers to a women’s ability to know and
enjoy her own sexuality with prior knowledge of her body and
reproductive system, her sexual capacities, and her sexual rights.
Reproductive and sexual health is thus indissolubly linked (Dixon-
Mueller, 1993).
The World Population Programme of Action (WPPA) adapted
this concept in paragraph 7.2 of its final document discussed in
Cairo as follows: “Reproductive health is a state of complete physical,
mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease
or infirmity, in all matters relating t the reproductive system and to
its functions and processes. Reproductive health therefore implies
that people are able to have a satisfying and safe sex life and that
they have the capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if,
when and how often to do so. Implicit in this last condition is the
right of men and women to be informed and to have access to safe,
117
effective, affordable and acceptable methods of family planning of
their choice, as well as other methods of their choice for the
regulation of fertility which are not against the law (emphasis
mine), and the right of access to appropriate health care services
that will enable women to go safely through pregnancy and child
birth and provide couples with the best chance of having a healthy
infant” (WPPA-World Population Programme of Action. 1994)
The issue of reproductive health is crucial, and it has been
acknowledged at the national and international level. Reproductive
health is becoming a central issue on the agendas of health and
development agencies around the world. As conceptualised by United
Nations Population Fund, reproductive health services must be
incorporated into national strategies to attain the Millennium
Development Goals. Despite this high concern, reproductive health
problems remain primary cause of ill health and maternal mortality.
According to the recent Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey
2006-07, maternal mortality ratio is 276 maternal deaths per 1,00,000
births. Postpartum hemorrhage is the leading direct cause of maternal
deaths, followed by puerperal sepsis and eclampsia. Obstetric
bleeding (postpartum and ante partum hemorrhage) is responsible
for one third of all maternal deaths.
The data imply that roughly 1 in 89 women in Pakistan will die
of maternal causes during her lifetime (lifetime risk). Among adult
women, complications of pregnancy and childbirth emerge as the
outstanding cause of death in the reproductive years accounting for
one-fifth of deaths to women of childbearing age in Pakistan.
(Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2006-07, 2008) Women
perform the duty of reproduction and in connection to that, the
burden of morbidity is carried out by them. Endorsing this point,
Oakley Ann (1997) states, “Having babies and trying not to have
babies makes women sicker than men in terms of use for hospital
and other medical services.”
Ellen S. Lazarus has also discussed issues of choice and control
related to women’s desire for and access to knowledge about
childbirth and described that “Choices and control are more limited
118 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
for poor women, who are overwhelmed with social and economic
problems. They are usually unemployed; they have less education
and more unplanned births; they start childbearing at earlier
ages……In addition, many poor women have no health insurance,
leading to fewer choices for prenatal care. Thus, many resort to
clinics for low-income patients where they often have difficulty
communicating with doctors, usually resident physicians with little
experience” (Lazarus, Ellen S., 1994)
Women are beginning to realise they must speak up for
themselves. Women’s demand for more control over their own
lives is becoming stronger as they became involved in preparations
for the 1994 United Nations International Conference on Population
and Development (ICPD), which explains the concept of safe
motherhood as, “Services based on the concept of informed choice,
should include education in safe motherhood, prenatal care, maternal
nutrition, adequate delivery assistance, referral services for pregnancy,
child birth and abortions complications, post-natal care and family
planning. All births should be assisted by trained persons”. (source:
www.weltvertrag.org)
Birth is a key point in the social life of a woman because it
raises her social status. The number of healthy children especially
males she produces actually establish her status in the family. But
poor women who lack proper health care services suffer grave
consequences. Reproduction is not just a biological process rather
it is linked with so many other socio-cultural factors. According to
Foster (1984), complexity of factors determine health care choices.
In his words, “Factors of exclusion and inaccessibility as well as
cultural factors impinge on health care decision” (Foster 1984)
A study dealing with maternal deaths in a hospital in Karachi,
Pakistan, also found that “A combination of economic, social and
cultural factors plays a more significant role in these deaths then
medical causes.” (Jaferey, 1993)
Safe pregnancy and delivery is most important pillars of women’s
reproductive healthy. Delivery by trained provider having safe
equipment and delivery kits can be helpful to improve maternal
119
health. Birth preparedness in advance increases chances for
childbearing women to reach health service when labour begins.
Consequently, it will overcome delays that causes emergency for
the women who experience obstetric complications. The following
table explains women’s birth preparedness at the national level.
Percentage of Who:
Background Discussed with Husband Set aside Money in No. of
Characteristics Where to Deliver Case of Emergency Women
<20 39.7 49.6 460
20-34 46.2 50.4 4303
35-49 33.0 50.4 915
Birth Order
1 48.9 54.7 965
2-3 49.9 52.2 1917
4-5 43.3 48.8 1389
6+ 31.4 40.0 1,406
Source: Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2006-07, 2008
The above-mentioned table shows that about two in five women
(44 per cent) who gave birth in the five years before the survey
discussed with their husband where to deliver the baby, and about
half of the women (49 per cent) set aside money in case of
emergency. Proper medical attention and hygienic conditions during
delivery can reduce the risk of complications and infections that
may cause the death or serious illness of the mother and the baby
or both. Hence, an important component in the effort to reduce the
health risks of mothers and children is to increase the proportion of
babies delivered in a safe and clean environment and under the
supervision of health professionals. Pakistan Demographic and Health
Survey 2006-07 shows the per cent distribution of live births in the
five years preceding the survey by place of delivery, according to
background characteristics.
Place of Delivery
Per cent distribution of live births in the five years preceding
the survey by place of delivery and percentage Delivered in a health
120 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
facility, according to background characteristics, Pakistan 2006-07.
Health Facility
Background Public Private Home per cent No. of
Characteristics sector sector delivered Births
in health
facility
Mother’s age at birth
<20 10.9 21.7 66.2 32.7 963
20-34 11.2 24.9 62.6 36.1 6984
35-49 9.2 15.4 73.9 24.7 1175
Birth order
1 14.1 34.2 50.8 48.3 19.2
2-3 11.7 26.8 60.9 38.5 3119
4-5 10.3 17.4 70.9 27.7 2111
6+ 7.3 13.9 77.4 21.1 1989
Source: Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2006-07
According to the above-mentioned table, only 34 per cent of
births in Pakistan take place in a health facility: 11 per cent are
delivered in a public sector health facility and 23 per cent in a
private facility. Three out of five births (65 per cent) take place at
home. The overall situation of maternal health in Pakistan is dismal.
Women residing in rural areas and low-income urban neighborhoods
are the victims of poor planning, lack of commitment, and negligence
on the part of the government health system. Majority of women
do lack access to modern health facilities. To get a better
understanding of why women do not deliver in health facilities, the
2006-07 PDHS shows that the majority of women (57 per cent)
believe it is not necessary to give birth in a health facility, while 38
per cent say that it costs too much, 7 per cent mention that delivery
in a facility is not customary, and 7 per cent said that they did not
deliver in a facility because it was too far away or that there was no
transportation. In addition, 4 per cent of women mentioned that the
facility was not open. Only 6 per cent of women reported that their
husbands or family did not allow them to deliver in a health facility.
The remaining reasons—not enough time to get to the facility, lack
121
of trust or poor quality of service, lack of a female provider available
at the facility—were reported by a lower proportion of women.
Belief that it is not necessary to deliver in a facility is the most
common reason in both urban (58 per cent) and rural areas (57 per
cent). (Statistics quoted from Pakistan Demographic and Health
Survey 2006-07)
The present study is based on the assumption that health-
seeking behaviour is influenced by the beliefs and practices
disseminated and followed in a particular culture, which are largely
socio-cultural. In a society where patriarchy rules and gender equality
is denied, the lower socio- economic status of girls and women
impacts on all areas related to their well-being but it’s negative
effects on their health is particularly significant. Reproductive health
is a broad concept encompassing maternal health (including pre-
natal and post-natal care, safe deliveries and abortions), family
planning and knowledge of contraception, female’s role in decision-
making and their access to reproductive health care services but the
present paper is focused on the process of childbirth with special
emphasis on complications encountered during home based delivery.
It also analyse the role of Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA) in
assisting mother during childbirth.
METHODOLOGY
The data analysed in this paper was collected from village
“Burhan” in district Attock, Tehsil Hassanabdal and province of
Punjab. The total population of the village according to the census
in 1998 is about 8004 persons. Due to the limitations of time the
socio-economic survey was conducted from 80 households only
and the total population of the selected households was 616 persons
comprising 56 per cent males and 64 per cent females. The survey
used a stratified sample of the entire village, and yielded a sample of
43 married females of reproductive age for detailed interviews. To
obtain such information, structured and unstructured interviews
were taken and two focus group discussions were also held with
Lady Health Visitors to cross check the data. Specific questions
were asked concerning the respondent’s knowledge and views about
122 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
traditional methods of birthing. Detailed interviews were taken from
the Traditional Birth Attendants to know about their experience,
skills and knowledge that helps them to provide assistance during
childbirth. In-depth information was collected regarding procedures
employed and equipment used by them.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The results include data from the in-depth interviews, and
qualitative information, which was obtained from Traditional Birth
Attendants and 43 married women between 15-49 years with living
children.
Delivery and Childbirth
Delivering with a skilled provider who has the required supplies
can do much to improve Maternal Health outcomes. Birth
preparedness helps ensure that women can reach professional delivery
care when labour begins. In addition, birth preparedness can help
reduce the delays that occur when women experience obstetric
complications, such as recognising the complication and deciding
to seek care, reaching a facility where skilled care is available, and
receiving care from qualified providers at the facility. Delivery is
also very important component of reproductive health care and
every woman should get access to safe deliveries. Such is the
dismal state of the reproductive health status of women in Pakistan,
that according to the UNFPA report, 1 in 188 live births results in
the death of the mother and that only 19 per cent of deliveries are
attended by a skilled health care professional. Two-thirds of pregnant
women receive no prenatal care and the same number of pregnant
women is anemic (Pakistan Population Assessment Report, 2003).
As a result, 30 women die every minute due to birth complications,
aside from the 48.9 per cent neo-natal mortality rate (Dawn, 2003).
The situation is same in the village “Burhan” where 76 per cent
deliveries took place at home and only 24 per cent deliveries took
place at hospital. (For details see table 1.1) Field findings reveal that
dai’s hold a central position among the rest of the birth attendants
as they assisted 53 per cent of the total deliveries that were
123
conducted at home. Most of the respondents were found ignorant
about the advance planning and preparation for delivery. Appropriate
hygienic conditions during delivery are helpful to diminish the dangers
of mother and child mortality. As far as the decision to choose the
place of delivery is concerned, in 60 per cent cases husband decided
the place of delivery.(for details see table 1.2) Apart from the
husband’s decision, women also showed their preference to deliver
at home. In the sample, 49 per cent respondents preferred to
deliver with the help of a dai and 28 per cent desired to be assisted
by the professional health provider/doctor. While 23 per cent women
had a clear preference for dai but in case of complications showed
willingness to consult doctor. (For details see table no 1.3) To have
a better understanding of why women do not prefer to deliver in
health centres, women were asked to explain reasons. Due to
following reasons women preferred deliveries done at home instead
of hospital.
1. Husband’s Consent: It is the old saying in the village that
obedient wives have less pain during childbirth and God
helps them. They could not go to hospital without getting
their husband’s permission. Husbands prefer to deliver at
home because nobody sees his wife and they feel ashamed
when others come to know that his wife is about to deliver
and there is also no privacy at hospital.
2.Tradition or Custom: Women also prefer dai’s because
they consider it right and easy to follow the traditions set
by their elders through generations.
3.Presence of Female Relatives:Usually mother and other
senior females gather in the room where a woman is in
labour and it enables them to bear the pains with confidence.
They also use desi totka’s (Home Remedies) to lessen her
pains while at hospital there are 4 to 6 women in labour
room at one time and doctor’s do not bother for their
crying.
4. Unaffordability: They cannot afford the expenses of
hospital because for normal delivery they take 2000 to
124 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
3000 rupees in advance and extra money is also needed to
buy medicines while the remuneration of dai is quite less
as compared to the doctor which is one of the main reasons
for their preference for dais.
5.Lack of Transport Facility: Very few people in the village
have their own transport. Public transport is not available
at night and it is dangerous to take a woman in labour by
public transport.
6. Fatalism: The fatalistic attitude of the women, which sets
fate responsible for everything, that happens to them is the
most common belief that makes no difference whether
they deliver in a health facility or consult a dai.
Literature shows that not only rural women in a developing
country Pakistan prefer delivering child at home but it is desired in
other developed countries for many reasons. Margot E. Edwards in
the context of United States says that “For many couples, Unattended
Home Birth is one event in an anti-establishment way of life that is
concerned with transcendental experience and disdains technological
advances. They seek more achievement from the act of giving birth
and prefer to place their trust in friends who have had children
themselves rather than in skilled strangers in a hospital. In perceiving
childbirth as a natural body function, Unattended Home Birth women
differ from the prevalent public view of birth as hazardous.
Unattended Home Birth parents express to a greater and more
extreme degree the attitudes of those who seek family-centred
maternity care.” (Edwards, Margot E., 1973)
Reasons for the Preference of Doctor
The overall situation of maternal health in Pakistan is miserable
especially in case of rural women residing in rural areas who become
victims of poor health planning. In the present research, only 23
per cent deliveries took place at hospital and the women who
preferred doctors for attending deliveries mentioned the following
reasons.
1. Financial Position:Financially stable and educated females
125
were found more aware about modern medical system;
that’s why, women who could afford, preferred doctors
for attending deliveries.
2. Modern Facilities: Dai’s are not capable of handling
complicated deliveries and do not have any safe delivery kit
or equipment. While hospital is equipped with modern
facilities and doctors are competent enough to handle
complicated deliveries.
3. Entitlement: Three respondents preferred hospital because
their husbands were government servants and they got
entitlement, so all the treatment at hospital was free of
cost.
Role of Traditional Birth Attendant or Dai
Assistance during delivery by skilled birth attendants is one of
the major steps to reduce the high ratio of maternal and neonatal
mortality. Field data reveals that there were two prominent dai’s in
the locale and one Lady Health Worker also provided assistance
during delivery. (See table 1.4 in annex-I, for detailed information
about their source of skills.) Dai is usually a member of the
community and women feel no hesitation in communicating with
dai. Some people also call dai’s from the neighbouring village.
They are generally wise and experienced women who have been
chosen by the women in their family or village for their practical
approach and experience. But mostly they are untrained and unskilled
by professional standards. Dai’s are contacted as it is considered
more safe and prestigious than a relative helping in delivery. Usually
dai visits the pregnant woman during the last days of pregnancy.
She is able to predict the approximate day or time of the delivery.
They are experienced enough to detect the position of the baby by
placing a hand on the body of the pregnant woman. They can also
tell whether the delivery can take place at home or that woman
needs to be taken to the hospital. They do risk assessment in the
pre-natal period and if the position of the child is not normal, which
they call “Tareda Bacha” (Child mal-positioning), then they refer
mothers to hospital.
126 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Regarding the role of dai Janet Chwala (1994) discussed that
‘Dai’ is seen as the low caste person ritually contaminated through
her handing of the dangerous and polluting effluvial of birth- a
‘glorified sweeper ‘on one hand and seen as a substandard
obstetrician’ in the modern medical system. Chawla sees ‘dai’ as a
practitioner of a holistic medicine, combining physical technique for
the management of parturition with ritual gestures that assist the
bathing process n more subtle ways-by acting on the unconscious
mind of the parturient women and affirming the positive aspects of
women’s power to bring forth new life. Thus she is a ritual
practitioner deploying a repertoire of symbolic actions that are
exclusive to the community of women, associated with the magi
co-religious tools of an agrarian society; invoking the protection of
a holistic and iconic goddess; whose realm is both life and death,
fertility and disease.
Remuneration for Attending Birth
Dai is paid in both cash and kind. When dai breaks the news
of childbirth, the father of the child gives her money known as
“Zayra”. The remuneration varies with the financial status and the
extent to which the family wants to express their happiness. But at
present the usual remuneration for dai is 300 to 600 rupees. They
are also given flour, grain, sugar, sweet meat, suit piece etc. Even
in case of stillbirth, they are awarded for their services.
Delivery Equipment
Field findings reveal that dai’s do not have any sterilised
equipment. They just go empty handed and take plastic sheet and
discarded clothes from the family. They cut the umbilical cord of
the baby with kitchen knife or scissors, and just wash it with tap
water. Then cord is tied with unboiled common thread without
using any antiseptic. So deliveries are usually handled without using
sterilised equipment and maintaining hygiene.
Delivery at Home
Dai is called when labour pains start. It was reported by the
dais that three hundred and seventy labour pains come before
127
childbirth. There are two types of contractions. Small contractions
are known as katchiya dardan. Big contractions are known as
pakkiyan dardan. Some women experience difficult labour and
contractions start 3 to 4 days prior to delivery. Dai checks the
women by placing a finger dipped with oil inside the vagina to
know how much time is left. In the beginning, contractions come
slow and usually with the interval of one hour then this time starts
decreasing gradually and contractions become intense and faster.
When contractions start dai advises woman in labour to stand up
and hold the corner of any window or door and start pushing
downward. She is also asked to keep month closed during labour
pains because if she makes noises then she would do same in all
her forth coming deliveries and it will prolong her labour pains.
Slow contractions are known as “Thundi dardan” and dai has
several home remedies for augmenting the labour. To speed up
contractions half kg hot milk with one teaspoon castor oil or desi
ghee with hot milk is given to the woman. Another frequently used
remedy is to add two raw eggs in hot milk and give to the woman
to reduce pain. Hot milk and Sundh (Dried Ginger) and hot milk
with almonds are also used for this purpose. Several home remedies
are applied by the dai to facilitate woman during child birth. Desi
ghee (Milk Fat) is warmed and haldi (turmeric) is mixed in it. Then
dai takes a swab of cotton dipped into this mixture and places it
inside the vagina. It is considered very hot. Onions and cloves are
also fried in desi ghee and placed inside the vagina in the same way.
All these home remedies help to augment the contractions. They
also use injections to make contractions quicker. Sometimes woman
is given injection three times, which causes heavy bleeding and this
unnecessary use of injections may cause death of the baby. A
woman having less amniotic fluid has difficult labour. The membrane,
which holds the amniotic fluid, is called ‘Dugi’ or ‘bag of water’.
It breaks and the baby slips with the pressure of water. All the
above-mentioned tips help to break the water and augment the
labour. To break the membrane, dai also introduces her finger into
the vagina and rotates it against the membrane. Dai also uses
knitting needle to break the ‘Dugi’. It saves the woman from
128 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
difficult labour. Delivery is done in laying and squatting position.
Healthy women deliver baby while laying on charpai (A traditional
bedstead). Weak women like to deliver in squatting position while
seated on two bricks. When the child is born dai takes the permission
from the mother three times and then cuts the umbilical cord with
kitchen knife or scissor. This is called ‘naro katna’ and then it is
tied with the unsterilised thread. Oil, antimony or desi ghee is
applied in order to heal pain.
Until the placenta comes out, dai is reluctant to inform the
mother about the sex of the child. Sometimes dai tells a lie that a
baby girl is born in order to get placenta out. Placenta which is
known as ‘oar’ in local technology should come out within 30
minutes and dai holds the top of the mother’s abdomen and does
not let her stand because placenta can go to heart and cause death.
To take out placenta there are several tips e.g. dai puts the mother’s
hair into her mouth to exert pressure on the uterus and the placenta
comes out. Mother is also asked to vomit. The husband throws the
stone from the roof of the house and it helps to take out placenta.
Another remedy is that the thumb of the husband’s foot or his
‘Nara’ (trouser string) is dipped in water and the mother drinks this
water. ‘Tawa’ (An iron plate used for making bread) is kept under
mother’s back to hot compress it but if the placentas is not coming
then dai hung scissor at the end of the cord, to prevent it from
going back inside the mother and recommends to take her to hospital
because placenta is believed to be full of poison and it causes death.
If any piece of placenta is left inside, it causes many infections and
diseases e.g. bleeding, abdominal pain, jaundice etc. Placenta is
buried anywhere. One respondent who was Awan by caste said that
it is their tradition to keep placenta inside the room for 7 days and
then it is buried. Dai washes the baby and cleans all other things
like floor and clothes. Several beliefs are held in relation to delivery.
Women should keep away from cool air. Air should not enter into
the vagina. It causes pain, which continues throughout her life.
Soon after delivery mother is given haldi ‘turmeric’. It is considered
hot and helpful to save the mother from backache. For the first ten
days after delivery dai visits the client twice a day for massage and
129
washing clothes. She also suggests diet for the mother.
Complications during Delivery
Worldwide, a large amount of maternal deaths occurs during
the 24 hours after delivery. In addition, the first two days following
delivery are critical for monitoring complications arising from the
delivery. (Pakistan Health and Demographic Survey 2006-07) Data
shows that dais do try to provide assistance during delivery in their
own capacity keeping in mind their knowledge and experience in
this profession. Despite supervision, delivering mothers experienced
various kinds of problems. (For details see table 4.5) according to
their opinion, women who were weak but their babies were healthy,
suffered more pain. Some women also complained of prolong labour
especially at the time of first birth. Injections, which are used to
induce labour, cause bleeding because they are very hot. Women
who delivered with operation also bleed too much. Epiziotomy was
done at hospital to facilitate delivery because the women having
small uterus and healthy babies required operation. Other
complications included mal-position of baby and high blood pressure.
Women had vaginal wounds because dai introduces her hand several
times to check the baby and home remedies are also used to
augment the labour. Still babies were also born due to parchawan/
suraishna (evil shadow that is transferable) or Injections. In case of
mal-position dai massages the stomach to adjust the position the
baby. The woman who had less amniotic fluid was given drip with
injection in it. The women believe that at the time of childbirth
mother is very close to God and she is forgiven for her past
misdeeds, as a reward for the pains she has suffered.
CONCLUSION
This study was conducted to assess the role of traditional birth
attendants (TBAs) OR Dais to facilitate childbirth. In-Depth
interviews revealed that the TBAs are multi-functional. Apart from
their main role of assisting new mother during childbirth, they
perform other tasks such as identification and screening of maternal
risks and expected abnormalities among new born, counseling during
pre-natal and post-natal experience, provision of massage services
130 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
etc. The reasons given by childbearing mothers for preferring home
based deliveries through TBAs include recommendation of husband,
low cost, presence of the family members and relatives at the time
of delivery, fatalistic attitude and confidence on their skills because
of assumed respect for prevalent tradition in the community. The
results of the study suggest that the importance of traditional birth
attendants cannot be denied particularly in rural settings where
delivery at home is preferred. That is why a crucial step to reduce
maternal and child mortality ratio is to register all Traditional Birth
Attendants and provide them necessary equipment and technical
knowledge. The professional training of Traditional Birth Attendants
and their evaluation of their performance must be prioritised on
urgent basis.
REFERENCES
Dawn. (2003, Feb 5). Birth complications kill 30 women every minute.
Dawn: Karachi.
Dixon-Mueller, R. (1993). Population’s policy and Women’s rights:
transforming Reproduction Choice. Praeger Publishers: Westport.
Edwards, Margot E. (1973). Unattended Home Birth. The American
Journal of Nursing, 73(8).
Foster, George M. (1984). ‘Anthropological Research Perspectives on
Health Problems in Developing Countries. ‘Social Sciences and
Medicines. 18(10), 847-857.
Jaferey S.N., & Korejo R. (1993). Mothers Brought Dead: An Enquiry
into Causes of Delay. Social Sciences and Medicine. 36, 371-2.
Janet Chwala. (1994). Child Bearing and Culture: Women Centreed
Revisioning of the Traditional Midwife: The ‘dai’ as a Ritual
Practitioner. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.
Lazarus, Ellen S. (1994).What Do Women Want? Issues of Choice,
Control, and Class in Pregnancy and Childbirth, Medical
Anthropology Quarterly. 8(1).
National Institute of Population Studies (NIPS), & Macro International
Inc. (2008). Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2006-07.
Islamabad, Pakistan: National Institute of Population Studies and
Macro International Inc.
131
Oakley, Ann. (1997). Beyond the Yellow Wallpaper. Reproductive Health
Matter. 5(10), 29-39.
Pakistan Population Assessment Report (2003). United Nations.
Population Fund & the Ministry of Population Welfare: Government of
Pakistan.
WPPA-World Population Programme of Action (1994). United Nations
International Conference on Population and Development: United
States.
WEB SOURCE
www.weltvertrag.org
ANNEX-I
Table 1: Percentage of Deliveries Assisted
S. No. Who Assisted No. of Respondents
(%) n = 43
1. Dai 23(53)
2. Older women of the house 8(19)
3. Doctor 10(23)
4. Unattended 2(5)
Table 2: Decision-Making for Pregnant Woman
S. No. Category No. of persons
(%) n = 43
1. Herself 2
2. Husband 26
3. Old Ladies 15
Table 3 Preference Order
S. No. Preferences No. of Respondents
(%) n = 43
1. Dai 21(49)
2. Doctors 12(28)
3. Dai but in case of complications go to hospital 10(23)
Table 4 Sources of Skill
132 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
S. No. Name Source of Skill
1. “A” DAI Skill gifted by pir
2. “B” DAI Self-trained
3. Lady Health Worker Got training from
Government Health Centre
Table 5 Complications during Delivery
S. No. Complications No. of Respondents
(%) n = 43
1. Pain 19 (44)
2. Prolonged delivery or obstructed labour 14(33)
2. Excessive bleeding 13(28)
4. Epiziotomy/small operation 6(14)
5. Vaginal wounds 6(14)
6. Still birth 5(12)
7. Mal-position 2(5)
8. Placenta left inside 3(7)
9 Caesarian 3(7)
10. Twin pregnancy 2(5)
11. Head was stuck 1(2)
12. Less amniotic fluid 1(2)
133
8
Services Provided to Marginalise Women:
Case Study of Dar-ul-Aman
Yasir Saeed, Mah-Rukh, Sharjeela and Rehan Ilyas
ABSTRACT
Dar-ul Aman is a shelter home for protecting women who are
deprived of social support. The main objective of the research
was to look at the services provided by Dar-ul-Aman either these
women are satisfied or not with the Dar-ul-Aman. It was designed
to conduct by retrospective method of research and universe of
the study was comprised of respondents who were the residing in
Dar-ul-Aman. The researcher used the qualitative research design
and drawn sample of 14 respondents by using purposive
sampling technique from the Dar-ul-Aman of Lahore and Gujrat.
The respondents were selected based on characteristics like (a)
demographic profile of the respondents (b) level of
marginalisation and (c) satisfaction towards Dar-ul-Aman. Seven
respondents were from Gujrat and seven were from Lahore Dar-
ul-Aman. The researcher conducted in-depth interviews by using
the interview guide for data collection. Findings revealed that
most of the respondents were satisfied with the services provided
in both Dar-ul-Amans. Researcher concluded that the respondents
of Gujrat Dar-ul-Aman were more satisfied than the respondents
of Lahore Dar-ul-Aman.
134 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
INTRODUCTION
Over half of the world’s population is female, yet they unjustly
receive an unfair balance in life from conception. Not one society is
spared from its second class treatment of the female population
(Clifford, 2011). In spite of many protection bills, laws, Non-
Government Organisations (NGOs) and social welfare agencies,
women have to suffer for their rights. In this case, domestic violence
is the most prevalent form of abuse against women and girls and it
is only one of many challenges and abuse that women face. When a
woman leaves her home, she would be facing very hostile
environment, unbearable life and searching for more favourable and
friendly environment (DAWN, 2009). In this case, Government
gives them shelter homes, Dar-ul-Aman and protection homes. There
are currently many Dar-ul-Amans in different areas of Pakistan
operated by Social Welfare Department of their respective provinces.
Dar-ul-Aman is basically an institution that protects the women
who are deprived of family support due to some reasons. Its purpose
is to rehabilitate needy women either by arranging, settlement or by
marriages after the decision of the cases. Dar-ul-Aman is a shelter,
which secures and helps the marginalised women in Pakistan. The
women are sent to Dar-ul-Aman who faces domestic violence,
divorced, forced marriages, threats of honour killings, homeless
women, widowed women, young girls without a guardian.
Living in Dar-ul-Aman, is very difficult and painful particularly
for a woman and that also in a society that heavily tilted against the
female. The word marginalisation refers to a social process of
becoming or being made to marginal, that is, to be relegated or
confined to a lower social standing or outer limit or edge in terms
of social standing. Being marginalised therefore refers to a process
of being separated from the rest of the society, to be uprooted from
the original place and to have been forced to the fringe or periphery
of the circle called society (Goswami, 2007). Marginalised woman
refers to a woman who has been pressed to the limits, treated as an
inhuman behaviour. People are pressed to the limits because a
society refuses to acknowledge their needs, their beliefs, and their
concerns. The homeless are often viewed as marginalised from
135
majority of the society. These women are in very miserable and
helpless condition and in spite of this, they have to live in this
society and have to face the entire problem from society as well as
their families. To think about these issues, there is a need of
improvement in the number and capacity of Dar-ul-Aman.
Services Provided by Dar-ul-Aman
Dar-ul-Aman is providing a wide range of services. There are 8
Shelter Homes (Dar-ul-Aman) in Gujranwala, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad,
Sargodha, Multan, Bahawalpur and Lahore. These protection homes
are established to provide direct relief and shelter to women/girls in
distress. Categories of women in distress including referred by
courts, referred by NGOs, and women may approach to these
homes at their own for shelter. Further, 26 new Shelter Homes at
remaining districts are also being established. In Punjab, there are
many Dar-ul Amans in almost each of its districts and almost all of
them remain over crowded, as violence and discrimination against
women is out of control in our society. In Dar-ul-Aman, the number
of living women is higher than actual capacity of the building.
Moreover, the inmates should be provided free, proper and quick
legal aid, which should be coming forth from the provincial
government. In addition, there is a need of proper arrangements for
mental and physical rehabilitation and professional training so that
when a victim of domestic violation leaves this shelter home, she is
able to become a successful member of our society and not as a
psychiatric patient. These women are admitted in Dar-ul Aman by
different ways. Some women come through their own base or with
the help of some one or by court orders but in some emergency
cases the court orders that there is a need of immediate protection
to this victim. Furthermore, these women cannot leave Dar-ul Aman
on their own without court orders and when they wish to do so
sometimes, they are given in the hands of their relatives who were
the actual cause of their leaving the home.
Some bills passed by the Government against domestic violation
and it is a refreshing sign on the part of the government but the real
test would be its implementation as there already exist some women-
136 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
friendly laws but they are not being acted ahead. In Punjab, different
Dar-ul-Aman is working not only for the protection of women but
also for the establishing a comprehensive care of their children.
This comprehensive support includes medical, legal and psychological
aid as well as educational, ethical and social services. Preceding
this, the satisfaction of marginalised women is seen, that they are
satisfied in Dar-ul-Aman. A woman, who has been pushed to the
boundaries, viewed as less than human and treated as an inhuman
behaviour. Women are owned as property, forced to marry, denied
education, and victimised by violence and assault. These women
who are totally fed up with the inhuman behaviour of their parents
and in-laws and husbands, move towards the Dar-ul-Aman and
seek the satisfaction that they do not find in their homes. Finally,
this study investigated that what kind of services provided by Dar-
ul-Aman and what is the level of satisfaction of marginalised women?
The major objectives of this study are to find out different services
providing by Dar-ul-Aman to women and the level of satisfaction of
marginalised women in Dar-ul-Aman.
Objectives of the Study
1. To find out different services providing by Dar-ul-Aman to
women.
2. To know the level of satisfaction of marginalised women in
Dar-ul-Aman.
Research Question
What kind of services provided by Dar-ul-Aman and what is
the level of satisfaction of marginalised women?
Literature Review
Thompson (1999) conducted a study on the determinants of
runaway episodes among adolescents using crisis shelter services.
This study investigated youth and family factors associated with
runaway episodes. Findings demonstrated that characteristics of
adolescents and family factors were significant predictors of
adolescents’ runaway episodes when statistically controlling for
region of the country. Social workers in emergency youth shelters
137
and child welfare settings were in a unique position to develop
effective strategies to meet the needs of this high-risk group of
young people.
Tutty (2011) conducted a study on the residents’ views of the
efficacy of shelter services for assaulted women. This qualitative
study consisted of in-depth interviews with 63 shelter residents.
Thirty-five of these women were interviewed in follow-ups 4 to 6
months later. In each interview, they were asked what they found
helpful during their shelter stay. Residents were positive about the
supportive nature of the staff, safety, relationships with other
residents, and the childcare. Residents expressed some concerns about
the availability of counseling from busy staff and the appropriateness
of some shelter residents. Generally, the women endorse shelters as
resources that save lives.
Rosa (1999) conducted a study on the service utilisation among
homeless and runaway youth in Los Angeles, California. The purpose
of the study was to describe the service utilisation patterns of
homeless and runaway youth and contextualize the findings with
qualitative data. Shelter use was strongly associated with use of all
other services. Despite youths’ generally positive reactions to services,
barriers were described including restrictive rules, confidentiality
and reporting problems, and negative interactions with staff members.
Youth suggested improvements including more targeted services,
more long-term services, revised age restrictions, and more and/or
better job training and transitional services to get them off the
streets. Researcher concluded that shelters and drop-in centres act
as gateways to other services and offer intervention potential for
these hard-to-reach youth, it was vital that barriers to use of these
services were eliminated.
Spiro (2009) conducted a study on the dimensions and correlated
of client satisfaction and an evaluation of a Shelter for Runaway
and Homeless Youth. Client satisfaction surveys give clients a voice
in the planning and management of services. In this article, the
authors presented findings of a client satisfaction survey conducted
among residents of a shelter for homeless youths in Tel Aviv, Israel,
138 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
shortly after their departure from the shelter. Mainly three aspects
of life in the shelter – the staff, the food, and the other residents –
affected satisfaction. Satisfaction was related to adjustment to the
shelter but not to outcomes. The survey highlights the potential and
limitations of client satisfaction surveys with young persons in
distress.
Zahari et al. (2006) conducted a study on the program and
services management at university Utara Malaysia. This descriptive
research dealt with the program and service satisfaction of graduates
in terms of (1) Curriculum, (2) Career and Counseling Services, (3)
Teaching Staff, and (4) Facilities at University Utara Malaysia.
Differences in satisfaction were also ascertained when the
respondents were grouped by demographic characteristics such as
gender, ethnicity, entry qualification, field of study, and work status.
It is concluded that services were provided and the women
were satisfied with the services. Residents, runaway girls, youth
and abused women were positive about the supportive nature of the
staff, safety, relationships with other residents, and the childcare
and services. Residents expressed some concerns about the availability
of counseling from busy staff and the appropriateness of some
shelter residents. Youth suggested improvements including more
targeted services, more long-term services, revised age restrictions,
and more and/or better job training and transitional services to get
them off the streets. Researcher concluded that shelters and drop-
in centres act as gateways to other services and offer intervention
potential for these hard-to-reach youth, it is vital that barriers to use
of these services are eliminated.
MATERIAL AND METHODS
For the present study, researcher used qualitative research design
and it aimed to explore the satisfaction level of marginalised women
living in Dar-ul-Aman. Non-probability sampling was used to select
sample for data collection and used purposive sampling technique.
A sample size of 14 marginalised women was drawn out from
target population. The respondents were selected based on
characteristics like:
139
a) Demographic profile of the respondents
b) Level of marginalisation
c) Satisfaction towards Dar-ul-Aman
The target population of present study was the women living in
shelter homes of Gujrat and Lahore. Seven respondents were from
Gujrat and seven were from Lahore Dar-ul-Aman. It was an
exploratory research, which was designed to conduct by
retrospective1 method of research. Case study method was used to
analyse the responses in order to have more holistic view. The
researcher used semi-structured interview guide (in-depth interviews)
to collect data. In-depth interviews were conducted from respondents
who were living in Dar-ul-Aman. For pre-testing two in-depth
interviews were conducted from Gujrat and two from Lahore Dar-
ul-Aman.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
The present study was an attempt to find out the satisfaction
level of marginalised women and the role of the various Dar-ul-
Amans with reference to the provisions of the services and facilities
in the context of social and psychological issues. The basic purpose
of the study was to see that whether these marginalised women
were satisfied or not with the services of Dar-ul-Aman. Findings
revealed that both Dar-ul-Amans were providing services and basic
needs like food, clothing, and up to certain extend medical facilities.
However, the standards of the services varied in both Dar-ul-Amans.
It was because of governing bodies as Government of the Punjab
operated some and Private bodies. Findings documented that among
such cases mostly respondents were married with age range of 19-
40 years. Some women who were single and left their houses
because of forced marriage or exchange marriage. Lahore Dar-ul-
Aman was playing a vital role in the provision of services where
various trainings were provided like sewing, bangles painting,
1Retrospective study is that in which researcher takes information about the
past events. In this study, academic trends of the students of UOG were
asked by the researcher; so this study can also be called retrospective study.
140 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
embroidery, social and psychological counseling. Such kinds of
services were also provided in other Dar-ul-Aman but with different
intensity and frequency.
In Gujrat Dar-ul-Aman, half of the respondents were not proper
satisfied with the environment of Dar-ul-Aman. Worth mentioning
thing was that respondents felt a sense of security and were satisfied
as they were able to had legal facilities from lawyers through this
Dar-ul-Aman and this way they were able to cope with their legal
needs. Another thing was noted by the researcher that respondents
took these rehabilitative activities positively and considered them as
helpful for their future in the context of socially and economically
well-being. Preceding this, In Lahore Dar-ul-Aman, some
respondents said that they are getting not only the basic services
but also the career, goal-oriented and counselling services as Zahari
(2006) conducted in his study on the program and services
management at University Utara Malaysia. In Gujrat Dar-ul-Aman,
respondents said that they had not the facility of job and education
outside the Dar-ul-Aman as Khan (1999) said in his study on the
mobility of women and access to health and family planning services
were limited in Pakistan. In Gujrat Dar-ul-Aman, respondents showed
the positive response during their shelter stay as Tutty (2011) said
in his study on the residents’ views of the efficacy of shelter
services for assaulted women. In each interview, they were asked
what they found helpful during their shelter stay. Residents were
positive about the supportive nature of the staff, safety, relationships
with other residents, and the child care.
CONCLUSION
Following conclusion had been drawn in the light of data analysis
and discussion made with the respondents.
•Researcher concluded that the women left their homes
because of domestic violence and these were the women
who were not educated, not working so they were
vulnerable to face such domestic violence.
•Most of them were married, illiterate and came to the Dar-
ul-Aman to protect them. Some women left their homes
141
due to forced marriages, domestic violence and in the case
of love marriages.
•However when they joined Dar-ul-Aman they were provided
with certain skills and some awareness programmes like
human rights, social and gender issues. In spite of having
security, basic needs and certain trainings, women
considered Dar-ul-Aman like a prison and they wanted to
get rid of that life and wanted to live in society or with
their family.
•Most of the respondents were satisfied with the services
provided by Dar-ul-Aman but in the sense of their family
issues, they were feeling discomfort.
REFERENCES
Clifford, Cassandra (2011), “Are girls still marginalised? Discrimination
and Gender Inequality in Today’s Society!”, Hue in the World,
retrieved from http://hueintheworld.wordpress.com.
Goswami, B, (2007), “Narrative Strategy And Double Marginalisation
In Aranyak (1938), A Bengali Novel By Bibhutibhusan
Bandyopadhyay”, Anonymous Publisher.
Hashmi M, (2009), “Darul Aman in Punjab”. The DAWN, Daily newspaper.
Published on August 23rd, 2009.
Khan, A. (1999), “Mobility of women and access to health and family
planning services in Pakistan”, Reproductive Health Matters,
Elsevier Ltd. 7(14), November 1999: 39-48.
Thompson, S. J. and Pillai, V. K., (2006), “Determinants of runaway
episodes among adolescents using crisis shelter services”,
International Journal of Social Welfare, 15(2): 142–149, April 2006,
published by John Wiley & Sons.
Tutty, L. M., Weaver, G., and Rothery, M. A., (2011), “Residents’ views
of the efficacy of shelter services for assaulted women”, Violence
against Women, August 1999 5: 898-925, by Sage publications.
Rosa,C. J. D., Montgomery, S. B., Kipke, M. D., Iverson, E., Joanne, L.
M., Unger, J. B., (1999), “service utilisation among homeless and
runaway youth in Los Angeles, California”, Journal of Adolescent
Health, Volume 24, Issue 3, March 1999: 190-200.
142 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Spiro, S. E., Dekel, R., and Peled, E., (2009), “Dimensions and Correlates
of Client Satisfaction and an Evaluation of a Shelter for Runaway
and Homeless Youth”, Research on Social Work Practice, 19(2):
261-270.
Zahari, A., Segumpan, Soraya, J., and Gacho, R., (2006), “Program and
service management at University Utara Malaysia: how satisfied are
the graduates?” Asean Journal University of Education, 2 (1): 80-
97, University Utara Malaysia.
143
9
To Access the Sexual Harassment at
Workplace: A Descriptive Study of
Professional Women in Pakistan
Rizwana Yousaf and Nasir Mahood
ABSTRACT
This study has examined the perception of Doctors, Nurses,
Teachers, Lawyers and Bankers about the concept of harassment
at workplaces in Pakistan with reference to its prevalence and
structure and its effect on women professional competence. Present
research included sample of 160 and Non-probability purposive
sampling was used to conduct the research. Pearson Chi Sq. was
used to determine the association between the perceptions of
professional about the Harassment of women. Thematic fields
were drawn from Open-ended questions about the effect of
harassment on women professional competence. Study suggested
sexual harassment at workplace adversely affect the women’s
performance at workplace. Those who experience sexual
harassment at workplace might be less active, psychologically
disturbed, or in some cases tend to leave their jobs.
144 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
INTRODUCTION
Sexual harassment at work is an affront to the dignity of
workers. It violates the fundamental human and workers’ rights of
both women and men; it poses an occupational safety and health
risk, and adversely affects productivity. Sexual harassment is
increasingly viewed as one of the most rigorous forms of violence
against women in the workplace and is particularly a problem in the
new global economy where the work force is comprised largely of
young women (Karega 2002). Sexual Harassment is a common
occupational hazard for working women, with approximately half
of all working women experiencing at least one sexually harassing
incident in the workplace (Illes, Hauserman, Schwochau & Stibal,
2003). Sexual harassment has been associated with a variety of
negative psychological, health, and work/academic outcomes, such
as increased posttraumatic stress, depression, anxiety, job
dissatisfaction, diminished work productivity, and physical health
problems (Avina & O’Donohue, 2002; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007);
Sexual harassment in the workplace is increasingly recognised
as a stressor with serious consequences for employees and
organisations alike. Spurred originally by the Equal Employment
Research has documented some of the negative effects of harassment
experiences, including decreased morale and increased absenteeism
(U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, 2005), decreased job
satisfaction (Gruber, 1992), job loss and deteriorating relationships
with coworkers. Such studies illustrate that harassment represents
a serious risk to employees’ psychological and physical well-being.
It is reported that literally thousands of female federal employees
experienced deterioration in their emotional or physical condition
because of sexual harassment. College students who reported
increased schoolwork avoidance, less satisfaction with teachers
and the institution, increased psychological distress, and poorer
self-esteem compared to those who experienced a single form of
harassment (Buchanan,Bergman, Bruce, & Lichty, 2008). In another
study, African American female firefighters reported that harassment
not only targeted them based on their race and gender, but that it
145
had added deleterious effects on their work lives. As a result of
being excluded from occupational opportunities and social activities,
they experienced increased marginalisation at work, which was
doubly difficult to overcome because they were women of color
(Yoder & Aniakudo, 1997).
Psychological effects on women may persist for years after the
harassment has ended (Fitzgerald, Swan & Magley, 1997);
performance as well as coworker-relations could have suffered.
Few studies so far have investigated negative work-related
consequences immediately after the event. The data from Satterfield
and Muehlenhard (1997) indicated that women felt less satisfied
with their creativity on a task after experiencing a flirtatious situation.
Likewise, Woodzicka and LaFrance (2005) showed that the
performance in a job interview was worse when the interviewee
was asked harassing questions. For retrospective studies, evidence
is firmly established that performance and other job-related outcomes
suffer when employees are harassed (Topa Cantisano et al., 2008).
Considering that half of all working women will experience sexual
harassment and 40-76 per cent of ethnic minorities experience
racial harassment annually (Berdahl & Moore, 2006).
Harassment affects all women who suffer it; almost 80-90 per
cent of women in public transports and markets, on the roads and
recreational spots, and in the workplace experience the sexual
harassment. Despite the increased penetration of women into the
workforce in countries (Guerrier and Adib 2004), this can increase
women’s vulnerability to sexual harassment (Konrad and Gutek
1986) and gender-based harassment at workplace. A study was
recently concluded in Pakistan by the Alliance against Sexual
Harassment at the Workplace (AASHA), it was a “Situation Analysis
- Sexual Harassment at the Workplace. Most working women in
Pakistan at one time or another face violation of their rights from
their colleagues, bosses or employers. The report is based on
interviews with nurses in private and public sector hospitals,
domestic workers, women workers in agricultural fields and brick
kilns, women employees at multinational companies, public and
private sector organisations and retail outlets. Of 17 nurses (between
146 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
16 and 21 years), interviewed 58 per cent faced sexual harassment
by co-workers, patients or their relatives, and doctors. Only 11 per
cent denied its existence while 29 per cent refused to talk. 91 per
cent of the interviewed domestic workers (14 to 30 years) said
they faced harassment from their employers. Similarly, 93 per cent
of women employees in private and public sector organisations said
they faced sexual harassment at the workplace. Most victims were
dated by co-workers and employers, threatened when they refused
to comply with sexual propositions by their bosses, and faced
sexually suggestive comments. At brick kilns and in agricultural
fields the situation is particularly disturbing – the incidence of sexual
harassment here is as high as 95 per cent. Interviewees said they
faced harassment, or were raped and tortured by their employers.
(Khan 2000, Muddassir 2003)
Sexual harassment research has been the attempt to differentiate
traits consensual forms of workplace sexuality from sexual
harassment (Dellinger and Williams 2002). Sexual harassment is
subjective experience and is carried out in a specific social situation.
For example, asking personal questions or taking about weather is
perfectly normal in normal and equal relationship, but at a work
situation where male and female workers are not well acquainted,
such questions or ‘advancement’ could constitute harassment. It is
very difficult to define the harassment because it can vary from
person to person perception. For example, if a male colleague is
appreciating a female colleague’s dress, she might perceive it as a
compliment at the same time another women may perceive it as
harassment; interpretation of one anothers action is important. The
first women might interpret it as a friendly and frank gesture and
the second one, who did not have symbolically shared interpretation,
might perceive it differently. For example, “In many situations,
sexual harassment occurs when there are unwanted and unwelcome
advancements from a male colleague. The harassment becomes
more injurious when the harasser could read the message from the
victim and continued his advancements. Harassment may be
established by a single serious incident or a pattern of less severe
but repeated behaviours. Therefore, measure of sexual harassment
147
must assess the overall pattern of diverse workplace behaviours as
well as their severity (Uggen, 2004).
As many women couldn’t afford to quit jobs due to harassment
at workplaces, they try to avoid situations like not meeting those
male colleagues. If it is necessary to meet them, women try to meet
them during those times when other colleagues are also present in
harasser office, try to finish their work during office hours and
women avoid late sitting in offices, avoid travelling alone with
harassers, etc. Even those women who manage to avoid firsthand
experience with it are negatively impacted by its practice (MacKinnon
1979); they might be less active at workplace, physically and
psychologically disturbed; that’s why their personal and professional
life get effected (Morgan 2001). However, in Pakistani society even
those who muster enough courage to go public with their trauma
find no justice; the country simply does not have the mechanism to
deal with such cases. Besides, public, private and many not-for-
profit organisations are also not prepared to address cases of sexual
harassment if these are brought to their notice. (Muddassir Rizvi
2003). Women have historically been, and still are, far more likely
to suffer. There are different types of harassing behaviours which a
woman can experience at workplace like offensive jokes, remarks
or gossips, intrusive questions, invasion of personal space, unwanted
touching, offensive pictures or other materials, physical assault
(Uggen and Blackstone 2004, Martin 2001), verbal aggression,
obscenity, property damage, telephone threats and stalking (Fisher
et al 1995), and bullying is a form of harassment that is recognised
increasingly as an occupational issue and a work based stressor
(Taylor et Al 1999).
Sexual harassment is ubiquitous and insidious; it affects women
in all settings whether public or private and has psychological,
medical, social, political, legal and economic implications. Instances
of sexual harassment should not be viewed as isolated incidents;
rather they should be construed as a gendered aggression against
the rights and dignity of women. The fact that its pernicious effects
are visible globally discounts any effort to view it with less gravity
than it deserves. According to a study by the International Labour
148 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Organisation (ILO) in 1992, in the 23 countries surveyed, 15-30
per cent of working women had been subjected to sexual harassment,
which varied from explicit demands for sexual intercourse to
offensive remarks. One out of 12 women surveyed had to quit her
job. Some of them were dismissed. The issue of sexual harassment
has been in the forefront of western women’s movements for
equality and in the efforts to make educational institutions and
workplaces safer. (Chaudhuri Swati 1998)
Sexual harassment does affect the individual on personal and
job related issues. At personal level studies have shown that
harassment may impair women’s physical and mental health in a
number of ways. With respect to the physical health, women may
experience headaches, sleep disturbance, nausea, weight loss or
gain and sexual dysfunction. Common consequences for mental
health include anxiety and depression (Sever 1996) a victim might
be sea red about the effect it will have on them as they might be
labeled a trouble maker (Wilson & Thompson 2001). According to
Karega (2002) victims of sexual abuse in the workplace suffered
from depression, psychological instability, feeling of helplessness,
humiliation and shame. Unfortunately the more financially unstable
the women are the more vulnerable they for sexual harassment.
Those women who do not yield to sexual harassment because
they wanted a better house are actually thrown out of the houses.
The house is given to women who do give in to sexual intimidation.
The women are also in constant danger of being fired any time. 95
per cent women of all women who had suffered from workplace
sexual abuse were afraid to report the problem due to the fear of
losing the jobs (Karega 2002). Harassment is inextricably linked
with women’s disadvantaged status at work and subordinate position
in the society (Wilson & Thompson 2001).
Research Questions
1. What is harassment?
2. What are the factors, which are related to the perception of
sexual harassment (attitude towards sexual harassment and
familiarity)?
149
3. If some women are less and some are more accepting the
harassing behaviours, what are the reasons behind it?
Objectives of the Study
1. To empirically explore and analyse the concept of harassment
at workplaces in Pakistan, its prevalence, perception and
structure.
2. What do professionals regard as harassment?
3. To what extent harassment at workplaces is prevalent in
Pakistan
4. To explore and identify types of harassments.
5. To explore the factors which are contributing to harassment
of females at workplace?
MATERIAL AND METHODS
The researcher used non-probability purposive sampling
technique intentionally for the inclusion of mix gender workplaces
at first stage. However, within the Universe researchers prepared
the sampling frame by getting relevant information about the
population and made the quotas of Doctors, Nurses, Teachers,
Bankers and Lawyers. Sample of the study was n = 160, each
quota (30 per cent) made the sample. Data has been collected by
constructing an Interview Schedule. Data was collected on
Professional’s perception about the harassment which were Patting,
Suggestive remarks, Pinching, Whistling, Staring, Comments about
physical, appearance, Property damage, Telephone threats, Stalking
bullying, Intrusive questions, Invasion of personal space, Unwanted
touching, Demands of sexual favours, Offensive pictures or other
materials, Physical Assault. Perception of each profession has also
been measured separately. At the same time the perception of
harassment on women’s emotional, mental, psychological,
Professional well being was also measured.
Data Analysis
150 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Table No 1: Perception of Professional
SR # Harassment Perception Male Female
Doctors Bankers Lawyers nurses Teachers Doctors Bankers Lawyers nursesTeachers
1Patting .69 .54 .81 1.0 .83 .81 .44 1.0 .76 .76
2Suggestive remarks .69 .54 .52 1.0 1.0 .75 .86 1.0 .76 .88
3Pinching .85 .67 1.0 1.0 1.0 .94 .78 1.0 .79 .96
4Whistling 1.0 .83 1.0 1.0 1.0 .87 .89 1.0 .74 .96
5Staring 1.0 .92 1.0 1.0 .83 .87 .78 1.0 .82 .88
6Comments about
physical appearance .92 .87 .71 1.0 1.0 .94 .89 1.0 .87 .92
7Property damage .92 .87 .76 1.0 .67 .81 .78 .50 .84 .80
8Telephone threats 1.0 .79 1.0 1.0 .67 .94 .89 1.0 .60 1.0
9Stalking bullying .92 .54 1.0 01.0 .81 .89 0.92 .96
10 Intrusive questions 1.0 .63 .90 1.0 .83 1.0 .78 1.0 .87 .84
11 Invasion of personal space .92 .79 .81 1.0 .83 1.0 .78 1.0 .66 .92
12 Unwanted touching 1.0 .92 .67 1.0 .83 .94 1.0 1.0 .84 .92
13 Demands of sexual favours 1.0 .96 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 .89 1.0 .84 .92
14 Offensive pictures or
other materials 1.0 .92 .90 1.0 1.0 1.0 .89 1.0 .74 .84
15 Physical Assault 1.0 1.0 .81 1.0 .67 1.0 1.0 1.0 .84 .96
151
In order to measure the association between the respondents’
occupation and their perception about different harassment acts.
Ratios of the responses have been counted at the first stage. To
count the ratio of perception first male doctors were taken. Those
who said the following action or gestures is harassment all the
responses of positive endorsement have been counted then it was
divided with total number of male doctor’s population. (e.g. in male
doctors for patting nine male out of thirteen said that patting is
harassment so 9/13 = .69) This procedure has repeated for all the
other professions, first for all male respondents then for all female
respondents as per their profession.
Table no.2: Perception of Professionals about Harassment
Where both male and female respondent were of equal opinion
on harassment, it was categorised as high harassment perception.
Where perception of female was high in comparison with male it
was categorised as medium harassment perception. On the other
hand, where perception of male was high in comparison with female,
it was categorises a low harassment perception
Table no.2 (a): Doctor’s Perception
Harassment Perception Doctors Bankers Lawyers Nurses Teachers Total
Extreme perception 5.0 5.0 5.0 0 2.0 17.0
Expected frequency 3.4 3.4 3.4 3.4 3.4 17.0
Moderate perception 4.0 6.0 9.0 1.0 5.0 25.0
Expected frequency 5.0 5.0 5.0 5.0 5.0 25.0
Least perception 6.0 4.0 1.0 14.0 8.0 33.0
Expected frequency 6.2 6.2 6.2 6.2 6.2 31.0
Total 29.6 29.6 29.6 29.6 29.6 148
Chi sq. value 27.6
Level of significance was 0.02
As data was collected on Professional’s perception about the
harassment which were Patting, Suggestive remarks, Pinching,
Whistling, Staring, Comments about physical, appearance, Property
damage, Telephone threats, Stalking bullying, Intrusive questions,
Invasion of personal space, Unwanted touching, Demands of sexual
152 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
favours, Offensive pictures or other materials and Physical Assault.
As per the responses of professionals their perception were
categorised accordingly
Level of Harassment Type of Harassment
High Comments about physical appearance, Intrusive
questions, Demands of sexual favours, Offensive
pictures or other materialsPhysical Assault
Medium Patting, Unwanted touching, Pinching, Invasion
of personal space,
Low Suggestive remarks, Stalking bullying, Whistling,
Staring, Property damage, Telephone threats,
Stalking bullying
Table no.2 (b): Banker’s Perception
Level of Harassment Type of Harassment
High Whistling, Comments about physical appearance,
Invasion of personal space Offensive pictures
or other materials, Physical Assault
Medium Suggestive remarks, Pinching, Telephone threats,
Stalking bullying Intrusive questions, Unwanted
touching
Low patting, Staring, Property damage, Demands of
sexual favours
Table no.2 (c): Lawyer’s Perception
Level of Harassment Type of Harassment
High Pinching, Whistling, Staring, Telephone threats,
Stalking bullying
Medium Patting, Suggestive remarks, Comments about
physical appearance, Intrusive questions
Unwanted touching, Demands of sexual favours,
Offensive pictures or other materials, Physical
Assault. Invasion of personal space
Low Property damage
153
Table no.27 (d): Nurse’s Perception
Level of Harassment Type of Harassment
High
Medium Stalking bullying
Low Patting, Suggestive remarks, Comments about
physical appearance, Intrusive questions,
Unwanted touching, Demands of sexual favours,
Offensive pictures or other materials, Physical
Assault, Invasion of personal space, Property
damage, Pinching, Whistling, Staring, Telephone
threats
Table no.27 (e): Teacher’s Perception
Level of Harassment Type of Harassment
High Staring, Intrusive questions
Medium Property damage, Telephone threats, Invasion of
personal space, Unwanted touching, Physical
Assault
Low Patting, Suggestive remarks, Comments about
physical appearance, Demands of sexual favours,
Offensive pictures or other materials, Pinching,
Whistling, Stalking bullying
In order to find out the correlation between the perception of
different professional about the harassment of women, a check list
of harassment acts have been provided to the doctor, bankers,
lawyers, nurses, and teachers. Almost all the professionals have
been showing their sensitivity to the harassment acts. But interestingly,
perception of nurses and lawyers about the harassment was moderate
to nominal. It was assumed that perception of nurses and lawyers
would be higher because lawyers used to handle harassment victim
cases, and nurses are victims of sexual harassment at different
workplaces (Nabb 2000, Kaye1996, Bronner, et al 2003). But the
findings were other way round; it may be assumed that as both of
them are handling and experiencing harassment at workplace and
the check list being provided to them consists of least sever acts
like whistling, staring, etc. or due to their frequent exposure to
154 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
harassment-oriented workplaces, their sensitivity to the harassment
might be lower, as compare to those who see or experience rarely;
whereas, the perception of bankers and doctors was higher than
the other professions.
All the doctors were highly educated and many of the bankers
were also highly educated, education and perceptions about the
harassment are positively correlated. There perception could be
higher as both of them were educated and they were having more
frequent and intimate interaction between the co-worker and clients
and customers. Perception of the teachers were not that much high
there can be certain justification of their low perception as in the
sample primarily teachers have been working in female orientated
workplaces concentration of male co-workers was very low. They
have been having only female students in their colleges.
It was also important to know the how the professional perceive
the effect of harassment on women professional competence.
This is also important to know that how harassment effects
women’s professional well being. Significant majority expressed
that their dealing with colleagues and co-workers will be less active
they will not participate in organisation’s informal gatherings, etc.
some women who experienced the harassment at workplace might
feel depression, anxiety, panic attacks, sleeplessness, shame and
guilt, difficulty in concentration, headaches, fatigue or loss of
motivation, stomach problems, eating disorders feeling betrayed or
violated, feeling angry or violent towards the perpetrator, feeling
powerless or out of control, increased blood pressure, loss of
confidence and self esteem, withdrawal and isolation, overall loss
of trust in people and traumatic stress. Some of the respondents
also expressed that women might leave the profession but not all
women can afford of leaving the profession as in Pakistan more
than 30 per cent people are living below poverty line.
Table no 3: Effect of Harassment on Women’s Professional
155
Competence
Effect of harassment on Respondent’s Sex Total
Women’s Professional Competence
Male Female
Tend to leave job Count 9 11 20
% of Total 5.6 % 6.9 % 12.5 %
Less active at workplace/ Count
Psychologically disturbed 52 65 117
% of Total 32.5 % 40.6 % 73.1 %
No Effect Count 5 18 23
% of Total 3.1 % 11.3 % 14.4 %
Total Count 66 94 160
% of Total 41.3 % 58.8 % 100.0 %
Therefore, in such a scenario, it is not easy for all the women
to quit the job, they might be forced to tolerate the harassment at
workplaces but their efficiency and active participation at work will
be lower.
CONCLUSION
In the 20th centuries more and more women are going in paid
labour force, Pakistani society has many traditional values and only
few decades ago females were not encouraged to go outside their
house for paid jobs. But in late 20th century, society was under a
great change; traditional values were becoming more insignificant
and many females in Pakistani society were coming into those filed
which were originally occupied by males initially like army, air
force, engineering and banking, etc. This change in the scenario not
only opened many doors for women in the field of economic
participation but it brought many gender issues on the forefront and
as a consequence, sexual- and gender-based harassment problems
emerged in Pakistani society. In Pakistan, women do not talk about
the harassment related issue, because confession of such incidents
might lead to shame for themselves, and for their family. Current
study’s objective was to get the perception of different professionals
156 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
about the harassment of women at workplace in Pakistan.
Overwhelming majority was of the view that women are being
harassed at workplaces, but no one reported about this issue. In
most of the cases, women even do not confess that they were
being harassed and remain silent about it.
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158 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
159
10
Exotic Derivatives of Honour Killing in
Baloch Community of Pakistan: An
Anthropological Perspective
Asma Rubab and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
ABSTRACT
Exoticness from any phenomenon leads to misunderstandings,
until a deep in-detailed study is carried out to meet the
misunderstandings. Exoterically speaking, many unfolded myths
are attached in binary opposition. The article focused on the
phenomenon of honour killing and its derivatives in Baloch
community, that is how anatomically various derivatives hold
the whole flesh of institutions to function as well as formulate
and reformulate the phenomenon under discussion. It is attempted
to make the familiar as exotic, while exotic as familiar. At first
level i.e. ‘making familiar as exotic’ deals with the critically
decoding already existing myths regarding Islam i.e. religion is
the triggering mechanism behind honour killing as it is widely
perceived. While the second level ‘exotic as familiar’ is about the
documentation of culturally functioning reasons that somehow
have latent institutional legitimisation.
160 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
INTRODUCTION
The Baloch tribes live in a vast area of Pakistan including a
number of provinces, (Baluchistan, Sindh, and Punjab), and
administratively named as Provincially Administered Tribal
Areas1(PATA). They also reside in Iran and Afghanistan with small
population in the Soviet Union and Oman. Baloch society is perceived
as a cohesive whole in the discernment reflected by social scientist
or Baloch activists trying to distinguish ‘The Baloch’ from other
distinct groups in southwest Asia. However, from another perspective,
being ‘Baloch’ means sharing an identity or envisaging oneself to be
part of people who share Balochness (or Balochki: social code of
behaviour of Baloch). It needs a detailed discussion to understand
the basic theme of “Balochki”, because it provides a reference
point in every action whether it is particular or daily routine based.
If we have a close glance at constituents of Balochki (Baloch
code of behaviour), it is important to mention that ‘honour’ enjoys
esteemed ranking of all. The importance of honour in Baloch
character can be traced through the saying during the era of British
Empire that ‘Rule the Punjabis, intimidate the Sindhis, buy the
Pushtun, and honour the Baloch.’2
The Study
The present study was conducted in Drighri Village, Tehsile
Jampur, Distt. Rajanpur in South Punjab of Pakistan. The researcher
lived in the community and collected the data by adopting
anthropological research techniques in 2011. The main objective of
the study was to find out the socio-cultural, psychological and
religious factor involved in honour killing.
1 The Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA), Pakistani administrative
subdivisions designated in the Article 246(b) of the Constitution of Pakistan.
No Act of Provincial Assembly can be applied to PATA whereas the Governor
of the respective province has mandate parallel to the authority President of
Pakistan has over Federally Administered Tribal Areas.
2 Titus, P. (1998). Honour the Baloch, Buy the Pushtun: Stereotypes, Social
Organisation and History in Western Pakistan. Modern Asian Studies, United
Kingdom, 657.
161
EXOTIC DERIVATIVES OF HONOUR KILLING
‘Derivative’ serves the meaning parallel to ‘factor’ or ‘reason’
i.e. how any action is being carried out in particular cultural settings
while dealing with the exotica, one may say that anything which is
‘unknown’. Therefore, to make exotic as familiar the detailed study
is carried out to be ‘known’ to the factors behind honour killing
which are un-familiar to the audience. Pakistan is having a
magnificent accumulation of distinct cultures so one can see honour
killing cross culturally as a phenomenon which is termed as ‘kala-
kali’ in the province of Punjab, Tor-Tora in the province of Khaiber
Pakhtunkhwa, karo-kari in the province of Sindh and Siyah Kari in
Balochistan province.
Concept of Honour (ghairat)
The concept of honour is very much fundamental to Balochki.
Woman is considered a symbol of ghairat. She symbolically
represents honour of the family to whom she belongs, and if any
one tries to harm any woman in any way or she herself gets
involved in illicit relations with someone, it was taken as unforgivable
conduct that leads to killing. In the discussion, debauchery was
important to mention.
The driving factor behind honour killing is ‘strong concept of
ghairat’. The standards of ghairat and nobility are not uniformly
practical for both men and women though the honour code
(Balochki) is equally applicable theoretically. Ghairat means zeal
and to keep on one’s own and his tribe’s prestige, one has to be
zealous and courageous. The one who is not zealous and courageous
is likely to be addressed as be-ghairat (dis-honoured). Calling one
as be-ghairat (dis-honoured) is treated as great insult. Nobody has
the right to call any person beghairat as Ghairat is a part of honour
and it is a perceived pre-requisite for the Baloch to keep it stainless.
If the status quo of honour is shaken due to any mis-conduct by
the Baloch female then it becomes obligatory for the Baloch to
‘restore’ it by killing both the culprits (kala and kali). Ghairat does
not only concern men, women also must have Ghairat. Ghairat is
often tinged with fanaticism. It helps to preserve the tribal system.
162 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
If a Baloch female kali i.e. charged with illegal sexual relation, any
male member of her family must kill her as well as her seducer
(kala). Here it is important to mention that the same male family
member, who re-gains the tribe’s honour, is treated as ‘Hero’. That
is how the tribal system takes care of crimes by itself ‘with regard
to adultery’.
Debauchery
Debauchery (or Bad Kari) also falls under the category of
concept of honour, proves to be the most effective triggering
mechanism behind the functionality of honour killing. When a man
was seen with female at some hidden place or in seclusion, sitting
together, involved in obscene act both of them are declared as Kala
and Kali. Those acts were taken as Bad-Kari and were treated
according to the traditions and customs of the society. For women,
its punishments vary from selling, killing or incarceration for the
whole life, while for men, the punishment for breaking the honour
code ranges from killing, physical, psychological torture and heavy
fine (in the form of currency, land or cattle) as ransom. One of the
native was of the view that “Zann da masla Hassas ay” (the issues
related with shame of ‘woman’ are sensitive.) It means that the
notion of honour, which was directly linked to the purity and
chastity of women are sensitive to the great extent. In majority of
the cases, debauchery has been proved as a basic reason for honour
killing. The element of suspicion (Shakk) plays a vital role, which
develops an environment of fickleness about the chastity of woman
which brings death sentence for her. Those were the reasons,
which create an overall social setup where the “Kala-Kali” becomes
legitimate and individuals involved, consider it, as a savior of their
“Ghairat” by fulfilling their psychological strands about the concept
of “Ghairat” that becomes unavoidable for them.
The clear distinction cannot be drawn among social as well as
psychological boundaries of the factors due to their interdependency
as well as interconnectedness. Some acts denoting the manipulation
of institution of honour killing or in other words its ‘mis-use’ has
been widely observed and cross checked in the locale. ‘Mis-use’ in
a sense that some motives behind the acts are not considered as
163
part of “Balochki-code of honour and also not legitimised as right
course of action. But the apprehenders are protected through the
institution of honour killing. If we look at the important functions
that any institution is supposed to perform in any cultural setting
are, fulfillment of basic needs, socialisation of individuals,
preservation and perpetuation of cultural patterns, establishment of
social control, solution to ongoing problems of community. Keeping
these functions in mind and analyzing the institution of honour
killing, it can be said equivocally that it has inherent tendency to be
preserved and perpetuated as a ‘institution’ over generation. In
order to maintain the tradition of honour killing intact and perpetuated
cross the generation, there is also a possibility reserved for the
misuse of ‘Concept of Ghairat’.3The factors such as social,
psychological, economic as well as political that work behind the
institution of ‘Kala-Kali’.
Socio-Economic Imbalance
Everyone desires to have social and economic status in the
society, and should be considered as a valuable person for his social
and economic conditions. If society does not give him his due
right, he retaliates and tries to get his desires fulfilled through fair or
unfair means. The community under study has economically
imbalanced social setup where haves-not try to achieve the wealth
in order to meet their desire of getting wealth; they manipulate the
institution of honour killing. They declare their women as ‘Kali’
along with her seducer and take money as ransom from him for
settlement of the dispute. In this process of conflict resolution,
ransom money is mostly claimed by the family of ‘kali’ and the
kala’s family is bound to pay it.
While talking about the economic imbalance in the community,
one could observe a clear dichotomy of ‘haves’ and ‘haves not’.
Therefore, to cover the gulf, one adopts wrong methods. This
imbalanced condition in economic status serves as a primary factor
leading towards honour killing. Many people declare their wives or
3Ghairat is very vast and multi-dimensionally dynamic concept though strict
in many behavioural demonstrations.
164 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
mothers as ‘Kali’ because of their hunger for land, money, gold,
silver, cattle, etc. A man declares his wife ‘Kali’ to get a heavy
amount of money for compensation in the form of cattle, land, or
any other precious things such as gold or silver, from the alleged
man with whom he suspects his wife to be ‘Kali’. A man, who is
blamed, faces a continuous threat to his as well as his family’s life
from the opponent group and in order to resolve the conflict, he
pays a substantial amount of money called ‘Chatti’ (compensation
money). In that way, one who accuses someone for illegitimate
relations with his wife could get a huge amount of capital and gets
his hunger reduced.
In the absence of father, sometimes son accuses his mother of
being Kali to get her share in property. He threatens his mother to
give the property or money to him otherwise, he will accuse her as
Kali, through which he would get the license to kill her. That kind
of thinking could be seen working behind the honour-killing. In the
same way, a woman who was not given her due social status by
her husband falls prey to the one who promises her demands and
then she becomes Kali. When a husband scolds or beats his wife,
he does not take care of her sentiments or does not give her any
money to spend on herself and does not give her an acceptable
social status, she would try to find someone else to take care of her
and materialize her dreams. When she commits any crime, the
husband tries to kill her by declaring her Kali.
Socialisation and Perpetuation of Honour Killing
Socialisation is a process that starts from the birth of an individual
and continues until his death. During this whole time, he passes
through different stages of socialisation and re-socialisation (when
a woman marries, she has to adjust in a new environment and re-
socialise herself to various social behaviours.). The individual learns
from his environment how to talk, how to wear, how to behave
and, how to eat in different situations. So, an individual learns all
the social behaviours from his environment from his birth.
Individual’s biology also plays a significant role in formulating his
overall behaviour. His genetic characteristics mould his personality
but the effect of environment is most important which can change
165
any kind of attitude according to its prevailing circumstances. Here
it is most important to discuss the society under study that has
different parameters for male and female child at their very stages
of early socialisation. This gives rise to our concern towards the
gender socialisation theories. Three types of theories explain gender
socialisation: ‘psychoanalytic’, ‘social learning’ and ‘cognitive
developmental’. The present research is directly considering the
theory of ‘social learning’.
Social learning theories are behaviourist theories that rely on
reinforcement and modeling explanations of behaviour ‘the
environment makes people do things’. This is an important approach
to understand ‘early childhood gender socialisation’. That kind of
discrimination against woman was started directly with wish of
male inheritor to be served food first, and that was perpetuated
through the whole process of socialisation. People think that boys
and girls are supposed to be different; they treat them differently
and give them different opportunities for development. This differential
treatment promotes certain behaviours and self-images that recreate
the preconceived cultural stereotypes about gender. The process
repeats itself repeatedly in an unending spiral across the generations,
so that although gender stereotypes are being constantly re-created
and modified, they seem natural and impermeable to change. Children
learn about gender differences through socialisation and how to “do
gender” because it is central to how society is organised. Children
“learn culturally appropriate ways of thinking and being as they
follow routine rituals and respond to the everyday demands of the
world in which they live to be considered competent members of
society, they must learn how to fit in as appropriately gendered
individuals. Gender socialisation turns children into “cultural natives,”
who know their cultural reality without questioning it. First serving
foods to the male members, internalised childhood training to obey
the male members are the patterned activities, which strengthen the
‘patriarchal’ system to its extreme manipulative extent.
In the community under study, the social setup is of tribal in
nature. An individual born in the community gets socialised in the
same environment, where he learns tribal attitudes and behaviours
166 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
such as close adherence to the concept of Ghairat, etc., and based
on his social learning, he responds to different situations accordingly.
The individuals remain in groups, as a man alone cannot survive.
So, the individual’s behaviour was actually group’s behaviour, and
groups collectively form community’s behaviour. The institution of
Kala-Kali is also a learned behaviour of the tribal community and
the individuals show their responses to it in different ways as
authorised by the laws, which operate within the community.
Sardari System as a Political Factor
Sardari system comes under the umbrella of political factor. In
the Baloch community, sardari system is very much overwhelming.
There was a distinct social stratification and the community is
divided manifestly into sardars and kammi (people of low castes).
In the cases of Kala-Kali, the sardars were involved in decision-
making process for conflict resolution between the two parties of
man and woman involved in Kala-Kali. The sardars receive a
considerable amount of money from both the conflicting parties for
their active involvement in conflict resolution and thus the incidents
are the sources of regular income of sardars. In some cases, sardars
also play their role in declaring a couple as Kala-Kali or try to
create suspicion in someone’s mind about his mother, sister or
daughter for their own gains such as money, power, political favour
animosity or a particular woman. When a woman was declared
Kali, she is sent to stay at sardar’s house until a prospect decision
is made regarding her fate. If a woman is sold out after being
declared Kali, sardar gets a reasonable amount out of her price. In
that way, sardars use the people of low caste to fulfill their evil
desires by exploiting the institution of Kala-Kali. In political factors
and sardari system, the phenomenon of ‘Coalition formation’ is also
very important and cannot be neglected while studying the factors
behind the honour killing. In the community under study, the
phenomenon of “Coalition formation” could be studied as individual’s
logical preferences for alliances with comparatively more powerful
to seek the desired ends. The phenomenon also serves as the factor
behind the functioning and perpetuation of honour killing as the
coalitions based on politics serves them to get rid of the lawsuits or
167
the charges of murders against them because of the coalitions with
the political influential persons serve them to save their lives even
after committing murders declaring Kala kali.
Parallel Judicial System
Provision of justice is a necessary thing for development of a
peaceful society. It is obligatory to consider the have and have not
equally and their duties and responsibilities towards the society
should be equal contextually. Lack of justice threatens peace and
equality. He who has money can mold the law to his welfare
without having even a little consideration about other people. This
phenomenon leads to the spread of institutions like Kala-Kali in the
locale. According to many key informants, when the people contact
the courts for seeking justice, they have to pass through a long and
difficult judicial procedure and delay involved in getting the verdict
of the court of law, keeping in view the difficulties, people contact
Kath or Jirgas for the resolution of their disputes without any delay
and cost. The decisions of Kath or Jirga were usually announced at
the spot by declaring the accused as Kala-Kali. Thus, lack of
speedy formal judicial system leads to extension and strengthening
the institutions like Jirga or Kath.
Animosity
Human is a social animal and he maintains different kinds of
behaviours in the society. Animosity is one of the human social
behaviours that operate within society. An individual shows varying
responses to different situations in his life by sharing cultural patterns.
Animosity is an important factor that leads to honour killing. During
research, it was learnt that honour killing has been misused in many
ways, and animosity was one of them. When a man kills his enemy
in rivalry, in order to conceal the real situation, he kills his wife or
mother as well declaring both of them Kala-Kali. In this way, he
gets rid of his enemy by using a female of his own family and also
gets a reasonable amount of money, land, or cattle as Chatti (ransom
money) from the family of the deceased or in some situations, he
168 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
demands Bazzu4 from the family of the killed. Some people have
more than one wife; they use any of their wives to kill their enemy.
Woman as a Factor
Under the heading, two kinds of cases are observed in the
locale while surveying the area:
•Getting rid of un-wanted woman
•To get desired woman
Mostly, the woman has been the victim of honour-killing, but
she has been a significant reason behind the phenomenon. Usually
man avoids such circumstances (killing) by paying Chatti to the
opponent party and women being the prey to honour-killing or sold.
Another factor was that when a man wants to get rid of his existing
wife due to any reason, the best way was kill her by declaring her
“Kali”. In that way, the man who kills his wife could also have a
reasonable amount of money or Bazu. There has been another
phenomenon that if a married man likes a woman other than his
wife, he deliberately kills his wife by declaring her ‘Kali’ and
accuses the brother or father of the woman whom he likes, thus he
creates a conflict and tries to settle the dispute by demanding that
particular women whom he likes in return.
Forced Exchange Marriages
Forced exchange marriage was another social reason behind
the array of killing where two or three parties exchange their women
for marriage. According to many informants, people not only try to
get rid of their un-wanted wives and to get a woman of their
choice. They deliberately kill their wives and declare them Kali with
a person from the family they want to get the woman of their own
choice in Vani during conflict resolution.
Social Pressure
A human being cannot survive without living in groups because
4 During conflict resolution, a virgin female is exchanged. This settlement is
proposed by the Sardar (Tribal Chief) who’s role is as intermediary being an
influential political person of the area.
169
he is not self-sufficient. Groups constitute to make a community,
that have some defined and shared social laws, norms and folkways
through which it regulates individual’s behaviour in a patterned
way, which is accepted as social behaviour. Anyone who violates
norms of the society faces a criticism by the society, which urges
him to act according to the set pattern. This is called social pressure,
which is exercised on individuals by the society. The community
under study was a tribal Baloach community in which the honour-
killing was also a set pattern. If a woman was found guilty of illicit
relations with someone, or she elopes with someone, or if an
element of suspicion about such relationship, the family of the
accused was bound to take action against her according to the set
pattern of the Baloach community. Otherwise, the society criticises
them severely and taunts them while saying tusada pura Khandan
Be-Ghairat ay (your whole family is honour-less). Even in some
cases, social boycott was announced with that particular family and
even the members of the same lineage do not maintain social relations
with them. The criticism of the society was natively called Taany
or Mehrain (taunt). So, in order to avoid such situations, the people
practice honour-killing.
MODUS OPERANDI OF HONOUR KILLING
IN BALOCH TRIBE
In ‘Baloachki’ code of honour, there are three main kinds of
honour killing. The modus operandi of honour killing is governed
by unquestionable rules which constitute its configuration in most
effective way bestowing it as the status of institution. Before
discussing the ‘known’ and ‘unknown’ factors of honour killing, it
is pivotal to document its whole structure. The detailed description
of different demonstrations of honour killing is as under:
•Shakk ki bunyad (killing based on suspicion)
•Pakk ki bunyad (killing based on confirmation)
•Aghwa ki bunyad (killing based on kidnapping and elopement)
It is important to mention that the institution of Kala-Kali in
situational nature. ‘Situational’ in the sense that the reaction of the
family is based on the extent of action (the extent of illegal sexual
170 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
relation) for instance, if the act is of extreme level then the punishment
would be relatively hard such as killing, and if the act or sin is of
lower level, then the family members act accordingly. Therefore,
the act or sin of the accused persons indicates or determines the
extent of punishment given by the family or lineage. Thus in the
light of situational crime, there are different inter-connected
demonstrations of Kala-Kali are being discussed here.
Shakk ki Bunyad (Killing based on Suspicion)
It indicates the killing of accused couple based on ‘suspicion’.
The way of performing the act of Kala-Kali doesn’t need further
evidences against the accused pair. It is enough to know if a
women and a man from any lineage were seen exchanging slang
signals, engaged in gossips, having eye contact with one another,
smiling or sharing some signals using eyebrows (up and down),
eye-winking etc., they are suspected of having illicit relationship. If
any male member5 from the lineage of the female witnesses the
involved pair in the afore-mentioned activities, the apprehender has
the authority to punish the culprit pair by killing them.
The process of killing based on suspicion is performed in a
systematic order: The apprehender, after witnessing the suspected
pair, hurriedly rushes to the elder members of the family of women
to take further action. The father calls his brothers for help because
in such situations the brothers and agnatic collaterals are not
considered as ‘shareek’6(Chaudhary [1999: 10-14] provides concise
definitions for the terms tribe qaum,biraderi and sharika or shareek
in south Punjabi seraiki accent). He wants to engage the organisational
principle by interpreting biraderi as a kind of caste and inter-
dependent groups.. The female’s family, in the first step, hides the
entire matter from the Biradari having fear of being disgraced. They
5He can be her father, brother, son, husband, brother-in-law, grandfather,
mother’s brother, father’s brother, nephew, etc. or any other person belonging
to the same caste or lineage group.
6Chaudhary, Muhammad Azam. 1999. Justice in Practice: Legal Ethnography
of a Pakistani Punjabi Village. Karachi: Oxford University Press.
171
struggle for the settlement of issue by performing the coercive act
by declaring the accused, particular the woman as Kali (adulterer
female) and her co-partner respectively as Kala (adulterer male).
In the case if father is not alive, then the elder male member of
the family who has the right of giving verdict, takes the initiative to
declare both the persons involved in suspicious act as kala kali. It
needs to be clarified that the members of the family do not take
decision at their own, but it proceeds with Salah Mashwara
(consultations) with the Biraderi-men (people from the same lineage),
and finally the decision is made with majority consensus. At this
stage two types of decisions are observed frequently i.e. (i) Tanbeeh
(Castigation) and (ii) Qatal (Murder). Both types of cases are
discussed to arrive at a decision:
Tanbeeh (Castigation)
In Shakk (suspicion), when any person (apprehender) from
female’s family sees any stranger passing slang signals to the female
of apprehender’s family, he along with other male family members
and Biraderi-men indulge into mutual consultation. After that, they
castigate the male culprit and his family not to commit the same act
again; this is called tanbeeh. There is a formal method to castigate
the suspect and his family. In the process of castigation, after
having enough salah-mashwara (consultation) with the members of
the same Biraderi (at the house of the women), the female’s male
family members along with some other influential from the village,
go to the suspected male’s Wisakh or baithak7 and warn them that
their son would be killed by declaring him as “kala”, if will be seen
again indulged in suspicious activities.
In this case, the mere presence of a stranger near the residential
area of the other caste or tribe is likely to be taken as suspicious.
Thus, the mere presence without any purpose, acts as effective
stimuli behind Tanbeeh. If the male could not refrain indulging in
such suspected activities even after the admonition, the female’s
family attempts to kill him on the spot without giving further warning,
7 The place of social gathering in rural areas of Pakistan.
172 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
to restore their own prestige by declaring him as Kala.
In some cases, a suspected pair is set free (apparently), giving
the chance to commit the mistake but with keeping a vigilant eyes
on them by the families or biradari. On committing any mistake,
the pair is caught red-handed. This is followed by the second
phase, i.e., Qatal (murder).
Qatal (Killing)
In shakk, when objectionable female’s family sees the suspected
pair indulged in ambiguous actions then the majority of biraderi-
men agrees that this pair should be killed. In such a situation, kala’s
family, by considering him innocent, registers an FIR with the
B.M.P. (Boarder Military Police). If the innocence is proved in an
autopsy report, the kali and kala’s family respond in the following
manners:
•Kala’s family members turn furious, chanting the slogan
“Qatal de Badlay Qatal” (Blood for Blood), and intends to
kill a person from female’s family in return. Thus a series
of killings from both sides start until the ‘ Salis’
(intermediaries) force them for Thaii (settlement). Syed,
Sardar,Wadera, effectively play the role of intermediaries
or dispute settlers.
•Contrastingly, sometimes the declaration of woman and
man as Kali and Kala is not accepted by the immediate
family i.e. father, brother or husband rather declaring their
woman or man as innocent, Biraderi-men give them tough
time while calling them Be-Ghairat (dis-honoured). Serious
actions are taken against them including social boycott and
other social and physical punishments.
While discussing the honour killing as a systematic process,
three possibilities are observed existing in the Baloch tribal community:
First Existential Possibility
If a woman is killed on the spot, it is perceived that the man
(accused) must also be killed and is immediately declared as Kala.
The man is declared Kala in front of an assemblage by firing a
173
gunshot in the air announcing, “O asada Kala ay tay asan enda
Por Ghinson”8(the Kalwan (calumny) was attached by him and he
was a culprit and must be killed). As their woman was killed by a
man (Kali) so Kalwan was to be killed to restore the damaged
honour of the female family. After that declaration, several attempts
were likely to be made to kill the culprit who usually flees from the
scene. All the proceedings were made with the support of Biraderi.
Second Existential Possibility
If a pair was seen involved in suspicious activities, and the
apprehender was unable to kill the wrongdoer at the spot due to any
immediate reason, then the culprits gets the chance to escape from
the venue and survived. In such as case, the female family takes
any of the actions:
•To kill the Kali through poison, pistol, axe or any other
lethal weapon
•The sale of woman
•Sending to Sardar’s house
They keep the whole situation secret from other people of the
community and from the Biraderi because they think that before
the community gets the news of their disgrace, the declared Kala
should be killed. So before becoming dishonour in the community,
they must restore their honour.
Third Existential Possibility
In the third situation, when a man was killed at the Mauqa
(spot), the women seek shelter at Sardar’s house, as the further
process was much more complicated. The family of the man turns
furious on killing of their male member of the family. So a conflict
between the two families cropped up that was to be resolved by
8 He is culprit and wrongdoer so we will take revenge. This perception is made
and locally termed as ‘por’ or revenge. Revenge is taken due to many reasons
but here the major factor behind it is bringing shame to the honour of the
family.
174 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Sardars.
Pakk ki bunyad (Confirmation)
In many cases, the phase of Shakk (suspicion) was being
followed by Pakk (confirmation). The female’s family members
observe their routine without warning them. And when the pair
provides the chance and someone catches them red-handedly in
qabil-e-aitraz halat (having close bodily contact), the family kills
them at once or the situation varies according to the circumstances.
At that stage, it was said that Kalwan (calumny) was confirmed
and there remain no justification to leave them alive.
Three such cases were found during the field work in the
locale:
Both Man and Woman Killed
In a same case, both male and female were killed at the spot; it
does not matter where they were killed but the only Saboot
(testimony) that matters was the presence of family members there.
Some issues relating to law-suit were important to be discussed:
(a) People from either family do not indulge in any lawsuit in
such cases. They believe that killing of the culprits could
only bring the lost respect and honour back. It was said
“Kutti Kuttay kon mar ditay say” (both the dogs have been
killed). In such killings, burial rituals were not performed
such as Kafan (clothing dead-body), Ghussal (bathing dead
bodies), and Namaz-i-Janaza (the funeral prayer) were not
practiced. Moreover, they were not buried in their family’s
graveyards; their dead bodies were buried away from their
ancestral graveyard.
CASE STUDY
The narrator of the story was a close kin of Kali. According to
Aa, her daughter Bb of age 22 was unmarried. Bb used to go to the
fields for cutting grass for animal fodder. One day, she went as per
routine but after a long time, she didn’t return home. Her brother
went to look for her, saying that cutting of grass doesn’t take so
175
much time. When he reached the Bannay (fields), he saw that her
sister was sitting with a stranger; he killed his sister with a spiky
stone and the Kala the next day by firing pistol bullets.
The dead body of Bb was not buried following the funeral
rituals; even body was affected by her family members due to her
act of shame. After a year, the dispute was resolved and the man
was forgiven who killed both Kali and Kala. Some of the features
of killing phenomenon were:
(b) If a close relative of Kala (predecessor or successor)
becomes his saeen (protector) pretending that the person
who was killed was not a La-Waris (abandoned), and follows
a law-suit to prove his innocence and gets the help of law
enforcing agencies or the court of law, the Kala’s family
was boycotted natively termed as Choorha Karna. The
terms of the boycott were:
• Socio-economic boycott: owing to the family’s
consultation to the law suit, whole the family of male
or female was imposed sanctions including the family
was banned to participate in social gatherings like
marriages, deaths, gift exchanges and other annual
celebrations etc.
•Political boycott: The particular family was not politically
supported in case of problems rather they have to face
the hardships created by the political leaders who keep
up their relations with the opponent group. The deserted
family’s own biraderi was also criticising their role
and break their relationships with them.
The punishment proves to be a great threat for the families
concerned. So, they avoid consulting the police or the court.
Secondly, if they do so, they have to migrate from the locality for
their survival or have to make the efforts to get back to their
previous position by Aam Maafi (seeking clemency). The boycott
ends when the conflicts were settled. Clemency was availed by
following the formal method of going to the concerned mediator,
the Sardar (tribal chief), or Syed. For clemency Asiwaz (giving
176 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
female) was offered to the opponent group along with withdrawal
of the law-suit by prevarication of the previous statement given to
the police. After the fulfillment of the conditions, the arbitrator
scolds the family head and gives them clemency, but the litigation
process varies in different cases:
HONOUR KILLING WITHIN BIRADARI
All afore-mentioned ways and methods were being adopted
both the culprits belong to different Biraderis. However, if the issue
of honour killing emerges in one Biraderi then:
•if both were killed, no one would become their Saeen and
no one would go for the legal proceedings as discussed
earlier. All stay silent and were satisfied with the restoration
of the family’s honour.
•if one of them was killed and the other survives, then the
survived female was sold out, while the survived man was
to be killed.
Woman Survived, Man Killed
In Pakk, if woman survived, and the man was killed, the
woman takes sanctuary in the house of Sardar of any caste, while
male’s family attempts to resolve the dispute by bringing the Sardars
or Syed as intermediaries. Meanwhile, kali waits for the future
decision of the Sardar regarding her selling or killing.
MAN SURVIVED, WOMAN KILLED
After Pakk (confirmation) of Kala and Kali, both are likely to
be killed. However, if incidentally Kali is killed, and taking the
chance of this situation, Kala escapes from the situation, the female’s
family chases the Kala secretly. Whenever, and wherever Kala is
seen by any member of the female’s family, he is killed. Meanwhile,
when the female’s family members remain in search of Kala, efforts
are made to get the conflict resolved through any mediatory process.
Both Man and Woman Survived
In such a situation, the woman takes refuge at some Sardar’s
177
house, while the man Kala and his family make efforts at a fast
pace to get the conflict resolved.
Aghwa ki bunyad (Abduction)
The abduction is of two kinds:
•Hasb-e-mansha Aghwa (elopement)
•Zabardasti Agwha (abduction)
Hasb-e-mansha Aghwa (Elopement)
If a couple elopes from their home, the parents of the girl get a
FIR registered at the police station against the person with whom
the girl eloped as well as against his parents as well. The FIR was
registered with Border Military Police (BMP). They (the party from
the female side) also try kill both the persons or to bring back the
fled girl. Moreover, they also try to engross an intermediary who
may be able to bring back their fled woman.
There were different cases in which one could draw the prolific
consequences resulted by the efforts of both the families involved
(from both the families of Kala and Kali). As it has been observed
during the interviews from the locals, in most of the cases different
methodologies were used:
Bringing Back the Woman (Kali Wapas Walwana)
The eloped woman was brought back and punished according
to the decision of the biraderi. In some cases the girl was sold out
because of the intermediary’s effective participation on the issue.
So, owing to an active participation of the arbitrator, the woman
was not usually killed but sold out.
If the girl was brought back by the girl’s own family’s efforts,
the entire authority for decision-making rests with her family that
was free to take any decision in the case. However, if there was an
involvement of an arbitrator (who could be Sardar or Muqqaddim)
from any tribe involved after the call for help from the affected
woman’s family, and by bringing back the particular woman, makes
her family to be obliged and it was a natively perceived phenomenon
that in such situations, the authority of decision-making rests with
178 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
the arbitrator.
On the other hand, the family of “Kala” (the indicted person)
also seeks the help from the arbitrator so that they may be able to
hold reconciliation. If the reconciliation process was postponed due
to any reason then the threat of killing the accused was amplified.
Zabardasti Aghwa (Abduction)
Zabardasti Aghwa (abduction) was committed in the
circumstances when there was any motive for it:
•Retaliation based on any reason, because of affront of group
A to group B, or for the reprisal of the old animosity, the
people from within the Biraderi or the person from another
Biraderi, abduct the woman of a particular Biraderi with
whom they have animosity.
•They forcefully make the abducted woman as their wife or
give her to Sardar or Wadera (chief or influential of the
area).
The declared convict or Kala is liable to be killed. In the case,
the particular woman was also declared “Kali”. If her family brought
the woman back, then she was killed to restore the honour of their
family. It was perceived that she has lost her virginity and thus she
was therefore Wajib-ul-Qatal. In the process, an announcement
was made from the female’s side that if the convict or any other
person from convict’s family or Biraderi if seen at any place, he
will be killed. At this stage, not only the convict was taken as
archenemy but his entire Biraderi was also the target. When they
succeed in killing any person from the opposite Biraderi, then the
family of the killed also kills a person from other’s side and in this
way a series of killing commences which tends to continue over
years.
In case the girl was brought back with the involvement of the
solicitor, then he makes a covenant, according to which the girl
was not killed but sold out. The agreement was made before the
return of women that was implemented on her recovery. However,
the male culprit was not forgiven in any case and he has to be
179
killed.
In the case of Zabardasti Aghwa (abduction), both the Biraderis
were taken as two different units where incidents like threatening,
warning, looting, etc., continue to take place between the two
Biraderis. In other words, the situation could be natively described
as “Qaomi Jang” (Collision of castes), as it indicates a wide range
of carnage. The series of killings ends with the effective involvement
of a group of intermediaries called by the village men to halt the
atrocities.
Islam and Honour Killing
Islam is a complete code of conduct as asserted by every
Islamic religious scholar. So there has to be provision of teachings
prohibiting debauchery. If we see the Islamic text, we come to
know that Islamic Sharia Law claims to bring the evidence to prove
adultery.
Regarding adultery, there is a distinction for abomination an evil
way: “And come not near unto adultery. Lo! It is an abomination
and an evil way”.9
This Holy verse indicates that adultery is prohibited and an evil
way so it should be avoided. Now if a person or a pair is alleged
with adultery, there has to be the evidence. Here arises the issue of
‘evidence’, which is needed to prove the wrong doers as sinner,
i.e., evidence to prove adultery: the Holy Qur’an addressing this
situation says, As for those of your women who are guilty of
lewdness, call to witness four of you against them. And if they
testify (to the truth of the allegation) then confine them to the
houses until death take them or (until) Allah appoint for them a
way (through new legislation)10.
The afore-mentioned verse provides us with the self-explanatory
procedure of how the adulterer should be punished and what is the
basic requirement while punishing the adulterers. The condition is
9The Holy Quran, (Bani Israil, 32:17)
10 The Holy Quran, (Al-Nisa 15 : 4)
180 Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
given here is ‘provision of four witnesses’ who have seen the act
of adultery with their own eyes (not they have listened from
somewhere). This condition indicates many things rather just being
the condition only i.e. it has deep-rooted meaning that the purpose
is ‘the act of adultery has been performed in front of so many
people that four of them give testimony. It is pivotal to mention
here that the focus of purpose is more on the prohibition of adultery
rather than the killing, because if we see this Sharia law in detail
and at practical level, it is impossible to bring four eyewitness of
the adultery. So it can be rightly said that focus is to halt the wrong
acts in the society rather than killing them on the spot. But on the
other hand, while studying the ritual of honour killing in Baloch
community, there wasn’t a single example of alleging couple after
provision of four witnesses. There is clear bay between Islamic
teaching that how adultery should be dealt and tribal interpretation
and dealing with honour crimes. Coming back to the Islamic text,
after provision of four witnesses for adultery, there comes the
stage of punishment for adultery and fornication. In this regard, the
Holy scriptures indicate, The adulterer and the adulteress scourge ye
each one of them (with) a hundred stripes. And let not pity for the
twain withhold you from obedience to Allah, if ye believe in Allah
and the Last Day. And let a party of believers witness their
punishment.11
On the other hand, a woman falsely accused of zina has in her
support the Qur’an, Which spells out harsh consequences for those
accusers who are unable to support their allegations with four
witnesses it is called Qazzaf. The holy scriptures indicate in this
regard as, And those who accuse honourable women but bring not
four witnesses, scourge them (with) eighty stripes and never
(afterwards) accept their testimony-they indeed are evil doers.12
While seeing this huge bay between Quranic scriptures and
tribal interpretation based on strong concept of honour, one may
say that unfortunately, the legal safeguards to protect women and
11 The Holy Quran, chapter 18 (Al-Noor, 2:24)
12 The Holy Quran, chapter 18 (Al-Noor, 4: 24)
181
men from indiscriminate and unlawful enforcement of presumed
Islamic injunctions have been forgotten. Indeed, the legal system
and law enforcement agencies including police officers, have been
implicated in the perpetuation of the problem by their willful lenience
towards men who have carried out an assault in the name of
‘honour’, and by their abuse and denigration of women who stand
accused.
CONCLUSION
Concluding the whole discussion, the argument is that honour
killing should be understood as cultural rather than religious
phenomenon. The institution of honour killing is magnified and
strengthened to preserve the cultural tradition rather to question it.
The exotic derivatives of honour killing serve the base for the
argument that it has no latent or manifest compatibility with Islamic
Text. Rather it is being practiced antagonistically with Sharia Law.
If we have a glance at the existence of honour killing, its ritualistic
demonstration connotes that in Baloch community, it is ‘cultural’
rather ‘Islamic’. In this regard, the Baloch community has adopted
‘modified misinterpreted cultural Islam’ rather than ‘Islamic culture’.
Moreover, Muslims today must unequivocally reject this distortion
of Islam that is used to violate the most basic Islamic rights of
human decency, integrity and justice or in other words, they should
know its interpretation is not compatible with Islamic laws, and
even if they are performing honour killing it has no justification
from textual Islam.
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183
Gender Mainstreaming
An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Gender Mainstreaming
An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Editors
Sarfraz Khan
Yasir Saeed
Hafeez-ur-Rehman
GLOBAL VISION PUBLISHING HOUSE
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Published by Dr. N.K. Singh for Global Vision Publishing House,
New Delhi-2 and Printed at G.S. Offset, Naveen Shahdara, Delhi-32.
© Authors
First Edition 2012
ISBN: 978-81-8220-0**-**
[Responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed,
conclusions reached and plagiarism, if any, in this title is
entirely that of the authors. The publisher bears no
responsibility for them whatsoever. All rights reserved. No
part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without
written permission.]
Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society
Acknowledgements
During editing of this book, many individual offered comments and
advised on particular chapters and contributed through their scholarly
work. They helped us to understand the gender issues in the context
of Pakistan, clarified some difficult points, and allowed us to take
advantage of their specialist knowledge in the respective fields. We
are deeply indebted to them.
Zara Shehza, Quaid-i-Azam University
Dr. Arab Naz, Malakand University
Waseem Khan, Malakand University
Kashif Ashfa, University of Gujrat
Aneela Sultana, Quaid-i-Azam University
Mah-Rukh, University of Gujrat
Sharjeela, University of Gujrat
Rehan Ilyas, University of Gujrat
Rizwana Yousaf, University of Gujrat
Asma Rubab, Quaid-i-Azam University
The editorial team is grateful to faculty of Quaid-i-Azam
University, University of Gujrat, and Malakand University for their
contribution in developing the research based articles. We would
also like to thank the team of Global Vision Publishing House, India
for their meticulous handling of the publication.
Preface
The book “Gender Mainstreaming: An Analysis of Pakistani Society”
intends to give the socio-anthropological explanation to the gender
issues in the context of Pakistan. It is based on the primary research
work conducted by the distinct scholars across various universities
in Pakistan i.e. Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, University of
Gujrat, and University of Malakand. Book covers a wide range of
topics on gender issues in both sociological and anthropological
domains. The idea to produce this book came into being when the
editors collectively thought that such unique topics should be
compiled for the readers across the world. So, they initiated this
project and invited the scholars to submit their work for publication
in an edited book. One of the major purposes of this book project is
to highlight the gender issues in the context of the Pakistan and
make it possible for the international readers to understand the state
of the women in Pakistan.
This book has a collection of different articles as follows: i)
Women’ Status in History and Visual Exploitation in Present Era: An
Anthropological Perspective; ii) Feminism and Islamic Feminism:
An Exploratory Study of Pakistan; iii) Beyond Boundaries, Shifting
Lives: Globalization, Gender and Family Dynamics in Pakistan; iv)
Role of Women Autonomy in Determining Health Conditions in
Pakistan; v) The Catastrophe of Equivalence: The Gendered
Educational Decision-Making Process among Pakhtuns of Batkhela
District Malakand KPK Pakistan; vi) Understanding the Role of
Traditional Birth Attendants in Managing Home Birthing; vii) Services
Provided to Marginalized Women: Case Study of Dar-ul-Aman; viii)
Women’s Professional Competence: An Effect of Harassment at
Work Place; ix) Exotic Derivatives of Honor Killing in Baloch
Community of Pakistan: An Anthropological Perspective
This book is a collection of unique topics and presents a good
picture of the gender issues in the present day Pakistan. In the end
we would like to acknowledge our contributors, and colleagues for
their continuous inspiration, guidance, and support in completing
this project, without their support we shall not be able to complete
this project.
Sarfraz Khan, Yasir Saeed,
and Prof. Dr. Hafeez-ur-Rehman
March 10, 2012 (Islamabad, Pakistan)
Contributors
Aneela Sultana: Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad, Pakistan.
Arab Naz: Chairman Department of Sociology/Social Work,
University Malakand
Arab Naz: Chairman, Department of Sociology/Social Work,
University Malakand
Asma Rubab: Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad, Pakistan.
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad, Pakistan.
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad, Pakistan.
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Professor & Chairman, Department of
Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Professor & Chairperson of Department of
Anthropology Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Professor and Chairman Department of
Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
Hafeez-ur-Rehman: Professor/Chairman Department of
Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Kashif Ashfaq: Student Department of Population Sciences
University of Gujrat, Gujrat-Pakistan
Mah-Rukh: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat, Gujrat-
Pakistan.
Nasir Mahood: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat,
Gujrat, Pakistan.
Rehan Ilyas: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat, Gujrat-
Pakistan.
Rizwana Yousaf: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat,
Gujrat, Pakistan.
Sarfraz Khan: Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Quaid-i-Azam
University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Sharjeela: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat, Gujrat-
Pakistan.
Sundas Ayyub:
Waseem Khan: Lecturer and M.Phil Scholar, Department of
Sociology/Social Work, University Malakand
Waseem Khan: Lecturer and M.Phil Scholar, Department of
Sociology/Social Work, University Malakand
Yasir Saeed: Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat, Gujrat-
Pakistan.
Yasir Saeed: Lecturer Department of Sociology, University of Gujrat,
Gujrat-Pakistan
Zara Shehzad: M. Phil Scholar, Department of Anthropology Quaid-
i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
Contents
Acknowledgements (v)
Preface (vii)
Contributors (ix)
1. Introduction 1
Sarfraz Khan, Yasir Saeed and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
2. Women’s Status in History and Visual Exploitation in
Present Era: An Anthropological Perspective 5
Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Zara Shehzad
3. Feminism and Islamic Feminism:
An Exploratory Study of Pakistan 29
Arab Naz, Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Waseem Khan
4. Beyond Boundaries, Shifting Lives:
Globalisation, Gender and Family
Dynamics in Pakistan 49
Sarfraz Khan, Hafeez-ur-Rehman and Sundas Ayyub
5. Role of Women Autonomy in Determining
Health Conditions in Pakistan 65
Yasir Saeed and Kashif Ashfaq
6. The Catastrophe of Equivalence: The Gendered
Educational Decision-Making Process among Pakhtuns
of Batkhela District Malakand KPK Pakistan 85
Arab Naz, Waseem Khan and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
7. Understanding the Role of Traditional Birth
Attendants in Managing Home Birthing 115
Aneela Sultana and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
8. Services Provided to Marginalise Women:
Case Study of Dar-ul-Aman 133
Yasir Saeed, Mah-Rukh, Sharjeela and Rehan Ilyas
9. To Access the Sexual Harassment at Workplace:
A Descriptive Study of Professional Women in Pakistan 143
Rizwana Yousaf and Nasir Mahood
10. Exotic Derivatives of Honour Killing in Baloch
Community of Pakistan: An Anthropological Perspective 159
Asma Rubab and Hafeez-ur-Rehman
