Article

Ethnicity and Political Stability in Uganda: Are Ethnic Identities a Blessing or a Curse

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Abstract

Uganda has 56 ethnic groups, the largest being the Baganda, occupying the northern shores of Lake Victoria, and the smallest are the Ik, who are found in the northeastern corner of the country. All cities and towns of Uganda as well as state institutions are known for high levels of heterogeneity and the country's politics has been a reflection of its ethnic plurality. However, peace, tranquillity, stability, regional economic equity and orderly transfer of political power have been elusive in Uganda. This paper addresses the role of ethnic identities in the politics of Uganda. It makes an attempt to unearth the extent to which ethnicity has ensured political stability with the view to illustrating whether ethnic identities have been a blessing or a curse. The paper is guided by the ethnic theories of primordialism and instrumentalism. Using interviews with key informants, archival information and a review of the available literature, the author concludes that ethnicity has largely been a curse in post-colonial Uganda but in the pre-colonial epoch it was a blessing.

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... In about 120 A. D., the Nilotic people who were cattle keepers and subsistence farmers entered Uganda from the north (Classic Africa Safaris, 2020). According to Amone (2015), Uganda has about 56 ethnic groups, the largest being the Baganda who occupy the northern shores of Lake Victoria. All cities and towns of Uganda as well as state institutions are known for high levels of heterogeneity and the country"s politics has been a reflection of its ethnic plurality (Amone, 2015;Ricart-Huguet and Green, 2018;Government of Uganda, 2005). ...
... According to Amone (2015), Uganda has about 56 ethnic groups, the largest being the Baganda who occupy the northern shores of Lake Victoria. All cities and towns of Uganda as well as state institutions are known for high levels of heterogeneity and the country"s politics has been a reflection of its ethnic plurality (Amone, 2015;Ricart-Huguet and Green, 2018;Government of Uganda, 2005). This makes Uganda fit within the context of East Africa, which is a multicultural region with diverse ethnic composition and comprises a number of independent states (Kasujja et al., 2014). ...
... The first track of cultural astronomy in Uganda, hereafter Paper I, involves four ethnic groups (Oruru et al., 2020) out of the 56 ethnic groups found in the country (Amone, 2015). The four broad linguistic groups, and the constituent members are reported in Paper I. The cultural groups reported in this paper (hereafter Paper II) are; Acholi, Banyankole, Iteso, and Lugbara. ...
... The inherent irony of a government that has meted out violence and the harshest economic policies under the auspices of the private indirect government of the World Bank, was likely not lost on those who attended. Neither was the suggestion that for Northern Ugandans, in a region where Museveni's political party lacks popular support [99], secession might be a better alternative [100]. Nonetheless, for President Museveni, in deploying modernist development discourse to suit his own ends, "nationalism", "technology" and "development" are inextricably intertwined [109]. ...
Chapter
In a video clip that went viral on social media in 2020, Ugandan President Yoweri K. Museveni dances (with, in our opinion, impressive jumping) to the rhythm and the words, “I have got stamina!” (from “The Greatest” by Sia). Museveni was performing masculinity and asserting his right to continue his hegemony in Uganda. In this chapter, we locate Museveni in the discourse on masculinity as having to continually assert itself in the face of contestation from various sources. We contend that as age was taking its toll, as younger opponents are emerging, and as the economy resisted, Museveni was forced to re-inscribe his masculinity through various stunts. Underlying these stunts was a dramatization of power and body performance to power and control. Using the frame of veteran masculinity and a socio-biographical analysis of his reign, we argue that Museveni represents an understudied phenomenon of the physical right to rule in Africa. We explore his (and his generation’s) claim of having put their bodies on the line as justification for power, as well as his turn to violence. We contend that Museveni highlights masculinity’s capacity to reinvent itself in the wake of multiple challenges to it.
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Is there case study evidence of a relationship between the socialconstruction of ethnic identities and the probability of ethnic war? Themere observation that ethnic identities are socially constructed doesnot by itself explain ethnic violence and may not even be particularlyrelevant. Our purpose here is to see if we can reject the nullhypothesis that the social construction of ethnicity has little or nobearing on the likelihood of ethnic violence. Our procedure is toexamine closely the narratives of expert observers of some highlyviolent episodes of ethnic relations. Although a different set of casestudies might yield different overall conclusions, the narratives weexamined contain useful clues about the mechanisms that link identityconstruction and ethnic violence.
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