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Zum Verhältnis Staat-Religion und der Rolle islamischer Intellektueller in der indonesischen Reformasi
... "Unity in Diversity" (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika) should remain the country's guiding motto, and the expansion of Islamic law would undermine national integrity. Remarkably, the chairman of the MPR and the country's president at the time were both Islamic leaders and both had previously served as the chairmen of the country's large Islamic organizations (Künkler 2008). Abdurrahman Wahid, former chair of NU, had been elected president in 1999; Amien Rais, former chairman of Muhammadiyah, had become Speaker of the MPR. ...
What role do and should constitutions play in mitigating intense disagreements over the religious character of a state? And what kind of constitutional solutions might reconcile democracy with the type of religious demands raised in contemporary democratising or democratic states? Tensions over religion-state relations are gaining increasing salience in constitution writing and rewriting around the world. This book explores the challenge of crafting a democratic constitution under conditions of deep disagreement over a state's religious or secular identity. It draws on a broad range of relevant case studies of past and current constitutional debates in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Middle East, and offers valuable lessons for societies soon to embark on constitution drafting or amendment processes where religion is an issue of contention.
... "Unity in Diversity" (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika) should remain the country's guiding motto, and the expansion of Islamic law would undermine national integrity. Remarkably, the chairman of the MPR and the country's president at the time were both Islamic leaders and both had previously served as the chairmen of the country's large Islamic organizations (Künkler 2008). Abdurrahman Wahid, former chair of NU, had been elected president in 1999; Amien Rais, former chairman of Muhammadiyah, had become Speaker of the MPR. ...
This paper argues that the mainstream Indonesian cosmopolitan Islamic intellectual milieu has not been adequately conceptualized in existing literature. By presenting a political history of the evolution of this cosmopolitan cohort and by engaging with contemporary emic Indonesian debates on the nexus between cosmopolitanism, Islam, and the nation state, the paper finds that in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in the archipelago, cosmopolitan Islamic thought has been, and continues to be, significantly driven and shaped by the interplay of international influences dominated by the “West” and Indonesian patriotic politics. More recently, Indonesia’s perceived status as an Islamic periphery and the country’s emerging soft power agenda contribute to furthering a peculiar relationship between cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Indonesian Islamic intellectualism. The paper argues that as a result of the strong impact of patriotism, mainstream Indonesian cosmopolitan Islamic intellectuals are best understood as nationally rooted “cosmopatriots,” representing “cosmopatriotism,” while the “West” remains a central intellectual and cultural reference point.
This article traces the usage of scholarly categories in online public discourses in Indonesia and Malaysia. I make two main arguments: First, digital dissemination and discussion of such categories accelerate and distort the reductions that are part of scholarly work. Second, these reductions in online debates contribute to a homogenization of positions on Islam on the level of actors as well as the level of arguments. Muslim authority on matters of creed has become more monopolized by a small group of scholars since the mid-2000s, and a broad spectrum of positions has become concentrated into a few homogenized group identities. This homogenization is driven by the increased use of new media, especially the internet. One effect of this is that more extreme positions on Islamic interpretations have become acceptable in the public spheres in Southeast Asia.
Die Frage nach dem Einfluss religiöser Akteure auf Demokratisierungsprozesse ist in der Politikwissenschaft bisher wenig systematisch erforscht worden. Aktuelle Debatten um Religion in der Demokratisierungsforschung kreisen meist noch immer um Varianten der Kompatibilitätsfrage (können mehrheitlich-buddhistische, mehrheitlich-muslimische Länder u. a. demokratisch werden?). Nur wenige Studien widmen sich der empirischen Erforschung des Einflusses religiöser Akteure auf die Erosion autoritärer Herrschaft oder die erfolgreiche Konsolidierung formaldemokratischer Systeme – mag dieser Einfluss konstruktiv, oder obstruktiv, oder gar destruktiv sein.
Als Forschungslücke innerhalb des Relationship Marketing konnte die bislang nicht hinreichende Erklärung ausgelösten Kundenverhaltens durch das Konstrukt der Kundenzufriedenheit bestimmt werden. Der Anspruch der vorliegenden Arbeit bestand vor diesem Hintergrund darin, einen weiteren Erklärungsansatz für das Kundenverhalten durch die Integration von „Stolz“ in das Relationship Marketing zu bieten. Hierfür war das Phänomen „Kundenstolz“ hinsichtlich seiner Formen bzw. Konstrukte zu operationalisieren, deren jeweilige Antezedenzien und Konsequenzen zu identifizieren, kundenstolz-relevante Produkte bzw. Produktmerkmale herauszustellen und daraus Implikationen für Theorie und Praxis des Relationship Marketing abzuleiten.
The article comparatively investigates the role of religious actors in the
democratization processes of five ‘young’ democracies from the Catholic,
Protestant, Christian-Orthodox and Muslim world: West Germany after
World War II (1945–1969), Georgia and Ukraine post-1987/9, Mali (post-
1987), and Indonesia from 1998. The analysis provides an overview of the
roles religious actors played in the erosion of authoritarian rule, the transition
to democracy and subsequent democratic consolidation processes, as well
as de-democratization processes. Our three paired comparisons, including
one in-country comparison, show that the condition which most affected the
role of religious actors in all three phases of democratic transitions was the
de facto autonomy they enjoyed vis-a`-vis the political regime as well as
the organizational form these actors took. Their aims, means, and the political
significance of their theology were highly dependent on the extent to which
they benefitted from de facto autonomy within the state.
The article comparatively investigates the role of religious actors in the democratization processes of five young democracies from the Catholic, Protestant, Christian-Orthodox and Muslim world, specifically in West Germany after World War II (1945-1969), in Georgia and Ukraine post-1987/9, as well as in Mali post-1987 and Indonesia after 1998. The analysis provides an overview of the roles religious actors played in the erosion of authoritarian rule, the transition to democracy and subsequent democratic consolidation processes, as well as de-democratization processes. Our three paired comparisons, including one in-country comparison, show that the condition which most affected the role of religious actors in all three phases of democratic transitions was the legal position they enjoyed vis-à-vis the political regime as well as the organizational form these actors took. Their aims, means, and the political significance of their theology were highly dependent on their de facto legal status within the state.
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