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Psychology of Popular Media Culture
Sport Fans and Sci-Fi Fanatics: The Social Stigma of
Popular Media Fandom
Elizabeth L. Cohen, Anita Atwell Seate, Shaun M. Anderson, and Melissa F. Tindage
Online First Publication, August 17, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000095
CITATION
Cohen, E. L., Atwell Seate, A., Anderson, S. M., & Tindage, M. F. (2015, August 17). Sport
Fans and Sci-Fi Fanatics: The Social Stigma of Popular Media Fandom. Psychology of Popular
Media Culture. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000095
Sport Fans and Sci-Fi Fanatics: The Social Stigma of Popular
Media Fandom
Elizabeth L. Cohen
West Virginia University
Anita Atwell Seate
University of Maryland
Shaun M. Anderson and Melissa F. Tindage
West Virginia University
Popular media culture fandom is associated with a variety of positive psychological,
social, and cultural outcomes, but people who participate in these fandoms may be
socially stigmatized because of the object of their fandom. A 2 (Fandom Type: Science
Fiction/Fantasy; Sport) !2 (Target Fan Sex: Female; Male) between-subjects exper-
imental design was used to examine the influence of fandom type and fan sex on the
3 dimensions of interpersonal attraction: social, physical, and task. In general, science
fiction/fantasy fans were perceived as less socially and physically attractive compared
to sport fans, particularly male science fiction/fantasy fans. However, there were no
differences between the groups in task attractiveness. Female sport fans were judged as
more physically and socially attractive than female science fiction/fantasy fans.
Keywords: fandom, fans, stereotypes, geek, stigma
Studies of sports and popular media culture
fans alike have shown that there are several
benefits that accompany fandom. Psychologi-
cally, fandom is associated with self-esteem,
empowerment, entertainment, self-fulfillment,
and a sense of social integration and community
(Fiske, 1992; Obst, Zinkiewicz, & Smith, 2002;
Smith, Patterson, Williams, & Hogg, 1981;
Tsay-Vogel & Sanders, 2015; Wann, 1995).
Sociologically, fandom can unite disparate so-
cial groups and serve as a gateway to civic
engagement and cultural production (Jenkins,
1992; Scardaville, 2005; Shefrin, 2004).
However, despite the benefits of fandom,
fans can also be stigmatized socially. The stig-
matization of popular culture consumption has a
long history (Adorno & Horkheimer, 2002) and
fans of popular media culture (e.g., fans of
novels, TV shows, pop music, etc.) have often
been associated with low-status, immaturity,
and poor taste (Fiske, 1989). A subcategory of
popular media culture fandom is science fiction/
fantasy fandom. Science fiction/fantasy fans
(e.g., Whovieans, Trekkies, Cosplayers, Twi-
lighters or Twihards, and Dungeons & Dragons
players) are associated with characteristics that
overlap with the broader geeks or nerd stereo-
type. Anderegg (2011) suggests that this stereo-
type is unique in that, although people recog-
nize that being stereotyped as a geek is negative
and try to avoid being labeled as such, use of the
label is nonetheless considered socially accept-
able.
If the stigma of geeks and geek subcultures
like science fiction/fantasy fans is, in fact, nor-
malized, this could be problematic because, like
all stigmata, it contributes to shame and social
isolation (Major & Eccleston, 2005). Addition-
ally, people could be discouraged from engag-
ing in “geeky” behaviors that are personally
fulfilling and beneficial for society, such as en-
gagement in participatory cultures and involve-
ment in science, technology, engineering, and
Elizabeth L. Cohen, Department of Communication Stud-
ies, West Virginia University; Anita Atwell Seate, Depart-
ment of Communication, University of Maryland; Shaun M.
Anderson and Melissa F. Tindage, Department of Commu-
nication Studies, West Virginia University.
We thank Edward L. Fink for his thoughtful suggestions.
Correspondence concerning this article should be ad-
dressed to Elizabeth L. Cohen, Department of Communica-
tion Studies, West Virginia University, PO Box 6293, Mor-
gantown, WV 26506-6293. E-mail: elizabeth.cohen@mail
.wvu.edu
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Psychology of Popular Media Culture © 2015 American Psychological Association
2015, Vol. 4, No. 4, 000 2160-4134/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000095
1
mathematics fields (Anderegg, 2011; Croasdell,
McLeod, & Simkin, 2011; Jenkins, Clinton, Pu-
rushotma, Robinson, & Weigel, 2006).
However, although several scholars have
documented the negative geek stereotypes that
afflict science fiction/fantasy fans, no research
has yet examined whether this social stigma
exists. In fact, only a handful of studies have
explored public impressions of fans, and these
studies have been limited to perceptions of sport
fans (e.g., Wann, Schinner, & Keenan, 2001;
Wann, Waddill, & Dunham, 2004). The current
study investigated whether or not science fic-
tion/fantasy fandom is more or less socially
acceptable than sport fandom, another common
popular culture activity. By experimentally ma-
nipulating the object of fandom (sport or sci-
ence fiction/fantasy) and the fan’s sex in a de-
scription of a fan, this research sheds light on
the potential social costs of participating in sci-
ence fiction/fantasy fandom for male and female
fans.
The Stigma of Science
Fiction/Fantasy Fandom
Because one of the ways that people form
impressions of other people is by considering
their social group memberships (Turner, 1985),
people’s association with different fandoms
should impact others’ assessments of interper-
sonal attractiveness. However, research on de-
pictions of fans in the media and popular culture
discourse suggest that not all fandoms are per-
ceived as being equally attractive. In his semi-
nal work, Jenkins (1992) observed that media
depictions of popular media culture fans may be
stigmatizing, such that they are routinely shown
as being immature, emasculated, freakish, asex-
ual or sexually incapable, socially inept and
isolated, and unstable. More recent research
finds that these stereotypes persist in media
discourse (Johnson, 2007; Stanfill, 2013), and
are applied to other, related fan groups. For
instance, the negative perception of science fic-
tion/fantasy fans as being lonely, socially awk-
ward, misfits overlaps with the stereotype of
gamers and “fanboy” comic book readers and
collectors as well (Gagliardo, 2013; Kowert,
Griffiths, & Oldmeadow, 2012). Stereotypes of
popular media culture fans—particularly sci-
ence fiction and fantasy fans, could be consid-
ered an archetype of a broader nerd or geek
stereotype. Bednarek (2012) investigated dic-
tionary and Wikipedia entries, Google images,
and academic literature to identify stereotypic
associations with geeks/nerds and found that
they typically are depicted or described as being
interested in science fiction and fantasy and
disinterested in sports, among other stereotypi-
cal geek traits, such as being intelligent and
studious, being interested or obsessed with tech-
nology and science, being socially awkward and
reclusive, being physically awkward and unat-
tractive, dressing strangely, and not having a
sex life.
Fan studies research also indicates that pop-
ular media culture fans are stereotyped as plac-
ing too much importance on, and overindulging
in the consumption of information about the
object of their fandom (Jenkins, 1992; Jensen,
1992; Sandvoss, 2005; Stanfill, 2013). The link
between fans and a lack of self-control also
bleeds over into the stereotype that fans have
problems distinguishing between fantasy and
reality, or suggesting that they are mentally
unbalanced (Anderegg, 2011; Jenkins, 1992;
Jensen, 1992; Johnson, 2007). Even the word
“fan,” short for “fanatic,” hints at the associa-
tion between fandom and “madness and de-
monic possession.” (Jenkins, 1992, p. 13). Me-
dia portrayals and researchers alike have
depicted celebrity and popular media culture
fan behaviors as pathological (cf. Stever, 2011),
rather than a normal and natural expression of
social and aesthetic affinity.
Popular media culture fandom has been as-
sociated to a number of positive experiences,
including enjoyment, narrative transportation,
knowledge acquisition, and the tendency to
search for meaningfulness (Taylor, 2015; Tsay-
Vogel & Sanders, 2015). The social stigma at-
tached to science fiction/fantasy fandom is
problematic because it could shame existing
fans and discourage other people from partici-
pating in this and other popular media culture
fandoms. “Geek shaming” and social ostracism
could have damaging psychological effects on
fans, and this stigma could adversely affect peo-
ple’s willingness to identify as a fan and engage
in related activities. Fan studies scholars have
presented extensive evidence that popular me-
dia culture fandom lays the ground work for
participatory cultures, in which people produce
and distribute their own media (e.g., Barton &
Lamply, 2013; Jenkins, 1992; Jenkins et al.,
2 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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2006). These participatory cultures have been
linked to positive educational, social, and civic
outcomes like activism (e.g., Jenkins et al.,
2006; Kell, 2009; Scardaville, 2005; Shefrin,
2004). The stigmatization of popular media cul-
ture fandom could contribute to what Jenkins et
al. (2006) terms a participation gap, a divide
between those who have acquired the cultural
competencies and new media literacies needed
to keep up with the demands of participatory
culture and those who have not.
Although science fiction/fantasy fans tend to
be stereotyped as geeky and overly obsessed,
behaviorally speaking, fans of popular media
culture are not much different from sport fans.
Although direct comparisons of different types
of fan behaviors are rare, a cursory comparison
of research on popular media culture fans (in-
cluding fans of science fiction and fantasy) and
sport fans, suggests that they express them-
selves and identify with other fans in similar
ways, such as viewing and reading media texts
related to the object of their fandom, looking up
statistics, discussing it with other fans, purchas-
ing paraphernalia or clothing to express their
fandom, and sometimes even engaging in role-
play related to their fandom, such as digital
games, fantasy league sports, or cosplay (Baym,
2000; Gantz & Wenner, 1991; Harrington &
Bielby, 1995; Ruihley & Billings, 2013). How-
ever, contrary to the stereotype that popular
media culture fans are abnormally excessive,
some research suggests that in actuality, sport
fans might be more active and involved with the
object of their fandom (Gantz, Wang, Paul, &
Potter, 2006; Reysen & Branscombe, 2010).
This suggests that fandom itself is not stigma-
tized, simply the object of fandom. Sport fans
and popular media culture fans may feel simi-
larly toward the object of their fandom and
perform similar behaviors— even behaviors that
seem fanatic, but only popular media culture
fans would be stigmatized.
1
An interview with
Larsen, the editor of the Journal of Fandom
Studies captures this double standard:
The degree of ridicule that a male sports fan experi-
ences— even if he paints himself half green and half
white and goes to an Eagles [football] game half na-
ked—is vastly different than the potential ridicule
tossed at a male media fan who paints himself green
and white and goes to Comic Con half naked as an
alien something-or-other. Eagles fans, no matter how
extreme their presentation and participation in their
chosen object of affection, are rarely described as
“creepy.” (Zubernis & Larsen, 2012)
To our knowledge no study has yet experi-
mentally demonstrated that the object of a per-
son’s fandom (rather than fan behavior) can be
a stigma, and in turn affect interpersonal im-
pression formation. In the current study, we
compare people’s impressions of a science fic-
tion/fantasy fan—a prototypical popular media
culture fan, to impressions of a sport fan. Both
types of fans will be described in the same
terms, but the object of their fandom will be
manipulated. Based on fan studies research that
suggests that science fiction/fantasy fans are
stereotyped as being interpersonally awkward,
misfitting, mentally unstable, and all around
geeky, we expect that they will be judged as
being less physically attractive, less socially
desirable, and less able and dependable than
sport fans. Based on this logic, we predicted
that:
H1: Science fiction/fantasy fans will be
perceived as less physically, socially, and
task attractive compared to sport fans.
Biological Sex and Science Fiction/Fantasy
Fan Stigmatization
Compared to males, females are just as likely—
if not more likely—to engage in many types of
popular culture fandom. For instance, almost an
equal number of males and females attend pop
culture fan conventions such as Comic Con, and
women are more likely to participate in cosplay,
write fan fiction, and blog about their fan expe-
riences than men (Eventbrite, 2014; Fan Fiction
Network Research, 2011). However, there is
reason to suspect that male and female science
fiction/fantasy fans are not perceived as being
equal when it comes to interpersonal attractive-
ness. Research on common science fiction/
fantasy fan practices suggests that flexible per-
1
Our intention is not to suggest that sport fans are not
stigmatized as well. We recognize that sport participation
and fandom can also be accompanied by harmful stereo-
types. For instance, the “dumb jock” stereotype associates
athleticism with brutishness, ignorance, and stupidity and
could be associated with a negative mental and academic
outcomes (e.g., Simons, Bosworth, Fujita, & Jensen, 2007).
However, we do argue that these negative stereotypes
should not have the effect on social attraction that stereo-
types associated with science fiction/fantasy fandom has.
3SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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formances of gender and other identities, and
the creation of texts that resist heteronormativ-
ity are fairly common behaviors (Bury, 2003;
Gn, 2011; Scodari, 2003). Conceivably, these
experimental gender practices are seen as being
more deviant when they are performed by men,
who are expected to conform more rigidly to
dominant, masculine cultural norms. In this
way, male participation in science fiction/
fantasy fandom could be seen as particularly
freakish and socially aberrant. Furthermore, an-
ecdotal evidence and recent scholarship sug-
gests that males are more likely to be associated
with geek images and behavior in the media,
and thus, stigmatization of popular media cul-
ture fandom may be more damaging to male
fans than female fans. Discourse analyses of
geeks represented in popular culture (e.g., im-
ages on the Geek Squad computer-repair web-
site), argue that geeks tend to be male by default
(Eglash, 2002; Kendall, 2011). Bednarek’s In-
ternet search for stereotypical geek representa-
tions revealed that White males were dispropor-
tionately pictured compared to “nerd girls” (a
specific term used to describe the female excep-
tion to this stereotype). Furthermore, stereotyp-
ical geek portrayals on film and TV such as
those found on Revenge of the Nerds,Family
Matters, Big Bang Theory,Role Models,Silicon
Valley, and Community are overwhelmingly
represented by males, and many of these por-
trayals feature stereotypical geeks engaging in
science fiction/fantasy fan behaviors, such as
playing fantasy role-playing games like Dun-
geons & Dragons, or obsessing over plot details
of their favorite TV program. Arguably one of
the most common types of science fiction/
fantasy fan are a subgroup of players of Mas-
sively Multiplayer Online Role Playing Games,
who may engage in fantasy role-playing games
like World of Warcraft or Final Fantasy. Work
by Kowert and colleagues shows that gamer
stereotypes overlap with science fiction/fantasy
stereotypes (e.g., being socially incompetent
and unattractive; Kowert et al., 2013), and that
the public tends to associate gamers with social
groups related to science fiction/fantasy fandom
(i.e., comic book enthusiasts, Dungeons &
Dragons players, and geeks; Kowert & Old-
meadow, 2013). Notably, gaming also tends to
be a stereotypically male activity (Selwyn,
2007; Williams, Yee, & Caplan, 2008), even
though a recent statistic indicates that approxi-
mately 50% of video game playing population
is female (Entertainment Software Association,
2014).
Collectively this research suggests that sche-
matically, people will associate science fiction/
fantasy fandom with males. Therefore, people
should perceive male science fiction/fantasy
fans as being particularly unattractive interper-
sonally compared to female science fiction/
fantasy fans or sport fans, which are less likely
to fit the unappealing stereotype. Accordingly,
we predicted the following:
H2: The male science fiction/fantasy fan
will be perceived as less physically, so-
cially, and task attractive compared to the
other three groups combined (i.e., the fe-
male science fiction fan, the male sport fan,
and the female sport fan).
Science fiction/fantasy fandom should also
be a socially unappealing pursuit for women,
comparatively speaking. Of course, arguably
any type of fandom could be seen as being less
appropriate for women. “Fangirl” is often used
pejoratively as a means to ridicule what is seen
as overly enthusiastic female fandom (Click,
2009), and some have observed that woman are
often perceived as lacking the knowledge to be
a “true” fan (Borer, 2009; Pope, 2014). None-
theless, female sport fandom appears to be a
lesser evil. Evidence suggests that female sport
fandom is becoming increasingly common and
socially acceptable. Some research has indi-
cated that men engage in more fan behaviors
(e.g., researching players, watching sports on
TV, and discussing the sport with others; Dietz-
Uhler, Harrick, End, & Jacquemotte, 2000;
Gantz & Wenner, 1991) and express more in-
terest in sports (cf. Wann, Melnick, Russell, &
Pease, 2001). It is perhaps no wonder that men
are also perceived as being more intense sport
fans (Dietz-Uhler, End, Jacquemotte, Bentley,
& Hurlbut, 2000). However, this research may
overlook more female-centered styles of sport
fandom (Pope, 2013). As Borer (2009) points
out, sports tends to be male-dominated from an
ideological standpoint, but for better or worse,
female sport fans have developed a number of
strategies to express their sport fandom and
remain true to their gender identities that might
not resemble the type of fan behaviors males
engage in. Of course, other research suggests
4 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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that males and females engage in very similar
fan behavior when they strongly identify as
sport fans, but the difference is that men appear
more likely than women to identify as involved
sport fans (Dietz-Uhler, Harrick, et al., 2000;
Ware & Kowalski, 2012), and being a sport fan
is a more important determinant of social ac-
ceptance for men, compared to women (End,
Kretschmar, & Dietz-Uhler, 2004). Even if
sport fandom is typically a more salient part of
males’ identity, however, this should not sug-
gest that female sport fans are evaluated disap-
provingly. In a study of male sport fan percep-
tions, Wann et al. (2001) found that men with an
interest in sports themselves evaluated a de-
scription of a female sport fan favorably, and
evaluated a description of a female with little
interest in sports unfavorably. The authors de-
scribe this as the Something About Mary effect,
based on the 1998 movie that focuses on the
romantic attachments of several men to a beau-
tiful and intelligent woman who also happens to
be an intense sport fan. This film paired femi-
ninity with sport fandom, glamorizing the fe-
male sport fan as the woman who has it all. In
a follow-up experiment, Galyon and Wann
(2012) found that this favorable impression of a
female sport fan persisted regardless of whether
the female was described in highly feminine or
highly masculine. This finding suggests that
sport fandom could be an influential cue in how
men form impression about women, above mas-
culinity and femininity.
2
Although no similar
study looking at female perceptions of female
sport fandom could be located, it stands to rea-
son that female acceptance of female sport fan-
dom could mirror males’ acceptance, thereby
making female sport fandom on the whole more
socially acceptable than female participation in
more stigmatized fandom, such as science fic-
tion/fantasy fandom. As previously discussed,
we expect male science fiction/fantasy fans to
be considered the least interpersonally attrac-
tive, but that is because males tend to be asso-
ciated with this stigmatized fan culture, and
females do not. However, we expect that female
sport fans will still have a social leg up on
female science fiction/fantasy fans and will
elicit more positive interpersonal assessments.
Thus, we predicted the following:
H3: Compared to female sport fans, female
science fiction/fantasy fans will be per-
ceived as less physically, socially, and task
attractive compared to female sport fans.
Method
Students from a large Northeastern university
were recruited from introductory communica-
tion courses to participate in a 2 (Fan type:
sci-fi/fantasy fan or sport fan) !2 (Target fan
sex: female or male) between-subjects design
online experiment, in exchange for extra course
credit. Participants were told that the study was
on how people form impressions about other
people and they were asked to read a descriptive
profile of another college student and consider
their gut-level impressions of that person. After
reading the descriptions, participants proceeded
to take an online questionnaire with questions
regarding how socially, task, and physically at-
tractive they perceived this person to be.
Experimental Manipulations
All participants read a description of an in-
volved fan, but participants were randomly as-
signed to read and respond to one of four dif-
ferent descriptions of a person that only varied
in terms of what the person was a fan of, and the
sex of the person. In the science fiction/fantasy
condition, participants read a description of
somebody that “is enthusiastically devoted to
watching and reading media about almost any-
thing involving science fiction and fantasy.” In
the sport fan condition, a sport fan is described
as performing the exact same activities, but the
wording was adjusted for sport fans (e.g., in-
stead of wearing reproductions of character uni-
forms, the sport fan wears reproductions of
players uniforms). Fan sex was manipulated by
changing the name of the fan and the gendered
pronouns. Some participants were randomly as-
signed to read a description of Abby, and her
fandom, while others read a description of Allen
2
Several participants in this study were not included in
the final analysis because they did not answer a manipula-
tion check correctly, which was designed to gauge whether
or not the males in the study identified the masculine and
feminine characteristics used to describe the female sport
fans. The authors suggest that this could indicate that par-
ticipants had difficulty conceptualizing a masculine female,
and this could be an alternative explanation for why there
was no difference in their assessment of masculine and
feminine female sport fans.
5SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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and his fandom. The experimental vignette can
be found in Appendix.
Participants were told they would be quizzed
on what they can recall about the description
and instructed to read the description carefully
and try to remember as much about the person
as they could so that they could answer specific
questions about the person and their impres-
sions of them later. A total of 58 participants in
the final sample were assigned to the male sci-
ence fiction/fantasy fan condition, 66 were as-
signed to the female science fiction/fantasy con-
dition, 75 were assigned to the male sport fan
condition, and 76 were assigned to the female
sport fan condition.
Participants
A total of 298 students participated in the
study, but 23 (7.71%) participants who did not
respond correctly to one of two manipulation
checks that asked them to identify the type of
fan and sex of the fan in the description were
excluded from analyses.
3
The final sample con-
sisted of 275 participants. Slightly less than half
of the sample was male (46.5%), 42.5% was
female, and 10.9% did not report biological
sex.
4
The ages of participants ranged from 18 to
55 (M!21.25, SD !3.57). Over three quarters
of the sample identified as White (77.1%). Af-
rican Americans were the next most frequently
represented group in the sample (5.8%), fol-
lowed by Asians (3.6%), and Hispanics/
Latino/as (1.8%). In total, 11.7% of participants
reported identifying with another racial or eth-
nic group or did not report their race or ethnic-
ity.
Interpersonal Attraction Measures
McCroskey and McCain’s (1974) interper-
sonal attraction measures were used to assess
physical, social, and task attraction to the fan in
the description. These three indicators of inter-
personal attraction have been validated and
shown to be reliable in the past (see Rubin,
Palmgreen, & Sypher, 2004). For each scale,
participants were asked to indicate the extent
that they agree with different statements on a
7-point Likert scale (1 !disagree strongly;7!
agree strongly). Physical attraction was mea-
sured with 12 items designed to gauge how
physically alluring a person is (e.g., “this person
is physically attractive”; M!4.05, SD !.84).
The social attraction scale consisted of 12 items
to assess social desirability (e.g., “I think this
person could be a friend of mine”; M!4.75,
SD !1.02). Finally, task attraction consisted of
14 items that gauged participants’ impressions
of how much they would like to work with that
person (e.g., “I have confidence in this person’s
ability to get the job done”; M!4.40, SD !
.60). All three scales were reliable, with Cron-
bach’s alphas of .91, .93, and .82, respectively.
Data Preparation
We used contrast codes to examine each
hypothesis. Hypothesis 1 was coded such that
both sport fans conditions received a .25 and
both science fiction/fantasy fan conditions re-
ceived a ".25. Hypothesis 2 was coded such
that the male science fiction/fantasy fan con-
dition received a .75 and all other conditions
(i.e., female science fiction/fantasy fan, fe-
male sport fan, male sport fan) were coded as
".25. Hypothesis 3 was coded such that the
female science fiction/fantasy fan condition
received a .50, the female sport fan condition
received a ".50, and the two male conditions
(i.e., both science fiction/fantasy and sport)
conditions received a 0.
Results
To test H1–H3, we conducted a series of
planned comparisons. For each hypothesis,
we entered the contrast code into univariate
ANOVAs for each dependent variable. Because
our hypotheses are nonorthogonal, we took sev-
eral steps in order to reduce the risk of commit-
ting a family wise Type I error. First, we com-
puted the determinant of the three contrast
codes’ correlation matrix to ensure that there
was not a high degree of multicollinearity. The
3
A chi-square analysis was performed to demonstrate
that the participants removed from each condition did not
differ, #
2
(3, N!298) !4.54, p!.21. T-tests also
confirmed that participants removed from the sample did
not differ on measures of interpersonal attraction.
4
It is unclear why such a high percentage of participants
did not report their sex, but a chi-square analysis confirmed
that the number of participants that did not report sex did
not vary across the four experimental conditions #
2
(6) !
6.79, p!.34 (male science fiction/fantasy fan, 3.7%; fe-
male science fiction/fantasy fan, 2.2%; male sport fan,
2.6%; female sport fan, 1.8%), so we believe this occurred
at random and is unrelated to the results of this study.
6 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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determinant of the covariate matrix (.18) indi-
cates there is some degree of collinearity be-
tween the three contrast codes (as would be
expected given that the hypotheses are nonor-
thogonal), but the problem does not appear very
serious. Second, we computed a series of 2 (Fan
Type: science fiction/fantasy vs. sport) by 2
(Sex: female vs. male) between-subjects ANO-
VAs for each dependent variable to ensure that
model was statistically significant.
5
Finally, we
reduced the Type I error rate for each of the
planned comparisons. More specifically, we di-
vided the 5% alpha level by three (i.e., the
number of planned comparisons) to ensure that
the family wise Type I error rate is equal to 5%.
Hence, for the analyses below, the alpha level
for each test is 1.667%, one-tailed.
Preliminary Analyses
For the 2 by 2 ANOVA for physical attrac-
tion, results indicate the model significantly pre-
dicts the outcome, F(3, 267) !12.54, p".001,
Radjusted
2!.11. The model predicts a significant
proportion of variance in social attraction, F(3,
267) !10.98, p".001, Radjusted
2!.10, and
lastly, the model predicts a significant propor-
tion of variance in task attraction, F(3, 267) !
3.73, p!.012, Radjusted
2!.03.
Hypothesis Testing
H1 predicted that science fiction/fantasy fans
are perceived as less physically, socially, and
task attractive compared to sport fans. Results
indicate that science fiction fans are perceived
as less physically attractive (M!3.78, SD !
0.86) compared to sport fans (M!4.27, SD !
0.76), F(1, 269) !24.41, p".001, #p
2!.08.
Science fiction/fantasy fans were also perceived
to be less socially attractive (M!4.40, SD !
0.93) compared to sport fans (M!5.04, SD !
1.02), F(1, 269) !28.85, p".001, #p
2!.10.
Lastly, there was no difference in task attraction
between science fiction/fantasy fans and sport
fans, F(1, 269) !.06, p!.80, #p
2!.00.
Hypothesis 1 was partially supported.
H2 predicted that the male science fiction/
fantasy fans are perceived as less physically,
socially, and task attractive compared to the
other three fans combined (i.e., the female sci-
ence fiction/fantasy fan, the male sport fan, and
the female sport fan). Results show that the
male science fiction/fantasy fan was perceived
to be less physically attractive (M!3.58, SD !
0.89) compared to the other three groups (M!
4.18, SD !0.78), F(1, 269) !24.39, p".001,
#p
2!.08. The male science fiction/fantasy fan
was also perceived to be less socially attractive
(M!4.32, SD !0.94) compared to the other
three groups (M!4.87, SD !1.02), F(1,
269) !13.56, p".001, #p
2!.05. However, the
male science fiction/fantasy fan was not per-
ceived to be less task attractive (M!4.25,
SD !0.68) compared to the other three groups
(M!4.44, SD !0.57), F(1, 269) !5.02, p!
.026, #p
2!.02. As noted above, we are using an
alpha risk of 1.667% for each of our analyses to
maintain a family wise Type I error rate of 5%.
Together, these results partially support H2.
H3 predicted that female science fiction/
fantasy fans are perceived as less physically,
socially, and task attractive compared to female
sport fans. The estimated marginal means indi-
cate that female science fiction/fantasy fans are
perceived as less physically attractive (M!
3.96, SE !0.10), 95% CI [3.76 –4.16], com-
pared to female sport fans (M!4.42, SE !
0.10) 95% CI [4.23–4.61], F(2, 268) !10.65,
p".001, partial #p
2!.07. Female science
fiction/fantasy fans are also perceived as less
socially attractive (M!4.47, SE !0.09), 95%
CI [4.23–4.71], compared to female sport fans
(M!5.19, SE !0.12), 95% CI [4.96 –5.42],
F(2, 268) !10.18, p".001, #p
2!.07. How-
ever, female science fiction/fantasy fans were
not perceived to be less task attractive (M!
4.52, SE !0.07), 95% CI [4.38 –4.67], com-
pared to female sport fans (M!4.52, SE !
0.07), 95% CI [4.38 –4.65], F(2, 268) !5.41,
p".01, #p
2!.07. Overall, H3 received partial
support. The means and standard deviations
for all three measures of interpersonal attrac-
tion are reported across experimental condi-
tions in Table 1.
Discussion
Although participation in fandom can lead to
many personal and civic benefits (Fiske, 1989;
Jenkins, 1992; Obst et al., 2002; Shefrin, 2004;
5
Initially, gender of participants was entered as a cova-
riate in these analyses. However, because no significant
main effects or theoretically meaningful interactions
emerged, this variable was not included in the final analyses
reported here.
7SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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Wann, 1995), fan studies research has long sug-
gested there is a stigma attached to participating
in popular media culture fandoms (Fiske, 1989;
Jenkins, 1992). Science fiction/fantasy fandom
in particular appears to be the subject social
ridicule (e.g., Jenkins, 1992; Johnson, 2007;
Stanfill, 2013) as part of a broader geek culture
(Bednarek, 2012; Kowert & Oldmeadow,
2013). However, prior to this study, psycho-
logical research had not confirmed that this
type of fandom was associated with outcomes
that are socially detrimental. To our knowl-
edge, this is the first study to provide exper-
imental evidence that not all fandoms are
perceived equally, that the disparity is linked
to the object of fandom (not fanish behavior),
and that there are adverse social conse-
quences to participating in science fiction/
fantasy fandom.
As expected, science fiction/fantasy fans
were perceived as being less physically and
socially attractive compared to sport fans. Be-
cause the experimental stimuli used in this study
described science fiction/fantasy fans and sport
fans with an identical description of their be-
havior, we can conclude that the science fiction/
fantasy fan was not perceived as less interper-
sonally appealing because their attitudes and
behavior toward the object of their fandom were
any more extreme, fanatic, or different in any-
Table 1
Interpersonal Attraction Means and Standard Deviations Across
Experimental Conditions
Target sex condition Target fan condition
Physical attraction
M SD
Male Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.32 .94
Sport fan 4.90 .91
Total 4.65 .96
Female Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.47 .93
Sport fan 5.18 1.11
Total 4.84 1.08
Total Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.40 .93
Sport fan 5.04 1.02
Total 4.75 1.03
Social attraction
M SD
Male Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.32 .94
Sport fan 4.90 .91
Total 4.70 .96
Female Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.47 .93
Sport fan 5.19 1.11
Total 4.85 1.08
Total Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.40 .93
Sport fan 5.04 1.02
Total 4.75 1.03
Task attraction
M SD
Male Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.25 .66
Sport fan 4.31 .52
Total 4.28 .59
Female Sci-fi-Fantasy fan 4.52 .57
Sport fan 4.52 .62
Total 4.52 .59
Total Sci-fi/Fantasy fan 4.39 .63
Sport fan 4.25 .68
Total 4.31 .52
8 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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way from the sport fan’s behavior. In other
words, because we controlled for the intensity
of fandom, we are confident that the object of
fandom causes the differences in these interper-
sonal perceptions, not behavior. This provides
evidence that the stigmatization of science fic-
tion/fantasy fandom is a result of the associa-
tions people have with the object of fandom,
rather than fan behavior. These data support the
contention that science fiction/fantasy fans are
marginalized for being ugly, awkward, and so-
cially inept (e.g., Jenkins, 1992).
However, the results indicate that science fic-
tion/fantasy fans and sport fans did not differ on
all dimensions of interpersonal attraction. Type
of fandom did not affect participants’ impres-
sions of task attractiveness, suggesting that par-
ticipating in science fiction/fantasy fandom
does not detract from people’s impressions of
others’ capability and reliability. This was true,
regardless of whether the fan was described as
male or female. In many ways, this finding is
encouraging because it indicates that fandom—
even a geeky fandom, do not discourage all
types of social contact. However, the combina-
tion of perceived competence but less physical
and social attractiveness might not necessarily
be positive. Notably, this interpretation is con-
gruent with Behaviors from Intergroup Affect
and Stereotypes (BIAS) Map research (Cuddy,
Fiske, & Glick, 2007). BIAS Map research finds
that many types of social stereotypes are not
innately positive or negative, but instead are
mixed, and associated with both positive and
negative (intergroup) behaviors. For example,
research finds that groups (e.g., rich people,
Asians) that are perceived as high competence
(e.g., capable) and low on warmth (e.g., warm,
sincere) illicit feelings of envy which in turns
leads to active harming behaviors (e.g., attack-
ing, fighting) and passive facilitation behaviors
(e.g., cooperating with group members) depend-
ing on the social context. This suggests that in
social contexts linked to things that these fans
are stereotyped as being competent in, people
may choose to cooperate with these individuals,
but our results imply that outside of these social
contexts, people will likely distance themselves
from these types of fans.
These findings have important implications
for individual fans and society at large. Our
findings indicate that people form negative im-
pressions of others based on the object of their
fandoms. The disparagement of science fiction/
fantasy fandom could be psychologically dam-
aging to fans, who feel socially ostracized based
on a source of enjoyment. The stigma of science
fiction/fantasy fandom could also detract from
the many personal rewards of participating in
fandom. Research has shown that fandom is
associated with several rewarding entertainment
experiences and opportunities for social con-
nection (Taylor, 2015; Tsay-Vogel & Sanders,
2015) that could be otherwise lost if fans feel
uncomfortable socially identifying as fans. Fur-
thermore, this stigmatization could have wider
societal effects if it discourages productive civic
behaviors associated with fandom. A well-
established body of fan studies scholarship has
demonstrated that participation in fandoms lead
to participatory cultures, in which citizens can
develop valuable cultural competencies and me-
dia production and distribution skills (e.g., Jen-
kins et al., 2006; Kell, 2009; Scardaville, 2005;
Shefrin, 2004). If people’s willingness to affil-
iate with and engage as fans is compromised,
this could contribute to a participation gap in a
civic landscape that increasingly demands ex-
periences and skills that can be cultivated with
fandom (Jenkins et al., 2006).
Also as expected, the description of the male
science fiction/fantasy fan was evaluated as be-
ing the least physically and socially attractive.
This is most likely due to the fact that men are
most strongly associated with science fiction/
fantasy fandoms, as well as other physically and
socially unappealing geekish traits (Eglash,
2002; Kendall, 2011; Kowert et al., 2014). Par-
ticipants appear to have applied the stereotype
of the unattractive, interpersonally unskilled,
nerdy fanboy to their impression formation.
This discovery suggests that men are judged
particularly harshly for participating in this type
of fandom. This could be in part because of
societal gender norms. Intuitively, it makes
sense that a strong affinity for things like fiction,
fantasy, and role-play would be associated with
immaturity and emasculation (Jenkins, 1992),
particularly compared to athletic interests and
pursuits. Our results suggest that the social
stigma attached to male science fiction/fantasy
fans could be due to the perception that these
types of fans do not ascribe to societal mascu-
line hegemonic norms. This makes sense given
that we found that female science fiction/fantasy
fans were not judged as harshly as their male
9SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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counterparts. If science fiction/fantasy fandom
is perceived as departing from masculine
norms, it would only be fitting that this type of
fandom would be perceived as being more so-
cially appropriate for women, as compared to
men. Another possibility is that compared to
their male counterparts, female science fiction/
fantasy fans were actually regarded more favor-
ably because they do not fit the stereotype of a
typical (male) science fiction/fantasy fan. Re-
search suggests that exposure to positive, atyp-
ical examples of a stereotypical group can make
the group more socially attractive (Boden-
hausen, Schwarz, Bless, & Wanke, 1995; Mas-
tro & Tukachinsky, 2011). Counter stereotyping
could also explain the Something About Mary
effect (Wann et al., 2001), in which female
sport fans are seen to be particularly appealing
by virtue of the fact that they are fans of activ-
ities that not considered as typical for women.
Participants might have viewed female science
fiction/fantasy fans more positively than the
male counterpart precisely because the descrip-
tion functioned as a counter to the negative
stereotype of the socially inept male science
fiction/fantasy fan.
On the surface, this finding seems like good
news for female science fiction/fantasy fans
who, it seems, are not as socially undesirable as
male science fiction/fantasy fans. But a more
pessimistic interpretation of this finding is that
it serves as evidence that geek culture is indeed,
perceived as a male-dominated culture. A great
deal of effort has been put into exploring the
reasons that more women do not engage in
STEM fields, and some of this work suggests
that one reason is that being a geek in these lines
of work is not considered compatible with being
a woman (e.g., Cho, Goodman, Oppenheimer,
Codling, & Robinson, 2009; Croasdell et al.,
2011). Likewise, the recent “Gamergate” cam-
paign exposed the culture war that exists between
men and women in the gaming community (Wof-
ford, 2014), another geek culture where women
are marginalized. Hence, while it is true that it
could be a blessing that female science fiction/
fantasy fans are not as stigmatized as male science
fiction/fantasy fans, this could also be a curse if it
indicates that women are not thought of as mem-
bers of these clubs at all.
Of course, female science fiction/fantasy fans
do not escape the stigma associated with this
science fiction/fantasy fandom entirely. The re-
sults uncover evidence that the female science
fiction/fantasy fan was also stigmatized, com-
pared to the female sport fan. In spite of the fact
that generally speaking fandom is often consid-
ered to be a male domain (Borer, 2009; Pope,
2014), research also suggests that women are
becoming more visible and accepted as sport
fans (Wann et al., 2001), indicating that social
stigmata around female sport fandom are being
reduced. The same cannot be said for female
science fiction/fantasy fans, even though fe-
males are active in these types of fandom (e.g.,
Eventbrite, 2014). Descriptions of female sci-
ence fiction/fantasy fans were evaluated as be-
ing less physically and socially attractive com-
pared to female sport fans. Notably, this
suggests that the fandoms under investigation
here are rooted in hegemonic norms. Sport fan-
dom, an important criterion for socially accept-
able masculine behavior (End et al., 2004), is
perceived as being more socially acceptable
than science fiction/fantasy fandom, even when
a woman is participating.
Limitations and Future Research
Because people make many formative deci-
sions about education, hobbies, extracurricular
activities, and careers in young adulthood, un-
derstanding how college students perceive and
respond to different types of fans is particularly
important. However, the reliance on a college
student sample in this study severely limits our
ability to generalize the findings about fan stig-
matization to other populations, who also might
have an influential role in helping young adults
chose and participate in various fandom types.
For instance, understanding more about parents’
impressions of different types of fans is worthy
goal for future research, as their perceptions
could have a direct impact on the types of
activities and communities they encourage or
discourage their children to participate in.
It should also be noted that the greatest
strength of our study, the use of a true experi-
mental design in examining the causal mecha-
nisms in producing these social perceptions,
greatly reduces the ecological validity of the
findings. Although this design gives us confi-
dence that type of fandom and fan sex cause
interpersonal perception differences, the use of
simple fan descriptions, void of context and
other details that could affect people’s impres-
10 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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sion like physical appearance, we cannot defin-
itively surmise that these effects would occur in
actual interpersonal interactions.
Our findings illuminate a myriad a possibili-
ties that should be explored in future research.
First, this study adds to a limited body of re-
search on how the public thinks about and might
respond to different fans (e.g., Wann et al.,
2001, 2004), but there is more work to be done.
Although it was not predicted, our findings are
consistent with BIAS Map research that sug-
gests that like many other social groups the
social perceptions of science fiction/fantasy
fans are not inherently all positive or negative,
but are instead mixed, and can predict both
positive and negative behavior responses de-
pending on what the social context is (e.g.,
Cuddy et al., 2007). To expand on this discov-
ery, future research should explicitly test
whether these fan types lead to differing behav-
ioral responses in a variety of social contexts
(e.g., STEM tasks, social gatherings).
Additional research is also needed to explore
the effects of internalizing these social percep-
tions of fandom. For instance, Cusack, Jack, and
Kavanagh (2003) interviews with Star Trek fans
revealed that they felt their fan behaviors were
closely monitored and disapproved of by their
family, but rather than resent the criticism, the
fans themselves sometimes expressed gratitude
for this disapproval, believing that they needed
it to keep “grounded in reality.” This suggests
that fans take a cue from public stigmatization
and self-stigmatize their own fandom to some
extent. Past research on stereotype threat effects
has found that when people know they are ste-
reotyped as having social difficulties that this
can actually interfere with their ability function
socially (e.g., Henry, von Hipple, & Shapiro,
2010). Fan stereotypes could have similar social
effects. This possibility speaks to a broader need
to study fandom as a social identity. This study did
not account for the extent to which people identi-
fied, as different types of fans could have affected
their judgments of other fans, but likely fan iden-
tity salience influences people’s perceptions of
self and others. A couple of scales have been
developed recently to measure fan identity (Tay-
lor, 2015; Tsay-Vogel & Sanders, 2015), and they
would be well utilized in future research on fan
perceptions and behavior.
It bears mention that the findings in this study
might not generalize to all objects of fandom.
For instance, it stands to reason that participat-
ing fandoms that are considered more typical
for women (e.g., soap opera fandom, romance
novel fandom), could actually bolster the inter-
personal attractiveness of women and under-
mine the interpersonal attractiveness of men. To
fully understand the ways in which involvement
with popular media culture affects people’s im-
pression formation, the social of other types of
fandoms still stand to be investigated.
On a practical level, research is also needed
to identify the sources of people’s fan percep-
tions, so that they can be improved. Previously,
we argued that images of science fiction/fantasy
fans and other geek groups in popular culture
tend to portray these groups in a negative light.
However, whether or not these depictions are
responsible for fan or geek social stigma still
has yet to be systematically examined. Examin-
ing the ways in which media portrayals could
cultivate perceptions of fans—for better or
worse—is a fruitful area for additional research
that could also point to ways of reducing the
stigma attached to different fandoms.
Finally, scholarship on fandom has often
been siloed, and more comparative research is
needed on different types of fandom. Although
a long line of critical cultural research has pro-
vided rich insight into popular media culture fan
behaviors and outcomes (see Gray, Sandvoss, &
Harrington, 2007), studies of sport fandom are
underrepresented in fan studies research (Pope,
2014; Schimmel, Harrington, & Bielby, 2007).
Likewise, social scientific psychology, sociol-
ogy, and communication research on fandom
has focused predominantly on understanding
the motivations and experiences of sport fans
(e.g., Reysen & Branscombe, 2010; Ruihley &
Billings, 2013), with relatively little focus on
fans of popular media culture.
6
Bridging the gap
between these two rich lines of scholarship
could help us better understand how people
make sense of their leisure activities and how
collectively, these activities affect personal and
societal well-being.
6
Studies on soap opera fans (e.g., Baym, 2000; Bielby,
Harrington, & Bielby, 1999; Scardaville, 2005), gamers
(Kowert, Festl, & Quandt, 2014; Kowert & Oldmeadow,
2013), and attachments to celebrities (e.g, Stever, 2011)
provide some notable exceptions.
11SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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Conclusion
This study is among the first to empirically
demonstrate that a double standard exists in
terms of the social acceptability of sport fandom
versus science fiction/fantasy fandom, provid-
ing evidence that people judge others based on
the object of their popular culture fandom rather
than on how they behave as fans. Science fic-
tion/fantasy fans, card-carrying members of a
wider geek culture, may be socially accepted for
their ability to accomplish different tasks, but
they are simultaneously stigmatized as being
physically ugly and socially undesirable. This
stigma appears to affect males the most, perhaps
due to schematic associations people draw be-
tween the geek/nerd stereotype and men. How-
ever, relative to female sport fans, female sci-
ence fiction/fantasy fans are also considered less
physically and socially attractive, suggesting
that female increased participation in these fan-
doms has not necessary lessened the stigma
attached to them. Given the abundance of psy-
chological and civic benefits that have been
associated with fandom, these findings are dis-
couraging. However, they also add to growing
evidence that popular media culture involve-
ment can impact people’s social well-being.
These results will hopefully invigorate a pro-
ductive line of scholarly inquiry into the factors
that encourage or deter fan participation.
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(Appendix follows)
14 COHEN, ATWELL SEATE, ANDERSON, AND TINDAGE
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Appendix
Experimental Fan Description Vignette
[Abby/Allen] is 20 years old and attends a
large, state university in eastern United States.
This year, [she/he] is taking courses in psychol-
ogy, history, biology, math, and English. [She/
He] is of average height and average weight.
[She/He] has brown eyes and short dark hair.
[Her/His] favorite color is red. In [her/his] spare
time, [she/he] enjoys playing with her Labrador
Retriever puppy, listening to music, and watch-
ing television. [Abby/Allen] is a huge fan of
[science and fantasy fiction stories/sports com-
petitions]. [She/He] is enthusiastically devoted
to watching and reading media about almost
anything involving [science and fantasy fiction/
sports]. To express [her/his] support for [her/
his] favorite [stories/teams], [Abby/Allen] likes
to buy souvenirs and other fan paraphernalia to
decorate [her/his] house. [She/He] has even
been known to wear reproductions of [her/his]
favorite [characters’/players’] uniforms just for
fun. [She/He] also enjoys doing things with
other fans. [She/He] loves to participate in fan-
tasy [role-playing/sports] games, and discuss
[science and fantasy fiction/sports] in online
discussion groups. This year, [she/he] has saved
up enough money to attend an annual [science
and fantasy fiction/sports] fan convention.
Received November 5, 2014
Revision received June 30, 2015
Accepted July 2, 2015 !
15SPORT FANS AND SCI-FI FANATICS
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