Cultures of care

Abstract

While the need for care is universal, the recognition and response to this need is shaped by culture. The concept of cultures of care covers three distinct but interrelated domains: i. the ideals and approaches to care associated with different traditions, national cultures and ethnic groups; ii. the practices and values associated with particular work places, organisations and professions; and iii. the care practices, values and behaviour produced as a response to national welfare and labour market regimes. The chapter emphasises the cultural shaping of the gendered responsibility for care and the importance of the definition and understanding of the concept of culture.

Full text

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Cultures of Care
Michael Fine
This is a pre-publication ms. The full final publication is published as
Fine, Michael (2015) ‘Cultures of Care’ in J. Twigg and W. Martin (eds) Routledge
Handbook of Cultural Gerontology, Routledge: Abingdon UK: 269-276
Abstract:
While the need for care is universal, the recognition and response to this need is shaped by culture.
The concept of cultures of care covers three distinct but inter-related domains:
i. the ideals and approaches to care associated with different traditions, national cultures and
ethnic groups;
ii. the practices and values associated with particular work places, organisations and professions;
and
iii. the care practices, values and behaviour produced as a response to national welfare and labour
market regimes.
The chapter emphasises the cultural shaping of the gendered responsibility for care and the
importance of the definition and understanding of the concept of culture.
Keywords: care; aged-care; culture; social-policy; ‘culture of care’; gender; sociology;
anthropology; nursing; welfare regime; responsibility; identity.
The need for care is universal, yet there is no universal template for providing it. Care is
needed by those who reach advanced age and require assistance as a result of chronic illness
or disability. All people need it in the first years of life, during periods of illness or
misadventure (Fineman 1995). In our everyday relations, care is expressed as both caring
about another, a disposition or concern for the wellbeing of another person, and caring for,
the work involved in supporting another (Graham 1983). In practical terms, care may be
thought of as the most intense expression of social support, involving not just affective
concern for the other but the performance of care work and an expression of personal
relationships (Chappell 1992, Rummery and Fine 2012).
The form that care may take varies enormously and is subject to continual development and
change. In contemporary welfare capitalism, care is provided formally and informally.
Informal care involves unpaid assistance provided by intimate partners, family or close
friends, or care that is paid but organised without formal authorisation. Formal care is that
provided by formally organised and authorised services and generally involves paid labour,
although assistance may also be provided others, including volunteers. The links between
and mix of sources has become one of the key dilemmas facing the understanding of
contemporary society (Fine 2007). Like the expression and satisfaction of other bodily
needs, the forms that the responses to the need for care take are shaped by and in turn are
central to culture. The recognition of the complexity involved in the interplay between these
two types of phenomena is implicit in the use of the term cultures of care.

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Understanding care as cultural ideals and as practice
Arlie Hochschild (2003) has distinguished a number of different cultural ideals commonly
assigned to the concept of care, identifying key dimensions of difference: warm and cold;
traditional and modern; family or social responsibility. What she terms the traditional values
of care are emotionally warm, based on conventional conservative ideals in which care
provided by women as mothers, wives and daughters is seen as an unpaid familial duty for
women in the home. An alternative modern set of cultural ideals is based on formal care.
The ideals she terms cold modern are based on providing formal, institutionalized care
solutions as a substitute for care in the family or significant others. This is exemplified in the
models of child and aged care in the Israeli Kibbutz and the specialized homes for the aged,
the mentally ill and the disabled, that are easily recognizable icons of cold modern care in
western welfare capitalism and Stalinist socialism.
In contrast, the warm modern ideal of care seeks to promote shared care between women and
men, with formal services made available when necessary to supplement and extend the
capacity of family members and other intimates. The approach is warm, for Hochschild,
because it acknowledges the emotional importance of care for developing personal
relationships. It enables us to share intimacy and trust, enrich our intimate lives and take
advantage of the professional skills available outside the home. This approach sees care as
embedded in a complex set of social circumstances. Each of these ideals stands in contrast to
the fourth, cold postmodern, a depersonalized approach placing emphasis on self-sufficiency
and reliance on a variety of technological solutions such as personal monitoring devices.
This vision of care, in which access to formal support is linked to user-payments and other
individualized risk management and mitigation strategies, leaves individuals to fend for
themselves with the help of the market.
What varies in these different approaches, Hochschild (2003: 222) points out, is ‘the value
placed on care’. The different values present competing and overlapping cultural ideals
through which different senses of personal identity, responsibility and entitlement are
invoked. But culture refers not just to ideals, values and expectations, but to practices as
exemplified in actions and behaviours (Bauman 1999). The term culture of care is also
commonly used to refer to care behaviour in the context of national welfare and labour
markets or care regimes (Chamberlayne and King 2000). This approach builds on and
extends earlier discussions that identified care as a cultural practice (Wood 1994)
documenting cultural differences amongst those of a variety of different peoples, ethnic
groups and nations (Kleinman et al 1978). Culture is also a term widely invoked in the
analysis and representation of professional, occupational and organisational practices of care
(Boris and Salazar-Parreñas 2010). While there are important differences between each of
these approaches, each builds on the concept of culture, and a number of areas of common
concern emerge.
Major Theories and Approaches
Care as a feminist issue
The study of care and caring was neglected until the 1970s. From that time, feminist writers
in Europe, particularly in the UK and Scandinavia, increasingly saw care as a political/policy
issue, documenting the problems experienced by women carers at home and proposing policy

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solutions to deal with them (Finch and Groves 1983, Waerness 1984, Baldwin and Twigg
1991).
Much of the initial research identified, described and measured domestic duties and the
gendered social norms that confined women to the home, holding them back from
achievement in public (Land 1978). The analysis was extended to child care and community
care policy, with concerns expressed that the latter was another way of enforcing the
gendered provision of unpaid care in the home (Finch and Groves 1980). Research also
identified hidden costs of care, borne primarily by unpaid women carers, including social
isolation and psychological distress, as well as earnings and careers foregone (Nissel and
Bonnerjea 1982, Glendinning 1983, Ungerson 1990). In subsequent years research
increasingly explored the way that care operates in both domestic and public spheres (Twigg
et al 1990). Like its unpaid domestic counterpart, paid care was shown to be predominantly
based on female labour, its treatment in the labour market reflecting the unequal wages and
lack of recognition accorded women (Land 1991, Ungerson 2000). Providing care is a
physically and emotionally demanding activity. Skilled, often strenuous physical effort
(bodywork) is combined with what Hochschild has termed emotional labour (Hochschild
1983, Twigg 2006, Wharton 2009). Later research on the body and care (Isaksen 2002,
Twigg 2004) opened new insights into the links between responsibility for the management
of bodily functions and gender.
Much European and other international research on care since the millennium has followed
and further developed this approach, exploring the links between globalisation, immigration
and the division of care labour between countries (Lewis 2002, Theobald 2003, Bettio and
Plantenga 2004, Glucksmann and Lyon 2006, Williams 2010), and the impact of care work
and family care provision in immigrant families (Wall and Jose 2004). A recurring theme is
the link between female gender and the low value placed on both formal and informal care
work (Armstrong and Armstrong 2005, Stark 2005). The low status of care work is
exacerbated by the impact of cross national inequalities and the deployment of women care
workers in low paid positions across much of the developed world (Benoit and
Hallgrimsdottir 2011).
Ethics of Care
A parallel approach, generally referred to as the ‘ethics of care’, comes from the USA, where
it had its origins in psychological research on moral development of children. In this, the
importance of care is emphasised as a concern for others, a disposition towards supporting
interpersonal relations. These ethical values and practices are traditionally associated with
women (Gilligan 1982, Noddings 1984). Joan Tronto among others uses this to advocate for
an ethic of care as a positive value. She argues that care work has been the work of ‘slaves,
servants and women in Western history’ (Tronto, 1993: 113), understood in this culture not as
work but as an ‘emotional activity’. The ethics of care, Tronto argued (1993: 103), need to
be moved across the ‘moral boundaries’ of western culture from the margins, where they
have been confined to the home, to a place ‘near the centre of human life’, acknowledged as
human and constitutional rights.
Gender, Rights and the Receipt of Care
A number of more recent European advocates have joined the two debates and argued that as
care has become an increasingly public activity, it should be codified so that the rights of all
citizens to give and receive care can be recognised (Knijn and Kremer 1997, Sevenhuijsen
1998, Kittay 2011).

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In each approach, caring has been seen as an activity undertaken by a caregiver, with those
who receive care at times receiving little attention or portrayed as inactive, dependent or as a
burden (Fine and Glendinning 2005). Seeking recognition, disability rights authors (Keith
1992, Morris 1993, Shakespeare 2000), have criticised this position, with the result that the
recipient’s perspective has increasingly come to be acknowledged as central to a culture of
care (Lloyd 2000). This is particularly evident in the formulation of the ethics of care as a
fundamental political right, placing the emphasis on the right to both give and receive care in
a manner in which the rights of each party to a decent life and to self determination are
acknowledged (Morris 2001, Williams 2001).
Medical Anthropology
A parallel exploration of the links between culture and medical care emerged from the field
of medical anthropology as it went from studying illness and its management in traditional
societies to explore illness and medical care in western societies. Arthur Kleinman, Leon
Eisenberg and colleagues were among the first to demonstrate the relevance of
anthropological cultural concepts of illness, illness behaviour and expectations of appropriate
care arguing that it is ‘culturally constructed’.
How we communicate about our health problems, the manner in which we present our
symptoms, when and to whom we go for care, how long we remain in care, and how
we evaluate that care are all affected by cultural beliefs. (Kleinman et al. 1978: 152)
Understanding cultures of both formal and informal care in different societies and historical
periods remain a key concern in the field of medical anthropology (Kohn and McKechnie
1999, Sobo 2000, Sokolovsky 2009).
Shaping and Transmitting Cultures of Care
Professional Cultures of Care and their Appropriation by Management
Renee Fox and colleagues analyse the compassionate response of American nurses to the
AIDS epidemic in the 1980s as evidence of a ‘culture of caring’ (Fox et al 1990, Watson
1979, Benner and Wrubel 1989). Nurses become nurses through self- and professional
selection processes, followed by the process of socialization that accompanies their
education. The culture of nursing care they aspire to is acquired through education and work
practices. For nursing theorists such as and Leininger (2002) culture is understood as a form
of learnt behaviour, an inter-generationally transmitted system of symbols, behaviours and
understandings that is acquired as part of general socialization. Secondary socialization,
through nursing education, reinforces, develops and professionalises this.
A contrasting application of the term cultures of care is found in a body of research and
theory that derives from the adoption and application of the concept culture by experts from
organizational, management, and business studies fields from the mid-1980s (Kilmann et al
1986, Roth 2005). A recent Norwegian study, for example, draws on the approach to
examine health care personnel's work culture in a palliative care setting, reporting a conflict
between the cultures of ‘hi-tech’ and ‘high touch’ care orientations amongst personnel (André
et al 2012, see also Ascoli et al 2012, Hunt et al 2012).
The transmission and negotiation of cultures of caregiving
A key question for researchers concerns how care cultures develop and how they are
transmitted and applied. On the basis of ethnographic research on aged care in middle USA,
Albert (1990) argues there is evidence of a shared ‘culture of caregiving’ in the norms of

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returning care for a parent in need, which constitutes an expression of reciprocity, delayed
over a life course. Care is a cultural value, he claims that is part of a shared national system
of culture that shapes beliefs and action. Margaret Perkinson, (1994: 264) instead focussed
on more immediate micro-processes of interaction where ‘Socialization to the caregiver role
… may be viewed as an ‘evolving form of membership in a community of practice’ … a
community composed of peer caregivers’. These ideas are developed in other
anthropological studies of residential care (Henderson and Vesperi 1995).
Gender and responsibility for care
While statistics demonstrate that women predominate amongst care givers, they also show
that responsibility is not exclusive. Since the publication of empirical evidence from the
British 1980 General Household Survey (GHS) showed that around a third of co-resident
carers of older people were men (Arber and Gilbert 1989, Arber and Ginn 1990), further
research has confirmed a similar pattern in which males, particularly the husbands and
partners of older women, are more likely to take on responsibility for personal care, than a
purely gendered model might predict (Hirst 2001, Fine and Glendinning 2005).
In the ‘hierarchical compensation model’, Marjorie Cantor sought to explain why older
people generally choose help from females who are close family members in preference to
support available from formal services (Cantor and Little 1985, Cantor 1989). Assistance
from spouses (including de factos) was the first preference, but if this was not available, help
provided by daughters was a close second, followed by that from sons and other family
members, in that order of preference, over help from state supported or charitable
organizations. The approach suggests that help would likely be sought from formal services
only when these informal caregivers were inadequate or needed supplementation. Research
in the UK (Qureshi and Walker 1989) and Australia (Fine and Thomson 1997) provides some
support for this approach. Research by Finch and Mason (1993), suggests preferences for
care by female family members demonstrate the existence of a ‘public normative consensus’,
but that this has become more flexible and is open nowadays to negotiation. Hazel Qureshi,
however, points to the way that people’s preferences and their expectations of the availability
of various alternative sources of support are shaped by their lifelong experience, their social
class and cultural background (Qureshi 1990).
Chamberlayne and King’s (2000) work, Cultures of Care, Biographies of Carers in Britain
and the Two Germanies, applies and develops these understandings through an exploration of
care giving in three different welfare states. Patterns of informal caring, they argue, are not
just direct products of official welfare systems but are cultural phenomenon.
‘Culture’, in our usage of the term, interweaves an analysis of action (both intended
and actual), meanings (ideologically received and more personally derived), and
patterns of social resources and relations. It centres on the life worlds of carers,
meaning a contextualised account of their experiences, drives and motivations.
(Chamberlayne and King 2000: 5)
Their approach used biographical research methods to examine the way that carers
approached the task of supporting a seriously disabled family member in the UK, West
Germany and East Germany. They compared the public ideologies that confronted family
carers and documented how carers in each country subsequently negotiated the restrictions
they faced and managed the formal and informal resources available to them. Their intention
was to assess how cultural and social patterns of the different welfare regimes produced
typical patterns of adaptation to the challenge of providing care to children and disabled
adults who need ongoing support. A core element of the approach is to see culture not simply

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as a traditional pattern but as a creative and living production, a praxis. By focussing on
culture as revealed through everyday life – what people actually do, how they talk about it
and respond to constraints and make use of available resources – they were able to explore
relationships between actions (agency), structure and consciousness.
Other researchers concerned with social policy addressing intimacy and caregiving outside
traditional ‘hetero-normative’ families have sought to address questions of care as a creative
cultural process. Roseneil and Budgeon (2004) and Williams (2004), for example, use the
concept of culture as an emergent and creative shared response to explore contemporary
relations, intimacy and care among adults outside of traditional nuclear families. Similarly
the approach is used to discuss the emergence of new values in the workplace, as well as a
way to revisit and interrogate history (Cox and Luddy 2010, Reznick 2011). Kremer (2007),
however, argues that while welfare states shape behaviour, cultures of care can not be simply
reduced to financial incentives and labour market opportunities – traditional cultural values
and ‘care ideals’ are deeply linked to a sense of personal identity.
Conclusion
The concept of cultures of care provides a powerful conceptual approach to understanding
the dynamic associated with changing care provisions for an ageing world. One of the values
of identifying cultural approaches to behaviour is that the approach offers an understanding
that may lead to change. Yet the richness of academic discussion on the topic stands in
contrast to its limited use in policy. Two areas stand out as having significant potential for
development in this regard. First, there is considerable scope for paying greater attention to
the recipients of care – the demands, changing preferences, behaviours and responses of those
who currently need or will need care in the future, have been identified as significant, but
remain under-reported and discussed in the literature. Second, there is a need for deeper
examination of the male resistance to taking greater responsibilities for care.
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