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Europeanization and Political Parties in Turkey
... The scholarly literature is replete with analyses on eurosceptic politics in Turkey most of which either focus on one political party, compare two political actors or examine public opinion (Avcı, 2011;Başkan Canyaş and Gümrükçü, 2015;Baudner, 2012;Canefe and Bora, 2003;Celep, 2011;Dikici Bilgin, 2017;Gülmez, 2008Gülmez, , 2013a2013b;Güneş-Ayata, 2003;Öniş, 2007;Spiering, 2007;Tezcan and Aras, 2015). The seminal work by Yılmaz (2011) offers the most comprehensive account on euroscepticism observed in major Turkish political parties as well as public opinion. ...
... Agnieszka Cianciara wrote about Europeanization as a legitimation strategy of political parties in the case of Ukraine and Georgia (Cianciara2016). Europeanization (respectively de-Europeanization) is also the case of Turkish political parties (Gümrükçü and Başkan 2015, Wódka 2015. In summary, research about Europeanization of political parties matters and is extending very quickly. ...
Europeanization is an ongoing process influencing various aspects of EU member states’ political systems including political parties. Based on Ladrech’s approach to analysis of Europeanization of political parties, this article examines the impact of Europeanization on three Slovak political parties which are members of the government coalition formed after the elections of 2016, notably Smer – Social Democracy, the Slovak National Party and Most-Híd. The article is conceived as a comparative analysis involving three different subjects focusing on the patterns of Europeanization within five areas defined by Ladrech including program changes, organizational changes within parties, patterns of party competition, party vs. government relations and party relations beyond the national level.
... Mesela bu sürecin daha iyi yönetilmesi için birçok bakanlıkta AB birimleri oluşturulmuş, bir AB Bakanlığı kurulmuş (Günay 2015) ve Meclis bünyesinde de AB Harmonizasyon Komitesi oluşturulmuştur (Yavçan ve Daniel 2015). Meclis'te bulunan siyasi partiler de parti programlarında ve parti içi organizasyonlarında AB katılım sürecine ilişkin düzenlemeler yapmışlardır (Başkan Canyaş ve Gümrükçü 2015). ...
AB etkisi olarak adladırılabileceğimiz "Avrupalılaşma" kavramı, Avrupa Birliği'nin siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik dinamiklerinin ulusal söylemlere, kimliklere, siyasal yapılara ve kamu politikalarına egemen olan mantığın bir parçası haline gelme süreci olarak tanımlanabilir.
... Mesela bu sürecin daha iyi yönetilmesi için birçok bakanlıkta AB birimleri oluşturulmuş, bir AB Bakanlığı kurulmuş (Günay 2015) ve Meclis bünyesinde de AB Harmonizasyon Komitesi oluşturulmuştur (Yavçan ve Daniel 2015). Meclis'te bulunan siyasi partiler de parti programlarında ve parti içi organizasyonlarında AB katılım sürecine ilişkin düzenlemeler yapmışlardır (Başkan Canyaş ve Gümrükçü 2015). ...
AB etkisi olarak da adlandırabileceğimiz “Avrupalılaşma” kavramı, Avrupa Birliği’nin siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik dinamiklerinin ulusal söylemlere, kimliklere, siyasal yapılara ve kamu politikalarına egemen olan mantığın bir parçası haline gelme süreci olarak tanımlanabilir.
Canan Balkır ve Diğdem Soyaltın, Avrupalılaşma düşüncesi ve çalışmalarının hem tarihsel hem güncel durumuyla ilgili okura genel bir perspektif sunuyor. 1945 öncesi Avrupa’da bütünleşme düşüncesinin neden geliştiği, Avrupalılaşma’nın ne olup ne olmadığı, aday ülkelerde süreçlerin nasıl işlediği, adaylığın aşamaları, araçları, sonuçları ve AB üyeliğinden sonra komşuluk politikasının seyri gibi önemli konulara açıklık getiriyor.
Avrupalılaşma adlı bu eserde, kavramın Türkiye’deki karşılığı da kapsamlı olarak inceleniyor ve AB-Türkiye ilişkilerinin bütün aşamaları tarihsel süreç içerisinde ele alınıyor; Türkiye’deki Avrupalılaşma sürecinin iç politika ve kurumlara etkileri irdeleniyor. İnsan hakları ve temel özgürlükler, sivil-asker ilişkileri, yargı sistemi, kamu yönetimi ve dış politika meseleleri üzerinde durulurken, sürecin temel belirleyici faktörleri iki farklı tarihsel dönemde (1999-2006 ve 2006-2017) inceleniyor ve ortaya konan yaklaşımların Türkiye’de yaşanan reform sürecini açıklamak için ne ölçüde yeterli olduğu tartışılıyor.
This research aims to offer a valid answer to the question of how Turks and Europeans perceived each other in cultural and identity terms throughout history. With this purpose, it makes a thorough analytical review of the extant scholarly literature on identity relations between Turkey and Europe. There is an evident lack of scholarly attention on the evolution of mutual representations comparatively in the long durée . Most scholarly works focus on specific periods of time and investigate either how Turks view Europe or visa-versa. This systematic review provides the basis for an evolutionary analysis of mutual identity representations between Turkey and Europe over more than a two-hundred-year period.
The period under focus starts with the French Revolution (1789) triggering intensive identity debates between Ottomans and Europeans and lasts until mid-2010s when bilateral relations between Turkey and the European Union went into disarray. This long period has been divided into four shorter periods each starting and ending with a remarkable event in world politics or bilateral relations. The study examines each period in relation to four focal issues, namely, nationalism, civilization, status in international society, and state-citizen relations generating intensive identity discussions in both Turkey and Europe.
The article first presents the key findings of the relevant literature on European representations of Turkey and on Turkish representations of Europe in the four historical periods. Then it scrutinizes the extant literature on each period with respect to the four focal issues. Overall, the study, through a comprehensive literature review, demonstrates the ways in which mutual identity representations in Turkey and Europe have been contested over a two-hundred-year period.
Europeizace představuje teoretický koncept, který je znám a rozvíjen v České republice téměř dvacet let. Tato publikace jistým způsobem uceluje dosavadní poznání konceptu, přičemž se zaměřuje na teoretické uchopení fenoménu jako metody použitelné pro výzkum v oblasti politologie a práva. Monografie obsahuje osm výzkumných otázek, které jsou formulovány tak, aby vedly k prozkoumání mechanismů a různých pojetí europeizace. Byť je výzkum veden jako exploratorní teoretická případová studie, v řadě částí jde nad
rámec exploratorního charakteru a obohacuje poznání o vlastní výzkum. Publikace je členěna do osmi kapitol, které postupně odhalují různé dimenze fenoménu. První kapitola se zaměřuje na rozmanitost pojetí europeizace a srovnání podstaty definic nejvýznamnějších autorů. Kapitola má za cíl zjistit, co je europeizací. Druhá kapitola se zaměřuje na působení europeizace na národní úroveň, která je v rámci teorie nejvíc rozpracována. Jelikož tento proces má významnou právní dimenzi, je této dimenzi věnována samostatná kapitola představující rozmanitost přístupu v rámci právní vědy. Čtvrtá kapitola se zabývá reakcí státu a společnosti na europeizaci s důrazem na některé negativní efekty, které europeizace může vyvolat. Pátá kapitola rozvíjí pohled “dovnitř státu” a zkoumá vliv europeizace na politické strany, zájmové skupiny a občanskou společnost. Zvláštní kapitola je věnována také europeizaci veřejné správy. Zatímco předchozí dvě kapitoly se zabývaly europeizací s důrazem na její adresáty (aktéry), sedmá kapitola řeší europeizaci politik v kontextu policy analysis, kdy demonstruje vysokou uchopitelnost teoretického konceptu. Poslední kapitola se věnuje europeizaci mimo EU,
která působí prostřednictvím odlišných mechanismů, než je tomu v případě členských nebo kandidátských zemí. Po přečtení publikace čtenář získá dobrý přehled o vhodnosti a využitelnosti koceptu europeizace pro analýzu, jakožto se seznámí i s některými úskalími tohoto konceptu a dosavadním zpracováním tématu v českém i zahraničním prostředí.
Europeanization is a term used to describe the effects of European integration on the politics and policies of its member states as well as the process of enhancing European-level political institutions. Within this growing literature there is no systematic effort to incorporate the role of political parties. However, party analysis has only recently begun to acknowledge the EU as an environment that holds potentially significant consequences for parties. In this article, I attempt to begin systematic research on Europeanization and political parties by presenting a basic framework for analysis. Five areas are singled out: (1) policy/programmatic content; (2) organization; (3) patterns of party competition; (4) party-government relations; and (5) relations beyond the national party system.
This analysis reviews the main characteristics of the Turkish party system, presents a historical evaluation of the context of the most recent November 2002 elections and analyses in depth the nature of the patterns that emerge from the provincial election returns. The account underlines the challenges awaiting the newly elected Justice and Development Party on the domestic social and economic fronts as well as potentially dangerous events in foreign relations with the EU and the Cyprus and the Iraqi conflicts.
This article discusses the main reasons why the AKP and the CHP, the leading pro-EU political parties in Turkey, started embracing a highly critical stance against the EU and showing reluctance towards Turkey’s EU membership. The extant scholarly works only give a limited account on how to explain such an attitudinal change in the selected parties as they offer rather static terms for analysing the phenomenon. Instead, a contextual framework will be introduced in order to better analyse eurosceptic change in candidate countries in general, and in Turkey in particular. The framework explicates the notion that the ‘eurosceptic turn’ within candidate countries develops mainly as a reaction to extra conditional pressures coming from the EU that are not officially part of the standard membership conditionality. After discussing the empirical findings concerning the shifting EU stances of both parties in detail, the article will make sense of the rising euroscepticism in Turkish political arena in accordance with the suggested theoretical framework. The article concludes that the rise of euroscepticism in Turkish political arena has been developed as a firm reaction to the increasing scepticism and reluctance within the EU towards Turkey’s accession.
The recent changes in the Islamist party's ideology and policies in Turkey are analysed in this article. The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) was ousted from power in June 1997 and was outlawed by the Constitutional Court (CC) in March 1998. After the ban, the WP elite founded the Virtue Party and changed policies on a number of issues. They emphasized democracy and basic human rights and freedoms in the face of this external shock. The WP's hostile policy toward the European Union (EU) was changed. This process of change is discussed and it is argued that the EU norms presented a political opportunity structure for the party elites to influence the change of direction of the party. When the VP was banned by the CC in June 2001, the VP elites split and founded two parties which differ on a number of issues but have positive policies toward the EU.
This article identifies the dynamics of the national security syndrome and the pendulum swing between security and liberalization that are embedded in the Turkish political system. It then explores how these are reflected in the problematic and conflictual processes of Turkish policy formulation with regard to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in the post-violence era. The article presents evidence of a new impasse surrounding Turkey's southeast/Kurdish question. While Turkey is having difficulties in designing post-terror policies, the PKK appears unprepared to fully disarm and give up. The only route remaining seems to be one of political struggle. After identifying Turkey's structural limits to addressing the issue, the article discusses the implications of these on the future of the conflict, on Turkey's foreign relations with the West, and on the increasingly torn domestic political situation.
A brief overview of the changing format and mechanics of national party systems suggests that the direct impact of European integration has been severely limited. Although the national party systems as constituted within the European electoral arena may show signs of such an impact, this has as yet failed to spill over into the strictly domestic arena. Two major reasons are suggested to account for this seeming imperviousness of the national party systems. First, the absence of an arena in which parties may compete at European level for executive office, an absence which thereby hinders the development of a European party system as such. Second, the misplaced division of competences associated with the national and European electoral arenas, whereby issues concerning the European political system itself are largely excluded from the national political arena to which they properly belong. The study concludes by suggesting that it is through the indirect process of depoliticisation that Europe may exert its greatest impact on national party systems.
This article explores what conditions or what specific issues lead to shifts in the positioning of the Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) towards Turkey's European Union (EU) membership goal. The article first examines the MHP's background and characteristics and compares it with similar parties in Western Europe. Subsequently, the MHP's EU stance during 1999–2002 and in the post-2002 period is discussed. The article concludes that ideology matters for the MHP but that shifts in degrees of Euroscepticisim during particular periods can be explained by strategic considerations of the MHP, which respond to the party's electoral gains or losses, its position in the party political spectrum and whether it is in government, in opposition or outside parliament.
EU influence in encouraging and promoting democratic consolidation in Central and Eastern Europe has been extensive, though in a wide rather than deep sense. But, as shown by the enlargement process up to 2004, accession dynamics are the crucial force driving governments in the region to meet the EU's political conditionality. Despite the latter's deficiencies, it has by and large contributed towards democratic consolidation in the new member states notwithstanding some negative aspects of accession. The clear lesson for further enlargement in post-Communist Europe is that EU pressure and promise over integration will be decisive in new candidate states, even though their capacity to achieve the political conditions is more problematic. It follows too that any lessening of EU commitment is likely to undermine democratization efforts there.
With the recent acceleration of the integration process of the European Union there has been a rise in political parties expressing either scepticism or outright criticism of the nature of the integration process. Using a four–fold differentiation between single issue, protest, established parties and factions within parties, the first part of the article presents an overview of Euroscepticism within EU member states and Norway. This reveals the diversity of sources of Euroscepticism both in ideology and in the types of parties that are Eurosceptical but with a preponderance of protest parties taking Eurosceptical positions. The second part of the article is an attempt to map Euroscepticism in West European party systems through a consideration of ideology and party position in the party system. The conclusions are that Euroscepticism is mainly limited to parties on the periphery of their party system and is often there used as an issue that differentiates those parties from the more established parties which are only likely to express Euroscepticism through factions. Party based Euroscepticism is therefore both largely dependent on domestic contextual factors and a useful issue to map emergent domestic political constellations.