BookPDF Available

The Economies of Urban Diversity

December 2013

Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
ISBN: 9781137346506

Authors:

Darja Reuschke

University of Birmingham

Monika Salzbrunn

University of Lausanne

Schönhärl Korinna

Paderborn University

…

Figures - uploaded by Monika Salzbrunn

Content may be subject to copyright.

Content uploaded by Monika Salzbrunn

Content may be subject to copyright.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

Contents

List of Figures and Tables vii

Foreword from the Editors i x

P r e f a c e f r o m M e r c a t o r S t i f t u n g xi

1  e Economies of Urban Diversity: An Introduction 1

Darja Reuschke, Monika Salzbrunn, and Korinna Sch ö nh ä rl

Part 1 Theoretical and Conceptual Insights

2  e Concept of Diversity in Migration and Urban Studies 27

Monika Salzbrunn

3 Plurality, Cosmopolitanism, and Integration:  e Dangers

of Comparing the Incomparable 47

Edhem Eldem

Part 2 Population Flows Affecting

Istanbul and the Ruhr Area

4 From Guest Worker Migration to Transmigration:  e

German-Turkish Migratory Movements and the Special

Role of Istanbul and the Ruhr 65

Yunus Ulusoy

5 A Forgotten Chapter of Regional Social History:  e Polish

Immigrants to the Ruhr 1870–1939 93

Michaela Bachem-Rehm

Part 3 Legal and Institutional Frames of

Ethnic Entrepreneurship

6 From a Multiethnic Empire to Two National States:  e

Economic Activities of the Greek Orthodox Population

of Istanbul, ca. 1870–1939 117

Maria Christina Chatziioannou and Dimitris Kamouzis

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

vi CONTENTS

7 Greek Orthodox Communities and the Formation of

an Urban Landscape in Late Ottoman Istanbul 145

A y ş e O z i l

8  e Turkish Migrant Economy in Dortmund—An

Economy of Urban Diversity 165

Ivonne Fischer-Krapohl

Part 4 Residential Segregation and

New Inequalities

9 Residential Segregation of Turkish Migrants in the Ruhr

Area—Reasons, Patterns, and Policies 191

Darja Reuschke and Sabine Weck

10 European Istanbul and Its Enemies: Istanbul’s Working

Class as the Constitutive Outside of the Modern/

E u r o p e a n I s t a n b u l 2 1 7

Deniz Yonucu

1 1 U r b a n S p a c e a n d G e n t r i  cation in Istanbul in the

Twentieth Century 235

N i l U z u n

Notes on Contributors 2 5 5

Index 2 5 9

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

THE ECONOMIES OF URBAN DIVERSITY

Cover image: Istanbul, Turkey © Monika Salzbrunn.

First published in 2013 by

PALGRAVE MACMILLAN®

in the United States— a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC,

175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.

Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world,

this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited,

registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills,

Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.

Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies

and has companies and representatives throughout the world.

Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,

the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.

ISBN: 978–1–137–34650–6

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The economy of urban diversity : the Ruhr area and Istanbul /

Darja Reuschke, Monika Salzbrunn, Korinna Schönhär (eds.).

pages cm

ISBN 978–1–137–34650–6 (alk. paper)

1. Ruhr (Germany : Region)—Emigration and immigration—

Economic aspects. 2. Ruhr (Germany : Region)—Emigration and

immigration—Social aspects. 3. Istanbul (Turkey)—Emigration and

immigration—Economic aspects. 4. Istanbul (Turkey)—Emigration

and immigration—Social aspects. 5. Cultural pluralism—

Turkey—Istanbul. 6. Cultural pluralism—Germany—Ruhr (Region)

I. Reuschke, Darja. II. Salzbrunn, Monika. III. Schönhär, Korinna.

JV8090.R84E36 2013

304.8⬘4355—dc23 2013019248

A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.

Design by Newgen Knowledge Works (P) Ltd., Chennai, India.

First edition: October 2013

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

The Economies of Urban

Diversity: An Introduction

Darja Reuschke , Monika Salzbrunn , and

K o r i n n a S c h ö n h ä r l

1. Two Cultural Capitals and Their

Potential in Urban Diversity

As Europea n Capitals of Cult ure i n 2010 a nd metropolitan areas of imm i-

gration and transmigration, both Istanbul and the Ruhr Area (Essen was

designated as European Capital of Culture on behalf of the Ruhr Area)

share a complex cultural and social history. Strong human, political, and

economic ties have long li nked the European Capita l of Cu lture of Turkey

to Germany’s main immigration region, which is about to become a new

cultural center thanks to the recognition of its industrial heritage by

UNESCO ( Zeche Zollverein in Essen).

1 Even though the cultural history

of each region is different, a crisscross reading of ‘parallel lives’ between

the two countries helps to understand better the use and the potential of

urban diversity over time.

The Ruhr Area and Istanbul are both significantly shaped by their reli-

gious and ethnic minorities. In the case of the Ruhr Area (see Figures 1.1

and 1.2), its history cannot be exhaustively told without elaborating on

processes of modern immigration that started with the recruitment of

Polish mining workers in the nineteenth century. During the second

half of the last century, people from Turkey, among others, were increas-

ingly recruited to satisfy the demand for cheap labor in the steel industry.

The demographic structure of the Ruhr Area today reflects these diverse

migration narratives. This is reflected, for instance, in current discourses

in both academia and the public sphere on whether a representation of

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

2 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIK A SAL ZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

this migration history by means of a migration museum is a worthwhile

project (Baur, 2009; DOMiD, 2012). The Ruhr Area and its future via-

bility are shaped by these cultural dynamics and, more generally, by the

potential of this diversity. However, diversity is not always considered

an auspicious potential: the incorporation of Muslims in a (historically)

Figure 1.1 The Ruhr Area within Germany.

Source: ILS Dortmund.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 3

predominantly Christian society constitutes a challenge for both sides,

especially when it comes to buildings with a representative function in the

cityscape. The success of populist parties in various European countries

needs to be counterbalanced by fact-based discussion about the economic

potential of ethnic and religious minorities. Although Istanbul has a pre-

dominantly Muslim population today, it has—like the Ruhr Area—long

experience with minorities. A large number of Christians, including, for

example, Greek Orthodox and Armenians, lived in the city as indigenous

minorities during the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries

(Alexandris, 1992).

The population flows between Turkey and Germany are an outstand-

ing example of the complexity and heterogeneity of contemporary migra-

tion processes in the Global North. They started in the 1950s and 1960s

with the recruitment of guest workers ( Gastarbeiter )—‘invited’ workers

Figure 1.2 Ruhr Cities within North Rhine-Westphalia.

Source: ILS Dortmund.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

4 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIK A SAL ZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

who were supposed to rotate with others, but finally stayed and were

often followed by family migration. Multiple flows of people and goods

have developed since. The growing number of journeys, including peo-

ple going back and forth, between the Ruhr Area and Istanbul indicate

how intense the relationship between these two regions has become (see

Ulusoy in this book). These are expressions of “new (global) geographies

of migration” (Hillmann, 2010). In recent years, the so-called return

migration or remigration of Turkish-Germans to Turkey, and Istanbul

in particular, has received much attention in public policy and research.

This debate is strongly linked with the discussion on brain drain and the

migration of the highly skilled (Liebig, 2005; Pusch and Aydin, 2011). The

term return migration, however, is not applicable for migratory move-

ments in which the second generation of Turks, who were born and/or

brought up in Germany, is involved. Their strong ties to Germany may

result rather in circulatory movements.

Today the Ruhr Area as a whole and most of its cities (see Figure 1.2 )

suffer from population decline. As a result of deindustrialization and the

closure of coal mines and related industries, many people have left the

region in order to find jobs in more prosperous regions. For example,

between 2000 and 2011 the region’s population has decli ned by 4.2 percent

to 5.13 million (Regionalverband Ruhr, 2011). In-migration has therefore

become a crucial component of efforts to minimize population decline.

It is the question whether this situation could contribute to greater will-

ingness among the ancestral population to accept migrants or whether

it may rather lead to subliminal fears of foreign infiltration. In contrast,

Istanbul still receives significant numbers of internal and international

migrants, resulting in the constant growth of the metropolitan area.

In 2011 Istanbul had 13.6 million inhabitants distributed over an area

of 5.3 thousand square kilometers in 39 districts (TurkStat, 2012) (see

Figure 1.3 ).

The economic development of both metropolitan areas has also been

strongly linked to in-migration and out-migration. Historically, both

areas’ urban economies used to depend largely on migrant entrepre-

neurs and workers. While non-Muslim entrepreneurs, particularly Jews

and Greeks, were the drivers of Istanbul’s Ottoman economy, the rise of

the Ruhr Area as the industrial core of the German economy from the

second half of the nineteenth century was highly dependent on Polish

migrants, once local and regional resources of coal mining workers had

been exhausted. In Istanbul, on the other hand, the flight of non-Mus-

lims from the city as a result of ‘Turkification’ policies in 1923–1924 and

pogroms in 1955 changed the economic base and performance dramati-

cally. As a result, the city became predominantly Turkish and Muslim and

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

Figure 1.3 M a p o f I s t a n b u l .

Source: Harald Kr ä he.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

6 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIK A SAL ZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

only little remained of what used to be the cosmopolitan Constantinople

where half of the city’s population was non-Muslim (G ö k ü rk et al., 2010,

p. 7). With industrialization processes in the second half of the twenti-

eth century, both the Ruhr Area and Istanbul experienced massive in-

migration, changing the urban population dramatically. While foreign

immigrants, mainly from Turkey, entered the Ruhr, it was rural migrants

from the south and east of Turkey that came to Istanbul in search of jobs

in manufacturing.

This edited volume deals with ethnic and religious minorities in urban

economies: the main interest being economic and social issues and the

opportunities of urban diversity. At the same time, endogenous potentials

are relevant. These are discussed with regard to their utilization in eco-

nomic development. Previous literature has looked at culture and art i n cit-

ies and has explored the intertw inement of cultural and economic issues by

addressing the economic impacts of cultural events (G ö kt ü rk et al., 2010).

This volume adds to this research by employing a wider approach using

concepts of urban diversity, superdiversity, and ethnic entrepreneurship,

and highlighting the linkages between urban diversity and economy in a

historical context. It also gives an innovative reply to critiques of method-

ological nationalism in the migration literature (Glick Schiller and Ç a ğ lar,

2011) by linking social geography, urban studies, and social and economic

history to migration studies. It aims to develop a novel perspective on the

economy of culture and diversity by taking a transdisciplinary approach

and dealing with ethnic and religious minorities from a diachronic and

synchronic perspective. This contributes to a better understanding of the

incorporation processes of the ‘other’ in an urban fabric.

By focusing on Istanbul and the Ruhr Area, this book pursues the

questions of how diversity in ethnical and religious terms represents itself,

how it is communicated, and, more specifically, how it is merchandised

(or not). It asks for traditions and concepts about how to deal with ‘the

other’. Thus, the contemporary perception of diversity in the Ruhr Area is

highlighted and mirrored with the past and present situations in Istanbul,

thereby unraveling the incorporation processes of the ‘other’ in these met-

ropolitan areas. How was the economic potential of urban diversity in

the Ruhr valued in the nineteenth century and during the guest worker

period of the twentieth century? How did the Ottoman Empire deal with

the religious and cultural diversity of its inhabitants, compared to the

Ruhr Area? What kind of conflicts with the majority population emerged

during the Ottoman Empire and how were they communicated and rec-

onciled? Past developments and experiences are furthermore applied to

present urban contexts. To what extent are there continuities in the way

Istanbul handles its minorities in past and present? Has the situation of the

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 7

minorities changed over time? What new inequalities in the metropolitan

area of Istanbul can be obser ved today through residential segregation and

state-led urban regeneration? How is the cosmopolitan past of Istanbul

perceived and exploited in present economic and urban contexts? And to

come back to the German Capital of Culture: is the situation in Istanbul

comparable to the situation in the Ruhr Area? Why is migration in the

Ruhr and Germany, as in Istanbul, more generally perceived as a challenge

rather than as a benefit? Studying historical and contemporary issues of

urban diversity in Istanbul and the Ruhr Area helps to understand better

the situation of ethnic minorities in metropolises today.

In both past and present times economic factors have played an impor-

tant role for the success or failure of immigration processes, and the role

of networks and related structures are crucial for urban economies. It is

therefore important to investigate incorporation processes of minorities

through an economic lens. Migrant businesses are no longer part of a

“niche economy” (OECD, 2010). For example, in many districts of the

Ruhr Area migrants support not only local service supply structures but

also operate in sectors like handcraft, manufacturing, and business ser-

vices. What are the limitations and potentials of the economic strengths

of migrant businesses in the Ruhr Area? Does the Ruhr Area possess ade-

quate policies to use, support, and develop these potentials? Can transfers

from the Ruhr Area to Istanbul and vice versa be made in this respect?

2. Diversification of Migration

Up to the 1980s migration was often perceived as being permanent and

unidirectional (migration for settlement). An increasing body of litera-

ture in the social sciences and humanities, however, has recently shown

that migratory movements are much more diverse and complex in nature:

circular migration—short term expatriation as well as return migration

or remigration—has substituted the binary model of migration processes

(Brickell and Datta, 2011; Constant and Massey, 2002; Dustmann et al.,

1996; Glick Schiller et al., 1992; Lundholm, 2012; Dick and Reuschke,

2012; Reuschke, 2010; Salzbrunn 2008; Samers, 2010; Steinbrink, 2009).

The diversification of migration is due to various factors: the ongoing

division of labor, the globalization of capital and labor along with the

emergence of knowledge-based economies, demographic factors that lead

to global care chains, climate changes, civil wars, etc. In urban areas, eco-

nomic shifts have led to a concentration of service sector jobs at both

ends of the qualification and income spectrum, which has attracted an

influx of people to many countries in the Global North. However, there is

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

8 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIK A SAL ZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

also important South-South migration as well as increasing North-South

migration, in particular following the economic crisis that started in

2007–2008. Although migration increases social and economic inequali-

ties in most sending countries, contemporary migration is facilitated by

improvements in transportation and communication technology and is

accompanied by changing social norms and attitudes regarding gender,

mobility, and employment. Currently, half of the migrants in Europe are

female, but European policies tend to overemphasize family migration

without considering independent female labor migration (Salzbrunn,

2010), which has a long history in both the Ruhr Area and Istanbul.

While circu lar migration means that people circulate between different

locations more or less frequently, recent research argues that people have

not become ‘root less’ but tend to develop multiple place identit ies (Brickell

and Datta, 2011) or notions of multiple belonging (Yuval-Davis, 2006). They

are in touch with their fellow diaspora, community, or network members

in person or virtually. Most people with multilocal (or translocal) living

practices and belongings develop a number of ties of differing strength

and intensity to several places. Their locally anchored social networks

in different places/countries may be autonomous or connected. Hence, a

network-based concept has emerged, which is not tied to only one place

(Rainie and Wellman, 2012). However, after a tendency to overemphasize

networks and nomads,

2 most recent studies have convincingly argued in

favor of ‘relocating’ migration (studies), as mig rant s strongly inf luence the

urban spaces in which they reside and not only their countries of origin

(Glick Schiller and Ç a ğ lar, 2011; Salzbrunn, 2011). This linking of migra-

tion and urban studies is partly due to autocritiques by key authors in

transnational studies.

The concept of transnational migration (Glick Schiller et al., 1992, 1995;

Levitt et al., 2003; Mahler, 1998) departs from a severe critique of the binary

conception of emigration and immigration. It applies a multidimensional

and longitudinal perspective on migration processes. Transmigration is

generally defined as a “process by which immigrants forge and sustain

multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin

and settlement” (Basch et al., 1994, p. 6). During the last 20 years, the con-

cept has been successfully fine-tuned by scholars all over the globe and

across disciplines. Ludger Pries (2001), for example, has combined orga-

nizational sociology with actor-oriented comprehensive sociology in his

migration studies, and Gildas Simon has brought geography and migration

studies together by creating the MIGRINTER research group at Poitiers

University. Despite the ongoing efforts to take into consideration the com-

plexity of migration processes in transnational studies, critics still see a

subtle entertainment of methodological nationalism here (Glick Schiller

and Ç a ğ lar, 2011).

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 9

Inspired by research by social scientists, social historians have estab-

lished migration as a leading topic on their research agenda.

3 T h e y r e s e a r c h

case studies of migration in the Ancient World (Merrils and Miles, 2010), in

the Middle Ages (Lachenicht, 2010), in Early Modern Times (Reves, 2012

4 )

as well as in Modern Times (Fanning, 2011; Harper and Constantine, 2010;

in feminist history see, for example, Aubeleand and Pieri, 2011). Historical

case studies show that migration, even in its present-day extent and com-

plexity, is by no means a modern phenomenon. In fact, migration occurred

in many periods of time displaying many different facets. However, this

does not imply that concepts from the past or different cultural contexts

may be copied and applied to the present in order to analyze modern or

contemporary phenomena of migration. M igration history shows how com-

plex and singular situations of migration and migrants are, while offering

a large pool of ideas and concepts (also for the social sciences) with which

to examine present migration. Overviews over methods used by historians

are provided in Bade (2003), Bade (2011), and Hahn (2012).

Sociological studies also prove that migration is not as global as the

public discussion sometimes suggests. In fact, cer tain groups of privileged

people now travel more often, as Eleonore Kofman (2005) reminds us

with her critique of Beck’s concept of cosmopolitanism (2004) and Urry’s

ideas about mobility (2000). Also, people’s daily lives are still dependent

on strong social and spatial ties. Thus, for example, the bulk of social and

leisure-related contacts is locally embedded (Mok and Wellman, 2007).

Against this background, it is not the scale of transmigration and cir-

cular migration that is new in postindustrial knowledge-based societies

(as many authors seem to suggest) but rather the diversity and density of

people moving back and forth across countries. In addition, the public

attention paid to international migration is much larger than it ever was

in the past. This, in turn, puts contemporary migration and diversity not

only on the agenda of population and migration studies, but also means

that the impact of these flows on urban population and economies also

requires attention from (urban) economists.

Having said this, on an aggregate national scale circular migration may

apply only to a minor fraction of the working population. Nonetheless,

focusing on a lower spatial scale, that is, for certain, economically weak

cities or regions, shows that in many countries the quantitative inci-

dence of circular migration is much higher (Dick and Reuschke, 2012).

Theoretical approaches that can be used to explain these processes thus

clearly need to incorporate different geographical scales. City regions and

metropolitan areas, which have invariably attracted large numbers of

migrants, both from within countries and internationally, are focal points

of circular migration processes due to the growth of high-end, well-paid

formal services and an intensification of economic informalization.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

10 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

3. Superdiversity in City Regions

The number of countries represented among immigrants is growing expo-

nentially in most contemporary societies. At the same time, the absolute

size of population per migration group is decreasing in many cases, like

for the Turks in Germany. Immigrant populations have also become

part of a “superdiversity” of contemporary Western societies, as Steven

Vertovec has shown taking Great Britain as an example (2006, 2007a, b).

His concept is useful for understanding contemporary population dynam-

ics in urban contexts since it is not focused—unlike traditional population

studies and mainstream economics—on net immigration, ethnicity, and/

or nationality.

5 At the same time, it shifts the focus from multiculturalism

to structural inequalities and local differences. Here, superdiversity com-

prises a set of variables that refer to the immigrants’ cultural background/

country of origin (ethnicity, religion, nationality, language, etc.), migra-

tion channels (including networks), legal status, socioeconomic features

(age, gender, etc.), and geographic factors (Vertovec, 2006). It thus stresses

that societies are now “superdiverse” in terms of the national backgrounds,

ethnicity, cultural practices, religion, and migration experiences of its

members. Although superdiversity may remain concentrated in global cit-

ies such as London (Sepulveda et al., 2011), it is important to stress that a

diversification of diversity takes place in many urban areas.

6 F o r e x a m p l e ,

in the Ruhr Area 186 different nationalities are counted in officia l registers

(Zentrum f ü r T ü rkeistudien, 2002, 43). The nature of diversity is highly

local due to structural factors and historical pathways. This complex pic-

ture of diversity, in turn, requires localized tailored approaches in urban

policies.

The limitation of nationality-/ethnicity-based concepts in urban plan-

ning and policies is most visible in contemporary Istanbul. Here, the

“otherness” 7 is constructed not according to nationality but to ethnicity,

social status, and urban-rura l disparities. Turkish-Kurds and travelers are

excluded from participation in urban life, the labor and housing markets,

and political decision-making, resulting in extremely high levels of resi-

dential segregation, societal exclusion, and vulnerable housing situations.

From the second half of the last century rural in-migration added to this

a radical form of segregation along urban-rural lifestyles and social class.

Th is i s ma nife sted i n so cia lly d epriv ed gecekondu settlements, which were

built by rural migrants on squatted land. If only nationality is considered,

contemporary Istanbul would appea r to be a contrasting case to Vertovec’s

concept of superdiverse cities. The vast majority of its population is ‘offi-

cially’ of Turkish nationality. Even though nondocumented immigration

would reduce this number by a certain extent, the percentage share of

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 11

people with a different nationality would still be significantly lower than

in every Western European country. However, class differences and eth-

nic issues, especially concerning the Kurdish population (see Yonucu in

this volume) are also part of the urban diversity, and are crucial to under-

standing urban economies. In contrast, the third generation of Turks,

who were born and educated in Germany, are still perceived as ‘other’ in

German society regardless of nationality, language, and social class (see

Ulusoy in this volume).

4. Urban Economies and Diversity

How are urban diversity and the economy linked with each other? What

does superdiversity mean for urban economies? How can concepts of

(super)diversity be used for economic development in urban areas? How

does ‘new’ diversity meet ‘old’ diversity (Vertovec, 2009), as in both areas

this book explores a long existing variety of populations has encountered

new and different migration flows? Diversity studies originally grew

up in the context of social movements in the second half of the twenti-

eth century and dealt with race, class, and gender differences. Later on,

sexual preferences, (dis)ability, and age were considered and analyzed

as additional factors of positive or negative discrimination in diversity

studies. On these grounds, diversity concepts have been introduced by

some companies and universities, initially in 1978 in the United States

(Salzbrunn, 2012, p. 378), to manage an increasingly diverse workforce in

terms of age, gender, ethnicity, and (dis)ability. However, their application

in urban planning remained limited for a long time.

Connections of the economy with culture and diversity started to gain

importance in urban development and regeneration not earlier than the

1990s. With the deindustrialization of cities, culture was discovered as

an economic resource. In this context, the ‘cultural value’ of immigrants

and ethnic populations has been used in the marketing of cities (e.g.,

China Towns). Interestingly, the European Capital of Culture initiative

(ECoC) of the European Union (formerly called European City of Culture

initiative) was launched originally to bring Europeans together, to high-

light the diversity of European culture, and to interchange culture across

Europe (Palmer-Rae Associates, 2004). Since 1999 economic development

and more specifically the development of high-quality and innovative

cultural tourism are explicitly mentioned as ‘official’ aims of the ECoC

initiative (Decision 1419/1999/EC, see in Palmer-Rae Associates, 2004).

In fact, cities very quickly used the initiative and the label ‘European

Capital of Culture’ for economic reasons, that is, to present themselves

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

12 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

to Europe and the wider world, aiming at delivering a renewed postin-

dustrial image to attract tourists and with them capital and long-term

investments. For example, the first industrial city to be nominated as

European Capital of Culture was Glasgow in 1990 (subsequent to Athens,

Florence, Amsterdam, West Berlin, and Paris). The economically and

socially deprived city, which faced severe problems of urban decay after

the closure of its shipbuilding industry, used the initiative and the presti-

gious label to kick-start the economic restructuring process. Liverpool’s

presentation as European Capital of Culture in 2008 was widely perceived

as a success story. Now the UK is going to replicate the EU’s ECoC ini-

tiative by launching its own UK-wide Culture City initiative, again with

formerly industrialized cities such as Dundee (Scotland) applying for the

first round.

The construction, perception, and marketing of diversity can be under-

stood as a result of interactive communication processes. Historic writ-

ings, political debates, and academic discourses lead to a construction of

differences over time. At first sight, it seems obvious that ethnicity, gen-

der, class, or sexual preferences are constructed. But feminist studies have

shown that even attributes like sex or (dis)ability are socially constructed,

as they considerably differ according to the social context, the historical

period, and the geographic area (Salzbrunn, 2012, p. 376).

Another relevant area that connects ethnicity, economy, and place are

entrepreneurial activities. In recent years there has been an increased

interest both in policy and research in the field of ethnic entrepreneur-

ship: the focus being on micro and small businesses owned by people

with a migrant or ethnic background (OECD, 2010). Starting point for

an interest in ethnicity in entrepreneurship research was the finding that

some ethnic groups (in particular national contexts) are more entrepre-

neurial or more likely to run their own businesses than others (Evans,

1989; Light, 1972). In previous ethnic entrepreneurship research three

approaches to understanding business ownership among different ethnic

groups can be distinguished (see Ram and Jones, 2008 for an overview).

(1) Early studies were focused on ethnic resources and diasporic cultural

identity (ethnic-resource model) and pointed to the importance of social

capital (coethnic networks) for ethnic entrepreneurship (e.g., Light, 1972).

(2) Later, this one-sided approach was extended by external factors, and

the mutual ly reinforcing interplay between (internal) et hnic resources and

external context (opportunity structure)—business environment, suppli-

ers, financial and commercial institutions—was identified as influenc-

ing ethnic entrepreneurship (interactionist approach) (Waldinger, 1990;

Ward, 1987). (3) More recently, the mixed embeddedness approach has

been applied, further developing the interactionist approach by paying

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 13

particular attention to structural barriers in terms of state institutional

context and regulatory regimes (Kloostermann and Rath, 2003).

Migrants and thus ethnic businesses are concentrated in cities. Debates

about ethnic entrepreneurship are therefore closely connected with urban

policy and the urban economy. Comparative studies in the field of ethnic

entrepreneurship barely exist. Most studies are designed as case studies

or are descriptive analyses that do not provide further insights into local,

regional, or national effects (Baycan-Levent and Nijkamp, 2009; Masurel

et al., 2002; van Delft et al., 2000). Following the mixed embeddedness

approach, however, it seems reasonable to assume that the same ethnic

group can show different tendencies towards entrepreneurship and self-

employment in different geographic contexts. For example, studies for

the Netherlands suggest a great tendency for business ownership amongst

Turks (Masurel et al, 2002). In contrast, owning a business or being self-

employed seems to be less common amongst Turks in the Ruhr Area (see

Fischer-Krapohl in this volume). From an urban economy point of view

the theoretical conceptualizations therefore provoke some crucial ques-

tions: (1) What particular opportunity structures do cities provide for

ethnic entrepreneurship? (2) How can cities mitigate structural barriers

in order to foster entrepreneurial activities among migrants that, in turn,

facilitate their social mobility? (3) How can cities use the potential of eth-

nic entrepreneurship for urban regeneration? Entrepreneurship, it should

be noted, does not however always equate with upward social mobility

processes. Often, especially amongst immigrants, business ownership is a

survival strategy (Barrett et al., 1996) due to lack of opportunities on the

labor market and discrimination. These processes enhance “enclave econ-

omies” that are bounded by coethnicity and location (Zhou, 2004). In this

regard, it is important for cities to identify (4) whether enclave economies

exist and how they can be integrated in the urban economy. In order to

find answers to these questions, the superdiversity of economic practices

in urban areas needs to be considered and ethnic businesses be placed in a

structural and historical context.

Concerning the discovery of superdiversity and transmigration as a

research field, business historians who have been concerned with migra-

tion processes and their economic consequences seem to be ahead of

social scientists. They have investigated not only the reasons for migra-

tion, which are often economic in nature, but also the influence that the

way of life of minorities has on the economic standing of these groups

within the majority society (Simon, 1999). How did different religious

or national traditions, for example, in terms of constructing networks

of trust, in arranging marriages, or in dealing with risk, form the eco-

nomic behavior of a certain group (Chatziioannou, 2010)? Why was

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

14 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

one minority group more or less successful in economic terms than the

majority? To what extent did members of the minority assimilate to the

economic behavior of the majority, and was this useful for their eco-

nomic success (Schiff, 1999)? Transnational companies are also in the

focus of historical interest (Cotrell, 2007). Historical case studies pro-

vide a large reservoir across various periods of time and countries from

which to find answers to these questions (German Historical Institute

and University of Maryland, 2012).

Given the rich body of literature on tra nsmigration and the various case

studies on historical transnational entrepreneurship, it is surprising that

only a few studies in the social sciences have looked at the emerging land-

scape of current transnational entrepreneurship (Sepulveda et al., 2011;

Zhou, 2004). Most studies measure transmigration through number of

journeys, political engagement, symbolic practices, and remittances while

the economic impact of this type of migration has been under-researched.

Likewise, most entrepreneurship studies with an interest in space explore

entrepreneurship in relation to the place/regional environment in which

the business is located. A wider understanding of the spaces of entrepre-

neurship in the light of transnational circular migration is required (Wai-

chung Yeung, 2009). Some ethnographic studies suggest that five types of

transnational entrepreneurs are relevant (Zhou, 2004, p. 1055). The first

does business in the financial services, the second in import and export,

the third type is related to the creative industries (film, music, etc.), the

fourth type includes manufacturing firms, and the fifth type are micro

businesses of return migrants (re-migrants) in labor-intensive sectors such

as restaurants and car sales. Location-specific capital, particularly local-

ized networks and social ties, in (at least) two places, and the “knowledge

of two cultures” (van Delft et al., 2000) can be assumed to facilitate trans-

national activities of transmigrants. However, these may play out very dif-

ferently in different urban contexts. In an urban context such as the Ruhr

Area, where a critical mass of consumers demands Turkish products, small

import-export businesses run by Turks who circulate regularly between

Germany and Turkey may be of certain importance. Istanbul with its cul-

tural and creative industries might attract cultural transnational entrepre-

neurs who seek to live in the Turkish metropolis on a regular basis.

5 . A b o u t T h i s B o o k

Historical and contemporary analyses of economic, societal, demo-

graphic, and cultural development in the Ruhr Area and Istanbul reveal

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 15

conditions and characteristics of complex migration processes in these

two metropolitan areas. The motives of contemporary migrants are

scrutinized and the factors that influence their decisions examined.

Inclusion and exclusion processes, such as the increasing marginaliza-

tion of the urban poor in the context of public investment, are illustrated.

Sociospatial disparities both in the multiethnic cosmopolitan city of

Istanbul in the late Ottoman Empire and the Ruhr Area in the nineteenth

century are examined and contemporary urban politics discussed with

regard to migration, housing and urban development.

Conceptual and theoretical perspectives on urban diversity and econ-

omy across time and space are presented in Part 1. A comparison between

Istanbul and the Ruhr Area through time is not without methodologi-

cal challenges and demands in-depth theoretical discussion. Monika

Salzbrunn provides a critical overview of the notion of diversity in the

Anglo-Saxon, French, and German-speaking social sciences. Edhem

Eldem then discusses problems and chances related to both metropolitan

areas as a critical starting point of this volume.

The Ruhr Area and Istanbul are both significantly shaped by their

religious and ethnic minorities. Part 2 of the volume deals with the pop-

ulation flows affecting the two metropolitan areas. During the second

half of the last century people from Turkey, among others, were increas-

ingly recruited to satisfy the demand for cheap labor in the steel indus-

try. The demographic structure of the Ruhr Area today reflects these

diverse migration narratives. Yunus Ulusoy deals with the history of

the Turkish migration to Germany, focusing on the role of Istanbul and

the Ruhr Area in this migration process. The history of the Ruhr Area

cannot be exhaustively told, however, without elaborating on a modern

immigration history that started with the recruitment of Polish mining

workers in the nineteenth century. The chapter by Michaela Bachem-

Rehm deals with Polish migrants and their incorporation in the Ruhr

Area, which in the end was more or less an assimilation: today very few

individuals with Polish names are aware of the migration backgrounds

in their acestory.

In the context of this volume Istanbul is not only of interest as a

starting point and destination for migrants to and from the Ruhr Area.

Although the Turkish metropolis has a predominantly Muslim popu-

lation today, it has itself—like the Ruhr—long experience with minori-

ties. The economic role of these ‘others’ in the urban space of the two

metropolises is of special interest for the book. Part 3 draws attention to

the legal and institutional frame of ethnic entrepreneurship in the Ruhr

Area and in Istanbul. The first step is a retrospective look at the history

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

16 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

of Istanbul. A large number of Christians, for example Greek Orthodox

and Armenians, lived as indigenous minorities in Istanbul during the

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Maria Christina Chatziioannou

and Dimitris Kamouzis deal with the economic role and influence of

these minorities, which formed an elite in terms of education and trade

in the Ottoman Empire. As a result of their extensive trade networks that

spread all over Europe, C hristians acqu ired wealth and politic al inf luence

that they then wanted to benefit from and display to the outside world.

Ayse Ozil investigates their attempts to represent their economic wealth

in the urban space of Istanbul and the specific problems that appear in

the very special context of ‘incorporation’ in the Ottoman Empire. What

kind of conflicts with the majority population resulted from this situa-

tion and how were they communicated and reconciled during the period

of the Ottoman Empire? These two historical chapters show that minor-

ities in the Ottoman Empire normally did not mix with other groups

of population, but inhabited separate parts of the urban space. Ivonne

Fischer-Krapohl shows how Turkish businesses have developed over time

in the city of Dortmund in the Ruhr Area. In contrast to the often cited

argument in German debates that migrant businesses are concentrated

in disadvantaged urban areas and mainly serve their own ethnic groups,

Turkish businesses have diversified in terms of both location and indus-

try sector. Local context factors of ethnic entrepreneurship are discussed

and ways of promoting businesses run by Turkish migrants suggested.

Part 4 focuses on residential segregation processes and their economic

outcomes. Darja Reuschke and Sabine Weck investigate residential seg-

regation of Turkish migrants in Ruhr cities, explaining the historical rea-

sons and the actual problems for the incorporation processes. The focus

then shifts to contemporary Istanbul. Inclusion and exclusion processes,

such as the increasing marginalization of the urban poor in the context of

public investment, are illustrated by Deniz Yonucu. She looks at Istanbul

and its Kurdish migrants, focusing on their difficult life in the metropo-

lis´ gececondos . The reasons why the Turkish majority tries to pull out and

even criminalize these migrants are explained. Against the background

of sociospatial disparities in the multiethnic cosmopolitan city of the

late Ottoman Empire, contemporary urban politics are then discussed

with regard to migration, housing and urban development by Nil Uzun.

She continues to disentangle urban segregation patterns in Istanbul by

describing gentrification processes in the twentieth century and raising

the issue of the consequences for the inhabitants. What new inequalities

in the metropolitan area of Istanbul can be observed through residen-

tial segregation and state-led urban regeneration, particularly in terms of

class differences?

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 17

6. Main Lessons Learnt and Outlook

Our comparative approach was influenced by the fact that both the Ruhr

Area and Istanbul were European Capitals of Culture in 2010. We asked

each author to identify, among other things, connections between their

research and the European Capital of Culture initiative (ECoC) and to dis-

cuss the question of how the ECoC has influenced the economic percep-

tion and incorporation of ‘the other’ in urban space in their case studies.

At fir st, we we re su rpr ise d th at mos t contri buto rs disc uss ed t he ECo C only

brief ly, if at all. However, we interpret t his a s one outcome of this book: the

ECoC initiative has not significantly influenced the incorporation of the

‘other’ in urban space either in the Ruhr or in Istanbul. The reconstruc-

tion of diversity undert aken within the ECoC was rather fol kloristic in t he

case of Istanbul (e.g., dance performances, architectural projects) or was

reduced to particular aspects of immigration history, namely the guest

worker period, in the case of the Ruhr. Our interviews with German and

Turk i sh econom i c s ta k e ho l d ers

8 also show that the cultural mega event

was regarded rather as an additional cultural offer than as an opportu-

nity to present economic potentials in urban diversity. Therefore, the eco-

nomic dimension of diversity in both past and present remained hidden

in Istanbul, while in the Ruhr Area the image of the Turkish guest worker

was reaffirmed. However, the first evaluation of the ECoC initiative 1994–

2004 (Palmer-Rae Associates, 2004) revealed that formerly nominated cit-

ies generally perceive the economy (in terms of the number of attracted

tourists and newly founded businesses) as an output rather than as part

of the cultural construction and marketing process. How the ECoC can

use urban diversity as an economic potential for urban development thus

remains a question for future European Capitals of Culture.

Another main result of this book is that residential segregation pro-

cesses are engendering new inequalities that transcend ethnic and reli-

gious differences. These processes therefore bring class issues back to

the research agenda. It is striking that in some case studies the economic

differences between the majority and the minorities seem to be the most

important factor for social and political problems. If the economic and

class issues do not exist or are not strong (as in the case of the Poles in

the Ruhr Area), their incorporation is unproblematic or a total assimi-

lation of the immigrants can even result. Descendents of this group are

rarely considered as being part of the ‘second’ or ‘third’ generation of

immigrants, which indicates that their supposed cultural differences are

no longer noticed in everyday practices, that is, after several decades of

sedentarization. In contrast, incorporation processes become more com-

plicated when differences in property, economic wealth, and education

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

18 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

between the migrants and the indigenous population are large. This is the

case when migrants have a higher socioeconomic status and are wealthier

than the majority population (as in the case of Christians in Istanbul in

nineteenth and twentieth centuries), and also in the opposite case when

migrants are noticeably poorer (e.g., Kurds in Istanbul since the 1960s).

Correspondingly, many Germans of Turkish origin are perceived as ‘other’

in German society even in the third generation—unless they have man-

aged to reach a high economic and educational level. Class issues seem to

pl ay t he k ey rol e i n i nco rp or atio n pr oc es se s. H owe ve r, mo st ac tor s i nvo lv ed

in current public discussions mainly focus on religious and ethnic differ-

ences. Especially in the context of post-9/11 debates, religious difference

has become an issue and therefore reinforces the supposed otherness of

people with Turkish ascendants in Germany. However, the presented case

studies show that religious and ethnic differences are not the most impor-

tant factors for successful or nonsuccessful incorporation. Recent political

debates in Germany underline the importance of the cultural potential

of different parts of society and recommend respecting cultural diversity.

The ‘Charter of diversity’, signed by thousands of firms and administra-

tions in Germany and France in 2007,

9 reflects these changes in the minds

of political and economic leaders. Firms and administrations are not only

engaged in fighting racism and homophobia, they also promote the diver-

sity of their employees in order to polish their image and their corporate

identity. Obviously, this does not mean that the Charter is well applied

in practice. The ‘marketing of diversity’ in the context of the celebrations

of the Ruhr and Istanbul as Cultural Capitals of Europe is also a result

of these important changes in perception, consideration, and finally eco-

nomic exploitation of differences, even though it was manifested more in

folklore events than as a profound will to valorize the present diverse soci-

ety. However, it is a further sign that diversity is shifting increasingly into

the focus of public attention, which might be useful for incorporation.

As rega rd entrepreneurship and the economic potential of urban d iver-

sity, the case studies support Vertovec’s assumption that there is a reluc-

tance of institutional structures to adapt to urban diversity and promote

ethnic entrepreneurship. This is why foreign-born people face difficulties

in pursuing entrepreneurial activities in Istanbul (Turkey) even if they

are Turks by nationality. In the Ruhr Area, business services that pro-

vide tailored approaches to address migrant businesses are still lacking.

Local economic policy in the Ruhr Area has not responded to the special

needs of migrant businesses. Other German cities, such as Mannheim,

have established and funded partnerships with migrant business owners

for training and qualification. This approach acknowledges that migrant

businesses are less involved in training schemes than German ones,

which, in turn, inf luences the creation of qualified jobs.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 19

Finally, situating population dynamics in Istanbul in a historic context

shows that minorities are defined as such by the political, economic, or aca-

demic representatives of the majority and that thus even this terminology

reflects a kind of hegemony. Research therefore needs to be conscious of

the difficulties involved in handling such a complex subject as diversity and

must take these semantic and theoretical challenges into consideration.

N o t e s

1 . This industrial UNESCO labeled area was very recently joined by the Bassin

industriel du Nord de la France , which has a comparable history and which is

close to Lille, a former European Capital of Culture. An intercultural com-

parison of the two cities is given in Ernst and Heimb ö ckel, 2012.

2 . For a critique on mig ration studies and scholars who overemphasized nomad-

ism and circulation see Salzbrunn, 2008, p. 78.

3 . On the European Social History Conference in Edinburgh in April 2012, 26

sessions dealt with migration in history (ESSHC, 2012).

4 . This volume is part of the Studies on Historical Migration Research, edited by

Klaus J. Bade and Jochen Oltmer, in Schoeningh publishing house, see http://

www.schoeningh.de/katalog/reihe/studien_zur_historischen_migra.html .

5 . Although the concept draws a great deal on intersectionality and class-race

-gender studies (Salzbrunn, 2012).

6 . Analyzing the complexity of cities from an interdisciplinary perspective is

the main objective of the research group “Urban Systems” at the University

Duisburg-Essen, see http://www.uni-due.de/imperia/md/content/urbane-systeme

/01_unI_megacitys_gb_141112.pdf (accessed June 27, 2013).

7 . The concept of “othering” is often used in gender studies as well as in studies

about racism. By creating t he “other,” the “self” can establish norms and values

as standards, and dominate and/or exclude certain groups from fundamental

rights (e.g., Butler, 1988).

8 . Interviews were conducted during our field trip to Istanbul in September

2010 with representatives from the German Consulate, the Turkish-German

chamber of commerce, members of the organizing committee of Istanbul

Cultural Capital of Europe as well as with many informants who wanted to

remain anonymous.

9 . h t t p : / / w w w . c h a r t a - d e r - v i e l f a l t . d e , h t t p : / / w w w . c h a r t e - d i v e r s i t e . c o m /

R e f e r e n c e s

Alexandris, A. (1992) The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek—Turkish

Relations 1918—1974 . Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies.

Aubele, E. and Pieri, G. (2011) Femina Migrans. Frauen in Migrationsprozessen

(18.–20 . Jahrh undert). Sulzbach/Taunus: Ulrike Helmer Verlag.

Bade, K. J. (2003) Migration in European History . Malden: Blackwell Publishing.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

20 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

Bade, K. J. (2011) The Encyclopaedia of Migration and Minorities in Europe

from the 17th Century to the Present . Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

Barrett, G. A., Jones, T. P., and McEvoy, D. (1996) “Ethnic Minority Business:

Theoretical Discourse in Britain and North America.” Urban Studies , 33

(4–5), pp. 783–809.

Basch, L., Glick Schiller N., and Blanc-Szanton C. (1994) Nations Unbound:

Transnational Projects, Post Colonial Predicaments and Deterritorialized

Nation States . Langhorne, PA: Gordon and Breach.

Baur, J. (2009) Die Musealisierung der Migration. Einwanderungsmuseen und die

Inszenierung der multikulturellen Nation . Bielefeld: Transcript.

Baycan-Levent, T. and Nijkam, P. (2009) “Characteristics of migrant entre-

preneurship in Europe.” Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 21(4),

pp. 375–397.

Beck, U. (2004) Der kosmopolitische Blick . Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.

Brickell, K. and Datta A. (2011) Translocal Geographies. Spaces, Places,

Connections . Farnham, UK: Ashgate.

Butler, J. (1988) “Acts and Gender Constitution. An Essay in Phenomenology and

Feminist Theory.” Theatre Journal 40 (4), pp. 519–531.

Chatziioannou, M. C. (2010) “Mediterranean Pathways of Greek Merchants

to Victorian England.” The Historical Review/La Revue Historique , VII,

pp. 213–237.

Constant, A. and Massey, D. (2002) “Return Migration by German Guestworkers:

Neoclassical versus New Economic Theory.” International Migration, 40 (4),

pp. 5–38.

Cottrell, P. (2007) The Ionian Bank. An Imperial Institution 1839–1864 . Athens:

Alpha Bank.

Dick, E. and Reuschke, D. (2012) “Multilocational Households in the Global

South and North: Relevance, Features, and Spatial Implications.” Die Erde,

143 (3), pp. 177–194.

DOMiD [=Dokumentationszentrum und Museum ü ber die Migration in

Deutschland e.V.] (2012) Stand der Dinge. Sammlung und Darstellung der

Migrationsgeschichte . URL: http://www.domid.org/pdf/Stand_der_Dinge

_Symposiumsdokumentation.pdf (accessed November 7, 2012)

Dustmann, C., Bentolila, S., and Faini, R. (1996) “Return Migration: The European

Experience.” Economic Policy, 11 (22), pp. 213–250.

Ernst T. and Heimb ö ckel D. (2012) Verortungen der Interkulturalit ä t. Die “ Euro-

p ä ischen Kulturhauptst ä dte” Luxemburg und die Gro ß region (2007), das

Ruhrgebiet (2010) und Istanbul (2010). Bielefeld: Transkript.

ESSHC (2012) Conference program for the 9th European Social Science History

Conference Glasgow, Scotland, UK Wednesday, April 11–Saturday, April

14, 2012, URL: http://www2.iisg.nl/esshc/programme.asp?selyear=12&nw=9

(accessed November 7, 2012)

Europe an Co mmis sion (200 6) The Economy of Culture in Europe. Study Prepared

by KEA European Affairs for the EC Directorate-General for Education and

Culture . URL: http://www.keanet.eu/en/ecoculturepage.html

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 21

Eva ns E. D. R . (19 89) “I mm ig ra nt E nt rep ren eu rs hip : E ffe ct s o f Et hn ic Ma rke t S iz e

and Isolated Labor Pool.” American Sociological Review, 54, pp. 950–962.

Fanning, B. and Munck, R. (2011) Globalization, Migration and Social

Transformation. Ireland in Europe and the World (Studies in Migration and

Diaspora) . Farnham: Ashgate.

Glick Schiller, N. and Ç a ğ lar, A. (2011) Locating Migration. Rescaling Cities and

Migrants . Ithaka: Cornell University Press.

Glick Schiller N., Basch, L., and Blanc, C. (1995) “From Immigrant to

Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration.” Anthropological Quar-

terly, 68 (1), pp. 48–63.

Glick Schil ler N., Basch, L., and Bla nc-Syanton, C. (1992) Towards a Transnational

Perspective o n Migration: Race, Cl ass, Ethnicity, and Nat ionalism Recon sidered .

New York: New York Academy of Science.

G ö kt ü rk, D., Soysal, L., and T ü reli, I. (2010) Orienting Istanbul. Cultural Capital

of Europe? Milton Park, Abingdon: Routlegde.

Hahn, S. (2012) Historische Migrationsforschung . Frankfurt: Campus.

Harper, M. and Constantine, S. (2010) Migration and Empire (=Oxford History of

the British Empire Companion Series) . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hillmann, F. (2010) “New Geographies of Migration. Editorial.” Die Erde , 141

(1–2), pp. 1–13.

Kloosterman, R., van der Leun, J., and Rath J. (1998) “Across the border:

Immigrants’ Economic Opportunities, Social Capital and Informal Business

Activities.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 24 (2), pp. 249–268.

Kloosterma nn R. and Rath J. (2003) “Introduction.” In: Immigrant entrepreneurs.

Venturing abroad in the age of globalization , edited by R. Kloostermann and

J. Rath, pp. 1–16. Oxford and New York: Berg.

Kofman, E. (2005) “Figures of the Cosmopolitan. Privileged Nationals and

National Outsiders.” Innovation , 18 (1), pp. 83–97.

Lachenicht, S. (2010) Hugenotten in Europa und Nordamerika. Migration und

Integration in der Fr ü hen Neuzeit. Frankfurt am Main: Campus.

Levitt, P., DeWind, J., and Vertovec, S. (2003) “International Perspectives on

Transnational Migration: An Introduction.” International Migration Review,

37 (3), pp. 565–575.

Liebig, T. (2005) A New Phenomenon: The International Competition for Highly-

Skilled Migrants and Its Consequences for Germany . Bern: Haupt.

Light I. (1972) Ethnic Enterprise in America . Berkeley, CA: University of California

Press.

Lundholm, E. (2012) “Returning Home? Migration to the Birthplace Among

Migrants after Age 55.” Population, Space and Place, 18 (1), pp. 74–84.

Mahler S. (1998) “Theoretical and Empirical Contributions Toward a Research

Agenda for Transnationalism.” In: Tra n s n a t ionalism fro m B elow , edited by M.

P. Smith and L. E. Guarnizo, pp. 64–102. New Bruinswick, NJ: Transaction

Publisher.

Masurel, E., Nijkamp, P., Tastan, M., and Vindigni, G. (2002) “Motivations and

Performance Conditions for Ethnic Entrepreneurship.” Growth and Change,

33 (2), pp. 238–260.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

22 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

Merrills, A. and Miles, R. (2010) The Vandals . Oxford: John Wiley & Sons.

Mok, D. and Wellman B. (2007) “Did Distance Matter before the Internet?” Social

Networks, 29 (3), pp. 430–461.

OECD (2010) Ope n for Business: Migrant Entre preneurship in the OECD Countr ies .

OECD Publishing. URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264095830-en

Palmer-Rae Associates (2004) European Cities and Capitals of Culture. Study

Prepared for the European Commission. Part 1 . Brussels.

Portes, A., Haller W.J., and Guarnizo L. E. (2002) “Transnational Entrepreneurs:

An Alternative Form of Immigrant Economic Adaptation.” American

Sociological Review, 67 (2), pp. 278–298.

Pries, L. (2001) New Transnational Social Spaces: International Migration and

Transnational Companies in the Early Twenty-First Century . London: Routledge.

Pusch, B. and Aydin Y. (2011) Einwanderungspolitik—Abwanderung von hoch

qualifizierten deutschen Staatsb ü rgerInnen t ü rkischer Herkunft . Heinrich-B ö ll-

Stif tung, Working Paper. UR L: http://ww w.migration-boel l.de/web/migrat ion

/46 _2872.asp

Rainie, L. and Wellman B. (2012) Networked: The New Social Operating System .

Cambridge: MIT Press.

Ram, M. and Jones T. (2008) “Ethnic –Minority Business in the UK: A Review

of Research and Policy Developments.” Environment and Planning C, 26,

pp. 352–374.

Reuschke, D. (2010) “Job-Induced Commuting between Two Residences—

Characteristics of a Multilocational Living Arrangement in the Late-Modernity.”

Comparative Population Studies, 35 (1), pp. 107–134.

Regionalverband Ruhr (2011) http://www.metropoleruhr.de/fileadmin/user

_upload/metropoleruhr.de/Bilder/Daten___Fakten/Regionalstatistik_PDF

/Bevoelkerung/BevEnt_11_Tab.pdf

Reves, C. (2012) Vom Pomeranzeng ä ngler zum Gro ß h ä ndler? Netzwerke und

Migrationsverhalten der Brentano-Familien im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert

(=Studien zur historischen Migrationsforschung 23) . Paderborn: Schoeningh.

Salzbrunn, M. (2012) “Gebietskartierung: Vielfalt/Diversity/Diversit é .” Sozio-

logische Revue , 35, pp. 375–394.

Salzbrunn, M. (2011) “Rescaling Processes in two ‘Global’ Cities: Festive Events

as Pathways of Migrant Incorporaton.” In: Locating Migration. Rescaling

Cities and Migrants , edited by N. Glick Schiller and A. Ç a ğ lar, pp. 166–189.

Ithaka: Cornell University Press.

Salzbrunn, M. (2010) Gender & Migration between Research and Policies.

Recommendations for improving coordination between Research and Policy:

the French case . GEMMA Project Gender and Migration (FP 7).

S al zbr un n, M . (20 08) “Wor ld S oci ety, Tra nsn ati ona li sm a nd Champs Migratoires :

Reflections on German, A nglo-Saxon and French Academic Debates.” In: The

Making of World Society. Perspectives from Transnational Research , edited by

R.G. Anghel, E. Gerhartz, G. Rescher and M. Salzbrunn, pp. 75–100. Bielefeld:

Tra nsc ript /Tra nsa cti on.

Samers, M. (2010) Migration . London: Routledge.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

INTRODUCTION 23

Schiff, M. (1999) Trade, Migration and Welfare: The Impact of Social Capital.

Policy Research Working Paper 2044 . The World Bank Development Research

Group, Trade, January 1999.

Sepulveda, L., Syrett, S., and Lyon, F. (2011) “Population Superdiversity and

New Migrant Enterprise: The Case of London.” Entrepreneurship & Regional

Development, 23 (7–8), pp. 469–497.

Simon, J. L. (1999) The Economic Consequences of Immigration . Ann Arbor, MI:

University of Michigan Press.

Steinbrink, M. (2009) Leben zwischen Land und Stadt. Migration, Translokalit ä t und

Verwund bark eit in S ü dafrika . Wiesbaden: VS Verlag f ü r Sozialwissenschaften.

TurkStat [=Turkish Stat istical Institute] (2012) İ l, ya ş grubu ve cinsiyete g ö re n ü fus

[Population by province, age group and sex] . Istanbul. URL: http://www.turkstat

.gov.tr/PreIstatistikTablo.do?istab_id=945 (accessed November 7, 2012)

German Historical Institute, Washington DC and University of Maryland,

College Park, MD (2012) Conference: Immigration & Entrepreneurship: An

Interdisciplinary Conference . URL: http://newamerica.umd.edu/conferences

/september2012.php (accessed October 1, 2012)

Urry, J. (2000) Sociology Beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty-first Century.

London: Routledge.

Van Delft, H., Gorter, C., and Nijkamp, P. (2000) “In Search of Ethnic Entre-

preneurship Opportunities in the City: A Comparative Policy Study.”

Environment and Planning C, 18, pp. 429–451.

Vertovec, S. (2009) Conceiving and Researching Diversity. MMG Working Paper

09–01. Gottingen: Ma x Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethinic

Diversity.

Vertovec S. (2006) The Emergence of Super-Diversity in Britain. Working Paper

25, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society . Oxford: University of Oxford.

Vertovec, S. (2007a) New Complexities of Cohesion in Britain: Super-Diversity,

Transnationalism and Civil-Integration . Think Piece for the Commission on

Integration and Cohesion, Department for Communities and Local Gover-

nment . London.

Vertovec, S. (2007b) “Super-Diversity and its Implications.” Ethnic and Racial

Studies, 30 (6), pp. 1024–1064.

Waldinger R. (1990) “Opportunities, Group Characteristics and Strategies.”

In: Ethnic Entrepreneurs , edited by R. Waldinger, H. Aldrich, and R. Ward,

pp. 13–48. London: SAGE.

Waldinger, R. (2008) “Between ‘Here’ and ‘There’: Immigrant Cross-Border

Activities and Loyalities.” International Migration Review, 42 (1), pp. 3–29.

Ward, R. (1987). “Ethnic entrepreneurs in Britain and Europe.” In: Entre-

preneurship in Europe, edited by R. Goffee and R. Scase, pp. 83–104. Beck-

enham: Croom Helm.

Wai-chung Yeung H. (2009) “Transnationalizing Entrepreneurship: A Critical

Agenda for Economic Geography. Progress in Human Geography 33 , pp. 210–

235.

Yuval-Davis, N. (2006) The Situated Politics of Belonging . London: SAGE.

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

24 DARJA REUSCHKE, MONIKA SALZBRUNN, AND KORINNA SCHÖNHÄRL

Zentrum f ü r T ü rkeistudien (2002) Demographischer Wandel im Ruhrgebiet. Ethni-

sches Mosaik des Ruhrgebiets. Im Auftrag und herausgegeben von Projekt Ruhr .

Essen.

Zhou, M. (2004) “Revisiting Ethnic Entrepreneurship: Convergencies, Contro-

versies, and Conceptual Advancements.” International Migration Review, 38

( 3 ) , p p . 1 0 4 0 – 1 0 7 4 .

Copyrighted material – 9781137346506

architecture, 17, 53–4, 122, 124,

145 – 6, 14 8, 150 –61, 245–7

Balian family (architects), 151–2

Church of Agia Triada, 158–9

Church of Agios Ioannis, 159

Church of Agios Konstantinos and

Eleni, 159

Church of Profitis Ilias, 159

Ottoman School of Art and

Architecture, 152

Panagia Elpida, 159

Panagia ton Eisodion, 156, 157

Aryanization, 105

Ashkenazim, 51

assimilation, 15, 17, 33, 35, 57–61, 94,

106, 165, 223

Balkan Wars, see under wars

Berlin Conference (1878), see under

conferences

business history, 13, 117–18, 122

capitalism, 48–9, 119, 123, 222

Catholic religion/Catholics/

Catholicism, 51, 96–101, 107, 109,

121–2, 137, 153, 237

chain migration, see under

international migration

citizenship, 32–3, 59, 119, 124, 135–7,

193–4, 198, 210

dual citizenship, 124

city marketing, 11–12, 38–9, 145–6

The Economies of Urban Diversity

Figures

Recommended publications

Institutul European din România Impactul generat de dinamica cotei de lapte asupra producătorilor ag...

The Handbook of Diverse Economies

SMEs and economic growth: Entrepreneurship or employment

Employment, Economic Development, and Poverty Reduction