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Two-Faced Racism: Whites in the Backstage and Frontstage

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... Goffman's theory on frontstage and backstage behaviours has been applied across a wide range of contexts. Some examples include exploring different public and private behaviours that occur with regards to racism (Picca & Feagin, 2007), teasing (Sinkeviciute, 2017), behaviours that occur on social media (Persson, 2010), on the news (Thornborrow & Haarman, 2012), in court rooms (Portillo et al., 2013), in classrooms (Gilmore, 2014) and in hospices (Cain, 2012). However, the theory has also drawn some critique for depicting a world focused on superficial externalities (Gouldner, 1970;Habermas, 1984;Wilshire, 1982) and where the authentic self is bypassed or overlooked (Messinger et al., 1962). ...
... The backstage is generally viewed by performers as a "safe area" because, unlike the frontstage, it is a place where deviations from the norm are tolerated and accepted (Picca & Feagin, 2007). Backstage behaviours, in many instances, also tend to be supported by other social actors who form an integral part of the backstage setting (Picca & Feagin, 2007). ...
... The backstage is generally viewed by performers as a "safe area" because, unlike the frontstage, it is a place where deviations from the norm are tolerated and accepted (Picca & Feagin, 2007). Backstage behaviours, in many instances, also tend to be supported by other social actors who form an integral part of the backstage setting (Picca & Feagin, 2007). The "safe area" ...
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This qualitative exploratory study focuses on understanding meat-eating practices in urban Australia and urban India, with a view towards encouraging a reduced-meat diet in both countries.
... Racial frames are built on dominant stereotypes, including both those negative of people of color and positive of white people. Racist frames have helped support racial oppression that has assisted white Americans (Picca & Feagin, 2007). Today's white nationalism is focused on protecting a "distinct cultural, political, and genetic identity as white Europeans," (Swain, 2002, pp. ...
... Online spaces traditionally reflect the culture of white Americans (Picca & Feagin, 2007). White individuals can "engage in racialized performances to show people of color that they are trespassers into white spaces" (Picca & Feagin, 2007, p. 80). ...
... Lastly, a set of a priori codes was utilized to study how white individuals who used white nationalist discourse responded to criticisms of their expression: using othering as a tool for acknowledging race and reinforcing inferior status for marginalized groups (Hughey, 2012), ignoring the oppressive history of marginalized groups (Picca & Feagin, 2007), and trivializing the concerns of minoritized people through minimizing their problems and perpetuating misinformation (Steinfeldt et al., 2010). ...
Article
After protestors clashed in Charlottesville, Virginia over the planned removal of a statue of a Confederate general, President Trump refused to condemn white nationalists. Over the following days, numerous news stories were written about the protests, allowing the public to discuss white nationalism through online comments. Using theories on ideology, discourse, and framing, this study considers how white nationalist discourse emerged in those comments. The findings show broad support for white nationalism, including complaints about threats to white culture, reinterpretation of American history to support white nationalist ideas, and rejection of the idea that marginalized people face oppression. However, the study also shows a burgeoning force of critical commenters struggling to challenge white nationalism’s emergence in public spaces.
... This exchange for power only succeeds because systems of white supremacy exist at all times, no matter who is in the room. In fact, given the way white people conceptualize society around our own ways of thinking, being, and knowing, systems are designed with white people's expectations imbedded into everything that we do (Picca & Feagin, 2007). This frame of seeing the world means that interracial spaces are not a required setting for racism to occur (Picca & Feagin, 2007). ...
... In fact, given the way white people conceptualize society around our own ways of thinking, being, and knowing, systems are designed with white people's expectations imbedded into everything that we do (Picca & Feagin, 2007). This frame of seeing the world means that interracial spaces are not a required setting for racism to occur (Picca & Feagin, 2007). In fact, insulated spaces such as meeting rooms with only white people present, are perfect places for white supremacist systems to flourish. ...
Article
White women are socialized to use their gender subordination as a defense when confronted with their racism. Using intersectionality, I built a framework intertwining idealized objectification standards and racial gatekeeping to reveal how white women use specific practices to gain and maintain power and restrict access from People of Color. Through autocritography, a self-study methodology focused on telling and retelling stories, I examined how gendered practices protected and insulated me from addressing my active racism. I detailed a series of events that occurred in my role as a social justice educator at a south-eastern public university in the US and highlighted my attempts to maintain my reputation as a ‘good’ white woman. I also discovered consequences I faced for not upholding this reputation. My findings revealed several ways that white supremacy maintains itself in our society using ties to our socialized norms and expectations. I finished with a discussion of how this study relates to and further supports studies regarding the negative experiences of People of Color in higher education. Finally, I share implications for students, staff, and faculty both inside and outside of the classroom using three artifacts: a case study, an email response, and a twitter post.
... Broadcasting on nationally syndicated networks such as FX and Comedy Central further legitimized such humor (Pérez and Greene 2016). Moreover, humor as a framing device is effective because the joke-teller can convey racist and violent comments with less risk of social rejection (Picca and Feagin 2007). For instance, if a racist joke elicits an objection, contributors can downplay the harm by reminding audiences that their comments were "just a joke" (Billig 2001). ...
... In addition to public transmission, racist humor is shared in more private, intimate settings, including family, friends, the workplace, and the Internet (Feagin 2013;Pérez 2013;Picca and Feagin 2007). For instance, Pérez and Ward (2019) investigated the prevalence of "racist blue humor" among law enforcement officers (p. ...
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We conducted an ethnographic content analysis to examine the social interaction and racial identity constructed through the exchange of white supremacist humor shared on three Stormfront discussion subforums. Overall, white supremacist joke sharing functioned multidimensionally as it simultaneously fostered cohesion and contention among users. By mocking political correctness and non-Whites through the circulation of humorous images and text, white supremacists establish a communal atmosphere and produce a sense of solidarity among members in a more “fun” way than conventional speeches or publications. At the same time, joke sharing served as a source of contention when users exchanged jokes that violated collective identity norms, such as sharing “blonde jokes” that disparage White females. These findings underscore the ongoing necessity among members of the white supremacist movement to negotiate different ideological tenets. By attending to the social function of white supremacist joke sharing, insights derived from this investigation move beyond more formal social movement events such as marches and demonstrations by attending to the daily activities that white supremacists utilize to resist external threats.
... Research, however, also finds these sentiments manifest in highly gendered ways (e.g. Houts Picca and Feagin, 2007;Ferber, 1998;Frankenberg, 1993;Boehme and Isom Scott, 2020). ...
... An alternate explanation of White women's involvement in the far-right is based in their strong commitment to patriarchy and traditional gender roles. Those who support far-right movements tend to endorse patriarchal gender normative beliefs, namely protecting women's roles as caregivers and men's roles as patriarchs (Blee, 1991(Blee, , 1996(Blee, , 2002Blee and Creasap, 2010;Houts Picca and Feagin, 2007). Women's affiliation with these movements, then, may be driven by beliefs in traditional family norms and motherhood ideologies (Dow, 2016) whereby women are viewed as non-political, mothers, wives, and nurturers (Lesselier, 2002). ...
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Employing a racialized gendered lens, we explore the perceptions of status threat and victimhood among a sample of White Americans following the 2016 presidential election. Specifically, we draw upon such theoretical and empirical work to frame our analyses of the associations between perceptions of a white "victim" ideology and anti-Black Lives Matter (BLM) sentiments and how such associations may be conditioned by support for Trump and holding patriarchal gender normative beliefs. We propose that the BLM movement may be perceived as a "threat" to many White Americans. Furthermore, we believe Whites' anti-BLM sentiments will be enhanced by support for Trump, given his racist, misogynistic, xenophobic, and oppressive tendencies. Moreover, we believe that these associations will differ based on gender and beliefs in patriarchal gender norms, as White men and women are likely to feel status threat in varied ways. Mix support for our propositions and complex gendered differences are revealed. Implications are discussed.
... microaggressions, joking, stereotype threat, as well as sexual harassment and assault (Allan & Madden, 2006;Picca & Feagin, 2007;Steele, 2011). On top of the effects of gender inequities, Women of Color on college campuses experience insidious oppression based on their race or ethnicity (Harper & Hurtado, 2007;Rankin & Reason, 2008;Van Dyke & Tester, 2014). ...
... Sexist and racist acts are certainly not exclusive behaviors of college students alone; they are, however, almost exclusively men's behaviors (Feagin, 2013;Harper & Harris, 2010). Especially White men behave in these ways with alarming frequency and while women and People of Color condemn these acts as detrimental to their success and well-being, men tend to be reticent to change their behaviors, often saying "it was just a joke" or to rely on the Free Speech clause of the First Amendment (Cabrera, 2014;Picca & Feagin, 2007;Vianden, 2020). ...
Article
Addressing gender inequities in higher education must begin with the acknowledgement that men play a key role in creating change. The purpose of this qualitative study is to center and raise the experiences of women students, and to communicate to men who are students, faculty, and administrators what women students expect from them in terms of privilege and oppression awareness. Findings indicate that women students felt criticized, judged, and underestimated by men, and expected men to self-educate to become aware of and interrogate their own privileges. The authors provide recommendations for higher education teaching and learning, focusing on attitudes and behaviors of White men in the academy.
... 475). For example, after it became unpopular to express racist views publicly, racism moved into the "backstage," being expressed more commonly among friends and family where one's racism can perhaps be more easily denied or shrugged off (Picca & Feagin, 2020). While not the focus of this paper, this conceptualization of racism underlies the proposed definitions for antiracism and individual antiracism. ...
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People have fought against racism for as long as it has existed and yet it persists in diverse and materially impactful ways. The primary challenge to eradicating racism is likely the power of white privilege. This paper argues that another important obstacle to progress has been the lack of a clear definition of antiracism that movement activists and scholars can collaboratively use to ensure that antiracist scholarship and efforts meet the full measure of the term's intention. While academia has struggled to converge on a definition, “lay race theorists” and movement activists—Black women in particular, have been participating in discourse online and through other venues where consensus appears to be developing around a definition. This article attempts to summarize activist discourse in defining antiracism as “the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms” and individual antiracism as “the commitment to eradicate racism in all its forms, by (1) building an understanding of racism and (2) taking action to eliminate racism “within oneself, in other people, in institutions, and through actions outside of institutions,” noting that “antiracism is an ongoing practice and commitment that must be accountable to antiracist Black people, Indigenous people, and other People of Color and consider intersectional systems of oppression.” While research on the public conversation benefits from its easy access and limited additional burdens on movement activists, future research should test these definitions with movement activists to ensure that definitions and metrics are as relevant to the antiracist movement as possible.
... Racist behaviors on college campuses are controlled in racially diverse settings (such as the classroom) but exposed in predominantly white environments, through racial slurs and racial joke-telling between white peers, examples of white racial bonding (Cabrera, 2014a(Cabrera, , 2014bLensmire, 2011;Picca & Feagin, 2007). Arguments to undo affirmative action serve to limit access to higher education for People of Color (Santos et al., 2010); disguising property value of whiteness as meritocracy (Guinier, 2015). ...
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Social workers must participate in ongoing anti-racist and culturally attuned approaches to disrupt white supremacy in our profession, institutions, and society. Our social work mission, values, and ethics demand that we engage in social work education, practice, and scholarship that seeks social justice for all people. In line with these expectations, social work doctoral education is tasked with training the next generation of social work scholars by providing doctoral education that is responsive to society's most pressing social problems. While disrupting white supremacy is an aspirational goal, we argue that white supremacy infiltrates social work education, manifests itself in diverse ways over time, often isolating Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC). We use testimonios to explore these issues and describe four BIPOC women’s experiences navigating their social work doctoral programs. From these insights, we contend that social work doctoral education continues to uphold white supremacy by promoting Western epistemologies and theories above other equally valid forms of knowledge, including non-Western schools of thought created by and for BIPOC scholars. We provide recommendations for alternative theories and epistemologies for social work curricula and offer implications to support BIPOC students in social work doctoral education.
... Между тем, Дж. Фейгин совместно с Л. Пикка собрали множество свидетельств того, что такие проблемы существуют и в наше время [3]. М. Оливер и Т. Шапиро доказывают в своей работе, что, несмотря на идеологию меритократии, афроамериканское население находится в заведомо более бедном материальном положении, чем белое население ввиду ряда непреодолимых факторов [4]. ...
... Negative referent processes may have led young Trump detractors to more strongly recognize the presence of inequality in society (Schwartz & Ames, 1977), yet this pattern was not apparent for race consciousness. From a non-partisan, developmental, scientific point of view, downward shifts in awareness of inequality and race consciousness for some youth are concerning, as a lack of appreciation of diversity and greater hostility toward groups from different backgrounds can be a recipe for racist beliefs and actions (Picca & Feagin, 2020). Furthermore, since these data were collected, the Trump administration banned critical race theory and diversity training in federal institutions (Vought, 2020), and Trump stated that racism does not exist in America (CNN, 2020), which likely further signaled to supporters a devaluing of awareness of inequality and racial equality. ...
Article
This study examined whether appraisals of 45th U.S. President Donald J. Trump by 1433 adolescents (Mage = 16.1, SDage = 1.16, Female = 56.9%, Latinx = 43.6%, White = 35.7%, Black = 12.6%, Asian = 5.8%) predicted change from 2017 to 2018 across four dimensions of sociopolitical development (SPD): marginalization, critical analysis, civic efficacy, and political action. Trump supporters declined in awareness of inequality and race consciousness but increased in voting intentions. Trump detractors increased in awareness of inequality, race consciousness, and experiences of discrimination. Trump supporters and detractors increased in civic efficacy compared to youth with no opinion. Additional findings were moderated by race and ethnicity. Findings suggest adolescents’ SPD has been shaped in distinct ways by the Trump era.
... Mainstream understanding of these ideologies often focus on their explicitly racist components, wherein white people and collectivities engage in direct and explicit racial prejudice such as racial slurs and other intentionally racist practices. Although explicit racial ideologies are still prevalent in contemporary societies across the globe, especially in private spaces (Picca & Feagin, 2020), recent research has increasingly focused on the proliferation of racist ideologies that rely on seemingly race neutral beliefs (Bobo & Charles, 2009;Bonilla-Silva, 2006;Feagin, 2013;Sears et al., 2000). Many of these ideologies use individualistic narratives to argue that equality of opportunity is available to anyone willing to work hard for it, regardless of racial identification. ...
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Conversations about whiteness in the U.S. have become increasingly common in recent years. Yet, there is still much deliberation about what whiteness is. Existing research has demonstrated that whiteness is a homogenizing force, investing all white people in institutions and cultures that maintain white supremacy. Yet, recent studies have also explored the situated nature of whiteness by demonstrating how whiteness varies based on space, time, and the social location of the white people who embody it. Hegemonic whiteness, a framework that explores how inter- and intra-racial hierarchies are sustained via dominant ideologies and practices, provides insights that account for these seemingly opposing trends. In this paper, I further develop the framework of hegemonic whiteness using Connell’s (1987), Connell and Messerchmidt's (2005), and Messerschmidt’s (2019) framework of hegemonic masculinity. Next, I operationalize the dominant affective, attitudinal, behavioral, and cultural standards associated with one particular type of whiteness: notably hegemonic whiteness in the US context. These standards provide important insights into whiteness by demonstrating the baseline expectations whites from disparate backgrounds are expected to embody to fully reap the “wages of whiteness”. Such understandings can contribute to more effective anti-racist education programs and race-based social justice movements.
... Similar to many white students' previous schooling experiences, (white) racial isolation is prevalent in many TWI contexts [18,19], and race-evasive ideology is thoroughly documented in these spaces [33,[42][43][44][45][46][47]. In addition, TWI environments tend to have cultural norms, expectations, and hidden curricula that largely center whiteness and meritocracy, which support race-evasive ideologies [10,11,48,49]. ...
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In the context of ongoing antagonism on college campuses, attacks on Critical Race Theory, and widespread backlash against racial justice initiatives, this paper underscores the growing need to recognize co-optation and other counterinsurgent strategies used against racial justice to make room for transformative scholarship. By presenting qualitative interviews from 15 white HBCU students, we illustrate how diversity research, advocacy, and organizing previously used to advocate for racial justice has instead constructed distorted understandings of race and racism and has been used to expand ideologies of whiteness. The findings show what CRT scholars have cautioned about for decades—when left uninterrupted, ahistorical approaches to racial diversity programming and research may lend to the co-optation of justice-focused diversity language and the appropriation of BIPOC strategies of resistance. This not only inhibits and detracts from racial justice work, but can function to expand white supremacy. We relate these narratives to an emerging racial backlash whereby white people attempt to distort understandings of structural racism to claim a “persecuted” status—a delusion that we argue warrants a new ideological frame. We posit this work lays the foundation for advancing equity in one of the most counterinsurgent eras in higher education (Matias & Newlove, 2017).
... Or consider a researcher who is not White but is perceived as White and therefore benefits from White privilege. Simply identifying as White or not White does little to capture this insider/outsider positionality and the exposure to backstage and frontstage racism (Picca & Feagin, 2007) that METHODS 23 might inform this researcher's power in relation to research participants and the research process. ...
Article
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Fifteen years have passed since the publication of a landmark issue of Journal of Counseling Psychology on qualitative and mixed methods research (Havercamp et al., 2005), which signaled a methodological shift in counseling psychology and related fields. At the time, qualitative research was certainly less popular in the field and arguably less respected than it is now. This special issue charts advances in qualitative and mixed methods research since the publication of that issue, reflects on how these diverse approaches are conducted today, and points toward new methodological frontiers. The articles in this special issue include a range of methodological tools and theoretical perspectives that extend thinking about the ethics, practice, evaluation, and implications of psychological research. Notably, the papers are linked by a shared commitment to conducting psychological research critically—that is, to both critique dominant norms in the discipline and to sensitize psychological methods to power and inequality—and to advancing social justice. In this introduction, the guest editors survey authors’ contributions and synthesize their insights to offer recommendations for future qualitative and mixed methods work in the field, particularly in terms of interdisciplinarity, methodological rigor, critical psychology, and social justice. They propose that counseling psychologists should cultivate a “qualitative imagination” with respect to all forms of empirical research (qualitative and quantitative) and offer specific guidance for enhancing methodological sophistication and sensitivity to power. Accordingly, this special issue is an important opportunity to set an agenda for the next decade-plus of critical inquiry in counseling psychology.
... 7 I have, as you may be thinking to yourself in reading this, been making "we" claims throughout this book, sometimes suggesting that you as a reader and I as an author form some type of group or collective, or sometimes talking about all of society. 1 Erving Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical theory of social life suggests that social interaction operates similar to a play on a stage, including scripts that we follow, supporting casts and props that help make our performances more convincing, and, most relevantly, frontstage (formal interactions in the presence of strangers and public audiences) and backstage (private informal settings). Sociologists have demonstrated how conversations that take place backstage between dominant group members about racialized and gendered issues play an important role in how they form identities and that these interactions often reinforce or rationalize social inequalities (e.g., Meyers 2005;Picca and Feagin 2007;Hughey 2011;Embrick and Henricks 2013). 2 See Anderson (2016) for more on the history and present of white backlash to black equality and progress. 3 This idea derives from the philosopher Louis Althusser ([1971] 2001:117) who wrote that "all ideology hails or interpellates concrete individuals as concrete subjects, by the functioning of the category of the subject." ...
... 827). Nishi, Matias, and Montoya (2015) draw on Fanon's and Lipsitz's thinking on whiteness to critique how virtual white avatars perpetuate American racism, and Gantt-Shafer (2017) adopts Picca and Feagin's (2007) "two-faced racism" theory to analyze frontstage racism on social media. Omi and Winant's racial formation theory is still used, with authors drawing on this framework to examine racial formation in Finland during the refugee crisis in Europe 2015-2016 (Keskinen 2018) and racist discourse on Twitter (Carney 2016;Cisneros and Nakayama 2015). ...
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Departing from Jessie Daniels’s 2013 review of scholarship on race and racism online, this article maps and discusses recent developments in the study of racism and hate speech in the subfield of social media research. Systematically examining 104 articles, we address three research questions: Which geographical contexts, platforms, and methods do researchers engage with in studies of racism and hate speech on social media? To what extent does scholarship draw on critical race perspectives to interrogate how systemic racism is (re)produced on social media? What are the primary methodological and ethical challenges of the field? The article finds a lack of geographical and platform diversity, an absence of researchers’ reflexive dialogue with their object of study, and little engagement with critical race perspectives to unpack racism on social media. There is a need for more thorough interrogations of how user practices and platform politics co-shape contemporary racisms.
... The same is true for the second line of inquiry. Even if Kentucky tried the ostensible white perpetrator, the "backstage" white narrative (Feagin and Picca 2007) would have been one of justification or provocation. This is in contrast to the official "frontstage" state narrative of the bomber "going too far"which would still leave the apartheid system undisturbed. ...
... Moreover, it is within this private space where more honest, borderline and abhorrent views emanate (Farrington et al., 2015;Hylton, 2013Hylton, , 2018Kilvington and Price, 2019). Feagin and Picca (2007) and Hughey (2011) suggest that overtly racist communication has moved 'underground', shifting from frontstage to backstage spaces. Collective and derogatory terms, then, are employed to describe and label absent audiences which constructs and upholds an 'ingroup-out-group split' (Goffman, 1959: 171). ...
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Cyber hate is increasing. Every 30 seconds, a woman, somewhere, receives an abusive comment on Twitter (Amnesty International). And, it is estimated that around 20% of college students in the United States have been cyber-bullied. This article explores the motivational factors encouraging online hate and abuse. It will draw on Goffman’s seminal work, The Presentation of the Self in Everyday Life, to critically understand online communication, interaction and behaviour. It will define virtual frontstages and virtual backstages. By critically understanding the different characteristics of online and offline communication, it will help us comprehend how Goffman’s dramaturgical model is compromised when applied to online communication. Therefore, the work attempts to update this model, illustrating that virtual stages have blurred which affects behaviours, and exacerbates performances of hate online. As a result, many online platforms have become Virtual Stages of Hate.
... Some researchers posit that such discrepancies in discourse can be explained by users' false impression of privacy and confidentiality on social media (Daniels, 2012). This phenomenon echoes Picca and Feagin's (2007) notion of two-faced racism regarding discrepancies between private (i.e. racist) and public (i.e. ...
... Drawing conceptual inspiration also from Erving Goffman's discussion of "region behavior" (1959)-namely his assertion that social actions are tied to the expectations of particular social settings-we consider scholars who have examined the logics of "backstage" or private and semiprivate regions (Cahill et al. 1985;Collins 1986;Friedman 1994). These regions are defined in part by limited expectations, as they also possess "playful and dialectical potential" (Kanter 1972;Pearson 2009), with varying effects for minoritized communities depending on social status (Picca and Feagin 2007;Picca 2015). We incorporate insights from feminist scholars who note that these regions and regional logics also generally promise significant potential for feminist understanding on the "micropolitical structures" of personal space (West 1996). ...
... Mentions of race are similarly rare in the men's unit (7 out of 376 elements) but tend to be more positive than negative in tone (e.g., "he interacts with the Blacks, Whites, Puerto Ricans, everybody" and "helps other Native Americans on the block"). We are careful not to draw inferences from so few cases, and it is possible that respondents were reluctant to discuss sensitive issues of race with researchers (Alegria, 2014;Picca & Feagin, 2007). The subsequent quantitative network analyses are better positioned to understand racial patterns of prison status across the women's and men's contexts. ...
Article
Applying an abductive mixed‐methods approach, we investigate the informal status systems in three women's prison units (across two prisons) and one men's prison unit. Qualitative analyses suggest “old head” narratives—where age, time in prison, sociability, and prison wisdom confer unit status—are prevalent across all four contexts. Perceptions of maternal “caregivers” and manipulative “bullies,” however, are found only in the three women's units. The qualitative findings inform formal network analyses by differentiating “positive,” “neutral,” and “negative” status nominations, with “negative” ties primarily absent from the men's unit. Within the women's units, network analyses find that high‐status women are likely to receive both positive and negative peer nominations, such that evaluations depend on who is doing the evaluating. Comparing the women's and men's networks, the correlates of positive and neutral ties are generally the same and center on covariates of age, getting along with others, race, and religion. Overall, the study points to important similarities and differences in status across the gendered prison contexts, while demonstrating how a sequential mixed‐methods design can illuminate both the meaning and the structure of prison informal organization.
... The racial order is maintained without overt racism, and racial inequality is explained away as being based on talent and effort (Bobo 2017). Picca and Feagin's (2007) two-faced racism theory suggests that the egalitarian attitudes Whites display in public settings, termed the "front-stage," may not be consistent with their private racial attitudes, shared only in protected settings, or the backstage. Social norms that frown upon open discrimination in public spaces encourage presentations of egalitarian racial views in many social contexts. ...
Article
Expressions of racism in the post-Civil Rights Era are expected to be more covert than overt and more unconscious than conscious. But some internet-based communication takes place in technological contexts that are not bound by the same norms as face-to-face interactions, and can structure more explicit presentations of racist ideologies. I explore the changing expressions of racism in online spaces and their effects on students of color using in-depth interviews with 27 undergraduate students of color and their reactions to and interpretations of an online, anonymous student forum. I argue that covert racism is unmasked in online environments, and that exposure to unmasked racial ideologies can challenge students’ racial worldviews, adaptive coping responses to racism, relationships to White students and institutions, and dominant racial narratives.
... Here, it is also important to point out that there are a growing number of BIPOC faculty in the TESOL/BE profession. Picca and Feagin (2007) suggests that normally white-controlled spaces continue to be normed with a dominant racial frame adding to the devaluing of teacher expertise in specific disciplines. ...
Article
This paper highlights the findings of a qualitative study that supports Athanases & de Oliveira's (2008) suggestion that advocacy must be a pillar of TESOL/ESL and Bilingual Education teacher preparation programs. The findings highlight the narratives and meaningful ways in which TESOL/ESL and Bilingual Education teacher educators and professionals describe curricular and programmatic challenges faced while preparing candidates to work with and advocate for English Learners (ELs) and their families. Subversive pedagogical practices of hope (Barko-Alva & Jo, 2016) and transformative resistance (Giroux, 1983; McLaren, 2015) theories are used as frameworks for understanding the ways that teacher educators address the challenges posed by institutional structures.
... Promoted by otherwise able "scholars" dedicated to moving social sciences was/is the notion of white supremacy. While denounced in public forums white supremacy was celebrated by what Picca and Feagin (2007) refers to as "backstage racism" manifested by Herrenstein and Murray's (1994) The Bell Curve. According to The Bell Curve, blacks are an intellectually inferior race. ...
Article
Scholarly and lay literature pertaining to the criminal prosecution of black males are in contrast with white males. White male defendants are met by a system of judicial leniency. Conversely, the false convictions of the Central Park Five are met by judicial hostility. Considering the auspices of such hegemony, law enforcement, journalism, and the society at-large, are dominated by the concept of race as conduit of criminal prosecution. Evidence exists to substantiate race as implicit factor in guilt or innocence. Therefore, the solution to false convictions such as the Central Park Five must address race in the demonization of black defendants at every level. Moreover, “race” as a deceptive quantification of human category must be eliminated entirely from the treatise of criminal prosecution. “When they see us” will then be no more or less nefarious to the judicial process “than when we see them.”
... In this example she suggests that the perceived appropriateness of the comment, on the part of the original poster, was learned in other campus spaces. This idea is consistent with research that documents marked differences in racial conversations White students have on the frontstage, or in public, versus on the backstage, in private (Picca and Feagin 2007). In some instances, I suggest, online conversations can give us a glimpse into the backstage as users share backstage-style comments in digital spaces that have frontstage-style audiences. ...
Article
Recent research finds negative impacts of racial microaggressions, defined as racial slights, on a variety of outcomes. Targets of racial microaggressions often report feeling pressured to remain silent in the face of these subtle interactions, which can be coded as aracial by perpetrators or bystanders. This article explores the ways Internet-based communication can change this dynamic and structure distinct responses to racial microaggressions. Drawing on in-depth interviews with undergraduate students of Color, I find that in some online spaces, students of Color have access to unique technology-based tools that increase their perceived and actual capacity to respond critically to racial microaggressions. I discuss implications for understanding online racial discourse and resistance on college campuses and beyond.
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This paper explores an incident of alleged fan racism involving Chelsea defender, Antonio Rüdiger. During a match against Tottenham Hotspur, in December 2019, Rüdiger claimed he heard racial abuse from Spurs fans. This incident sparked a broader national conversation regarding racism in sport, and wider society. This paper will draw on a comprehensive content analysis of Twitter comments to provide insights into fan reactions at the time of the incident. Was Rüdiger alleged to have played the ‘race card’? Was Rüdiger believed to have used his ‘race’ to attempt to punish the Spurs’ fans? Using thematic analysis, it will highlight patterns in fan responses to this case and attempt to illustrate football fans’ attitudes towards ‘race’ and racism within English football. The paper will close by offering some final thoughts on how racism, and other forms of discrimination, can be both challenged inside the stadium and on social media.
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This special section situates White racial socialization (WRS) in its rightful place—in the context of White supremacy. The first article offers a conceptual framework to guide research on White adolescents’ racial identity development in this context. The second employs a critical ethnographic approach to explore White racial identity development among incarcerated White adolescents. Additional studies use qualitative, observational, and mixed methods to understand WRS practices in White families. The final article presents a conceptual model of digital WRS. Authors provide recommendations for future research, such as engaging in critical researcher self‐reflexivity and focusing on content of racial socialization messages. Two commentaries highlight cross‐cutting themes and urge developmental scientists to view this special section as a call to action.
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The state-induced anti-immigration environment and the normalisation of xenophobia in political and media discourses have led to the increased othering of European migrants in the UK through new forms of social stratification, especially since the Brexit Referendum of 2016. For young people who migrated to the UK as children from Central and Eastern Europe, Brexit has represented a major rupture in the process of their identity formation, adding new insecurities in the context of increasingly uncertain rights. Based on a survey with 1,120 young people aged 12–18 who identified as Central or Eastern European migrants, followed by focus groups and case studies, we report on young migrants’ everyday experiences of xenophobia and racialisation. We explore the coping and resistance strategies young people used to integrate themselves in these racialized hierarchies. Drawing on insights from emergent theories of racialisation and whiteness, we add new evidence on the direct consequences of these experiences of marginalisation on young people’s sense of belonging and their own attitudes towards other ethnic groups.
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In many liberal predominantly white neighborhoods, white residents view their communities as inclusive yet they also engage in racialized surveillance to monitor individuals they perceive as outsiders. Some of these efforts center on people of color in neighborhood open spaces. We use a diversity ideology framework to analyze this contradiction, paying particular attention to how residents of color experience racialized surveillance of their neighborhood’s publicly accessible parks and swimming pools. This article draws on data from neighborhood documents, neighborhood digital platforms, and interviews with residents of a liberal, affluent, predominantly white community that was expressly designed with public spaces open to non-residents. We find that resident surveillance of neighborhood public spaces is racialized, occurs regularly, and happens in person and on neighborhood online platforms where diversity as liability rhetoric is conveyed using colorblind discourse. These monitoring efforts, which are at times supported by formal measures, impact residents of color to varying degrees. We expand on diversity ideology by identifying digital and in-person racialized surveillance as a key mechanism by which white residents attempt to enforce racialized boundaries and protect whiteness in multiracial spaces and by highlighting how Black and Latinx residents, in particular, navigate these practices.
Book
Considering White College Students’ Views on Privilege explores the “how” and “what” behind White college students’ understanding of privilege to support educators in their instructional efforts. The author synthesizes scholarship, original empirical research, and contemporary examples to describe common viewpoints about privilege and explain how they came to be and are reinforced in society. Starting from the premise that learning can most effectively occur when educators are aware of and engage White college students’ prior knowledge about privilege, the author describes specific ideas, beliefs, and feelings used to either reinforce a view of privilege as individualistic or advocate a structural understanding of privilege that is pervasive across society. The book concludes with specific recommendations to help educators to enhance their practice and institutions to review and revise their policies and practices that sustain the ideas, beliefs, and feelings central to Whiteness. This book is principally written for college and high school faculty and staff seeking insights to develop different approaches to cultivate an understanding of privilege that is structural and promotes social change, as well as for anyone interested in engaging in thoughtful conversation about privilege and social inequality with their White peers.
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It has been argued that more research is needed on the role of humor in the expression of racism. One reason is that, in the ‘post racial’ society, overt racism has become publicly unacceptable and, therefore, tends to appear in more concealed forms. In this paper, as part of a larger project on media representations of the Roma, we look at the role of humor in a Romanian television news clip reporting on the financial rewards of begging. We draw on the critical scholarship in humor research and carry out a multimodal critical discourse analysis of a news report selected from a larger corpus. We argue that through humor a recontextualisation of the Roma’s situation takes place, transforming their actual situation of poverty and social marginalisation into a humorous account of cultural failure, incompetence, stupidity and calculated money grabbing. We show that humor is one way by which culture becomes represented as embodied by ethnic minorities.
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Our study demonstrates how people manage racial dissonance when faced with situations that conflict with their understandings of racial dynamics. Borrowing from scholarship on culture and cognition, we use the concept of schema to examine how 36 Latinx young adults make sense of a changing racial terrain that defies their racial understandings. During the Obama years, Latinxs doubted or made allowances for the discrimination they experienced because it contradicted their post-racial understandings of race. When discrimination became blatant during the Trump years, they adopted a new “old-fashioned” racism schema based, but not identical to, notions of pre-Civil Rights racism. Our findings point to a new understanding of racism and an expanding cultural repertoire that includes a new “old-fashioned” racial frame to help young Latinxs navigate their racial experiences. These findings have implications for understanding how people can shift, develop, and expand their schemas to navigate a changing racial terrain.
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White racial bonding has been defined in the literature as the communications and interactions between white people related to race, particularly those that are racist or disparaging toward People of Color. White Racial Bonding has been theorized and engaged in the research as both backstage and using raced or racially coded language. This paper uses portraiture to look at how white racial bonding as a form of whiteness-at-work is also enacted “front-stage” and without racialized language by white students bonding in their mistreatment against college Students of Color in a College Algebra classroom. This paper also draws on whiteness-at-work to examine the paradoxes that lie in the creation of gendered white racial bonding through white students’ mistreatment and distancing from Students of Color.
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The article analyses the ideological crisis, which the US system of education faces nowadays. It evaluates the colorblind racial ideology that has remained predominant for several decades, its basic features, strong and weak points, and a number of social racial problems, which arose due to the prevalence of this ideology in schools and colleges of education in the USA. The author brings a set of reasons given by supporters of the considered ideology, and proves the fact that despite its original right-mindedness this ideology often gives reverse results. The study dwells upon the ways of how the colorblind racial ideology negatively influences the educational process of the black US citizens. It also highlights the XXI century’s alternative trends, which advocate for multicultural education and encourage instructing people on racial problems and interaction. The conclusion goes that the search of optimal ways to integrate the culturally relevant pedagogy into the USA’s system of education has started but is still far from being completed, which provides space for a wide range of further scientific and methodological research.
Chapter
Growing number of scholars have noted that racism may thrive and persevere in explicit, blatant forms in the online context. Little research exists on the nature of racism on the Internet. In contributing to this emerging yet understudied issue, the current study conducted an inductive thematic analysis to examine people's attitude toward (a) how the Internet has influenced racism, and (b) how people may experience racism on the Internet. The themes represented in this paper show that the increased anonymity and greater accessibility of the Internet gave platform and identity protection for expressions and aggregation of racist attitudes. Some of the themes explicated positive influences in which people were also able to express and form anti-racist online movements, and confront racist users by taking advantage of the increased anonymity. In terms of how racism was experienced on the Internet, the author identified the following themes: vicarious observation, racist humor, negative racial stereotyping, racist online media, and racist online hate groups. Implications for future research on racism on Internet is discussed.
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This paper critically analyzes the narratives of 62 White male undergraduates and their consistent use of the n-word during their college years. Almost all heard and/or used the n-word, but rarely did they believe using the n-word was racist. Despite these beliefs, the participants almost never used any form of the n-word in the presence of People of Color, Black people in particular. There were some who felt uncomfortable with their friends’ casual use of the n-word, but they rarely challenged their peers fearing social discomfort. The analyses highlight different levels of responsibility for the racism embedded in both speaking and hearing this word as well as the White campus-based segregation that allowed the use of the term to flourish. FOR RESEARCHERS INTERESTED IN FULL-TEXT ACCESS: JHE published an unredacted version of the article and has a redacted version available upon request. Because teachers and researchers need to choose which article they wish to read and assign, a full-text version is not provided here. Please go to JHE directly. Thanks.
Chapter
This chapter will reiterate fundamental components of the major sections of this volume and move into innovative territories – indeed as aspects of major missions and purposes of schools and universities. That is, teaching and learning, research and scholarship, and public engagement are beyond the walls of the academy. In undertaking these aims, this chapter will: (1) reiterate social and public challenges affecting education and impacts on various demographic populations; (2) explicate the importance of conceptual and theoretical frameworks and their groundings in social sciences and humanities; (3) posit the centrality of education and public policies; (4) elaborate the roles of external funding agencies on comparative and international education; and (5) envision contemporary and emerging motifs and paradigms.
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Previous studies reveal that Black women are the least likely to be selected or matched on dating/hookup apps, followed closely behind by Black men. Our study seeks to better understand how, when asked to confront their preferences, white heterosexual college-aged students justify their racial tastes on the popular dating app, Tinder. Drawing on data from 137 peer-to-peer interviews with students at two large universities in the southeastern United States, our findings reveal that heterosexual white interviewees justified their reasons for swiping left (i.e. rejecting) on Black potential matches in multiple ways. Where a small handful responded using overtly racist language, the overwhelming majority embedded their responses in colorblind racist rhetoric that drew upon language couched in cultural incompatibility, relied on stereotypes and generalizations that often conflated race with social class, and attributed their racial preferences to family values and regional demographic restrictions. Situating our findings within the “white racial frame” and sociological scholarship on new racism, we argue that white respondents’ evasion of honest racial language in their responses perpetuates ideologies of colorblind racism. Additionally, our findings contribute to how sexual and colorblind racism is reinvented and perpetuated in online spaces through the dissemination of neoliberal discourses around personal preference that both disguise and normalize racism in internet dating. We discuss the implications of our findings for sociological research on race, gender, and intimate marketplaces.
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While institutions of higher education are investing in diversity education experiences, little research examines how university students understand concepts central to diversity education such as privilege. This qualitative case study explored how eight White, first-year university students varied in their conceptual understanding of privilege. Data was generated through semi-structured interviews and analysed using discourse analysis. Nine conceptual ideas about privilege that revolved around four different themes emerged from data analysis, all of which varied with respect to students’ participation in either a Whiteness or Social Justice Discourse. These findings highlight White university students’ prior knowledge about privilege that can be useful for educators to consider when developing diversity education experiences.
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Professional athletes in the United States have protested racism in various ways for decades. Kneeling during the national anthem became a prominent form of such activism, ever since American football player Colin Kaepernick popularized the practice in 2016. “Anthem protests” gained renewed attention after the police killing of George Floyd and nationwide unrest in the summer of 2020. This article explores whether public approval of those protests was weaker than scholars and journalists suggested, because survey respondents were reluctant to admit that they considered the protesters disrespectful. A list experiment confirms hidden opposition to anthem protests, especially among people of color, who may feel heightened pressure to support racialized protesters. A second experiment reveals that social desirability bias persists even after respondents hear reassurance that nobody will judge their views. These findings indicate that mainstream surveys misrepresent attitudes toward contemporary racial issues, and that anthem protests have yet to gain wide acceptance in the general U.S. population.
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There is more than a century of research that has examined immigrants in the United States. Despite major changes in the origin of immigrants, the assimilation perspective, based on the experiences of European immigrants, continues to be the dominant paradigm used to assess immigrants in this country. While immigrants of color have experienced major hostility and racialization, research continues to largely neglect issues involving race relations. This study provides a historical overview of the racialization of immigrants including immigration policies and shows that the racialization of immigrants has occurred historically but particularly over the past half century as non-Europeans became the primary groups of immigrants in this country. In addition, the study calls for immigration researchers to more fully incorporate race perspectives into the study of immigrants. Furthermore, the study illustrates the need to consider methodological and data approaches to integrate racial matters into the study of immigrants. The article concludes with a discussion of the sociological implications of incorporating race more centrally in the study of immigrants.
Chapter
This chapter presents the theoretical approaches that have been used in the analysis of collected data in this study. It is argued that in a time when the globalisation of neoliberalism, militarism and marketisation affects all aspects of human existence, the real mechanisms behind the reproduction of global inequalities are veiled by ‘mediatised truths’ by which neoliberalism and related security measures are legitimised. The theoretical concepts of ‘symbolic violence’, ‘governmentalisation’ and ‘the spiral of silence’ are presented and their relevance for this study is discussed. The consequences of neoliberal securitisation for democratic rights and the freedom of speech of politicians, academics, journalists and civil society activists with immigrant backgrounds are critically discussed. The chapter also presents a discussion on the complex mechanisms of ‘democratic censorship’ in the political system, mass media, academia and civil society, a situation that can lead to self-censorship among ‘otherised’ politicians, journalists, academics and civil society activists.
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Considering the call for a global approach to analysing race, this study develops a theoretical framework of how racial ideology becomes structured at a global, transnational level. Drawing from approximately 500 hours of ethnographic participant observation at a predominantly white university located in the Southern United States, this study illustrates how Koreans and Korean Americans reproduce a transnational racial hierarchy at a predominantly white university. My findings show how Korean and Korean Americans normalize the imperial U.S.-Korea relations through a racially affective economy of language use in social interactions. The imperial standpoint observed in Koreans and Korean Americans calls into question the role that honorary whiteness plays in the United States’ triracial order. I further discuss the implication of Asian and Asian American's possessive investment in honorary whiteness, which is central to the maintenance of a transnational triracial order with Korea as an extension of the U.S. empire.
Article
Most contemporary research suggests that white Americans overwhelmingly subscribe to color‐blind racial ideology; however, comparatively little is known about people of color. What is less known, however, is how color‐blindness is used by nonwhites: most existing work on color‐blindness and people of color (POC) focuses exclusively on African Americans, or investigates specific circumstances like interracial relationships. This current project helps to fill some of the gaps in current knowledge regarding nonwhites and color‐blindness by investigating how nonwhites utilize or reject color‐blind racial ideology. To this end, I analyze personal journals and interviews with 48 Latinx, Asian, black (including ethnically black), and multiracial college Millennials in order to understand how their racial and ethnic identities impact their ideological beliefs. Findings suggest that Millennials of color use color‐blindness infrequently as compared to their white peers, and their usage is very nuanced, inconsistent, and often contradictory. I discuss how POC are often bound by the dominant racial ideology of the U.S., such that it colors their perceptions largely through indirect means.
Article
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This article highlights the distinct, layered intersection of gender, sexuality and race in a population that disrupts racial categories, and therefore transforms how the categories of gender, sexuality and race interlock. Drawing from 60 interviews, I classify a subgroup of 22 black/white biracial respondents as "racially ambiguous" and elucidate how these participants are coded as "exotic" by romantic interests by virtue of both their body and their racial backgrounds. My findings show that participants internalize the ideologies that camouflage the term "exotic" as a compliment. Secondly, I demonstrate how being considered "exotic" influences respondents' dating preferences and pattems. Lastly, I document the nuanced dynamic of how being characterized as "exotic" shapes sexual excitement, expectations and encounters.
Article
In this essay we consider the purposes of social justice education (SJE) and its central commitments to inclusion. Central to this discussion is the nature of community as a Structural concept, and the ways in which communities, by definition, creates both members and Others simultaneously in ways that trouble the notion and mission of inclusion as a project of justice in the first place. Inclusion is not an end but a process—an act—that must be repeatedly undertaken by educators and all stakeholders with an eye toward the constant humanization of all individuals, including those who may seem to be marginal or even diametrically opposed to the rhetoric, discourses, and values expressed by SJE advocates. This is the essential challenge for all SJE projects, groups, and individuals who assert dedication to anti-oppression. How do we embrace those who are misunderstanding of or resistant to SJE identities, values, and goals? How do we remain open and continuously inclusive, thereby legitimating our stated missions of education, justice, and equity for everyone in our pluralistic society?
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