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HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 459 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 460 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 461 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 462 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 463 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 464 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 465 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 466 2005
HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 467 2005
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HeinOnline -- 46 Harv. Int’l L.J. 470 2005
... (1) to understand, deconstruct and unveil the uses of international law as a means for creating and perpetuating a racialized hierarchy of international norms and institutions that subordinate non-Europeans to Europeans; (2) to build and present an alternative legal system for international governance; (3) to eradicate, through detailed study, public policies and politics, the conditions of underdevelopment in the Third World. (GALINDO, 2013, p. 51) It should be stated that the post-colonial international law perspective has been developed by some authors such as Pahuja (2005). Nevertheless, this is not the case. ...
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Law, as a set of norms designed to regulate social life, is a field of difficult change, being always behind its time. The case of international law is even harder due to the limits of its positivist normative structure, formulated not only by countries that hold military/economic power in the international arena, but also in a modern/colonial historical moment that has guaranteed their legitimacy for more than five centuries, which makes it extremely difficult to have rules that contemplate the desires of the Third World. Thus, what seems to exist is that, in addition to the colonialities of power, knowledge and being, there is also the “coloniality of doing”, limiting the development of international rules. Hence, this paper addresses this problem, since the existing norms have a high coloniality burden and will hardly be altered by the current formulas. To this end, by following an explanation of decolonialism as an epistemic approach and its relation to the Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), the role of soft law will be addressed as a decolonial tool capable of solving the existing impasse. Based on the deductive method and a critical-explanatory approach, an applied research will be conducted using the bibliographic procedure for analysis with qualitative selection.
... 40 Sundhya Pahuja extends this lens by seeing not only the 'circular self-constitution of self and Other' but also the 'paradoxical inclusion of the excluded necessitated by the claim to universality'. 41 In surveying the ICC's urge to get closer, it helps to read distance and proximity postcolonially. Techniques of distance operate within a broader trajectory of the impending proximity of the Other: the victim who will receive justice, the eventual rule of law-oriented state, humanity saved. ...
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As the International Criminal Court (ICC) nears its 20th year in operation, many international criminal law practitioners and scholars are asking: where is the ICC today in relation to its original promise to end impunity for the world’s worst crimes? Baked into that question are themes of the court’s distance and proximity, temporal and spatial, professional and existential. Where is the ICC located along the historic ‘arc of justice’ and how might we push it further along that path? How does the prosecutor’s refrain that the ICC is a ‘court of law’ that must keep away from political entanglements affect its interaction with domestic actors? What do practitioners and scholars mean when they encourage the ICC to ‘get closer’ to atrocity situations, whether through better communication, cooperation or in situ proceedings? These questions prompt reflection on the ICC’s distance from, and proximity to, the atrocity space through an analysis of three recent monographs on the ICC and Africa. Reviewing these contributions in law, political science and anthropology, this review essay gauges the multiple planes of distance and proximity on which international criminal law advocates operate. These planes turn out to play an important part in ordering global justice, particularly the spaces and subjects of atrocities as sites of anti-impunity work.
... A crítica pós-colonial aplicada ao Direito Internacional objetiva não só identificar os mecanismos de manutenção da hierarquia de poder colonial como também apresentar sugestões para desfazer o vínculo entre a matéria e os interesses ocidentais. Como dispõe Pahuja (2005Pahuja ( , 2011 Analisa-se aqui, portanto, as contribuições e desafios que surgem do pensamento pós-colonialista. Anghie (2004Anghie ( , 2016 afirma que é possível construir um Direito Internacional pós-colonial, mesmo que os fundamentos da matéria tenham sido moldados no encontro colonial, o qual se baseou em exclusões e subordinações. ...
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International Law has sustained Western interests since its conception and constitutes a tool for maintaining colonial relations in contemporary times. The objective of this study is to demonstrate how international law corroborates with the maintenance of this global imperialist scenario and what are the challenges and perspectives of postcolonial studies on the matter. This research has a basic nature, with qualitative approach, explanatory purposes and inductive approach method, making use of bibliographical and documentary means. As a result, it has first been proven that the connection between International Law and colonialism has been evidenced since its origin - by the relation its celebrated precursors had with European interests; by its post-World War II changes - through the maintenance of hierarchies founded by the UN and the Western Human Rights discourse; and, currently, by Neocolonialism and economic dependence. It was also concluded that among the challenges proposed by postcolonial critical studies are the redemocratization of International Law through all peoples representation; the refusal of Third World scholars to accept Eurocentric hegemonic discourse; and the valuation of human lives above market interests.
... It is undisputed that from XVI century to the end of XX century, international legal framework was largely conducted by an Euro-American structural driver, which was created, backed and reinforced by substantial (military and economic) and ideational (symbolic) powers [17][18][19][20][21][22][23]. However, XXI century indicates more and more the challenging of this structural condition by the emerging countries and a progressive redefinition of the balance of international power in favor of states not traditionally perceived as Europeans and Westerns [22; 24-27]. ...
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The current international legal regulation of the Arctic and Antarctica was organized during the second half of the XX century to establish an international public power over the two regions, the Arctic Council (AC) and the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), which is characterized by Euro-American dominance. However, the rise of emerging countries at the beginning of the XXI century suggests a progressive redefinition of the structural balance of international power in favor of states not traditionally perceived as European and Western. This article examines the role of Brazil within the AC and the ATS to address various polar issues, even institutional ones. As a responsible country in the area of cooperation in science and technology in the oceans and polar regions in BRICS, Brazil appeals to its rich experience in Antarctica and declares its interest in joining the Arctic cooperation. For Brazil, participation in polar cooperation is a way to increase its role in global affairs and BRICS as a negotiating platform. It is seen in this context as a promising tool to achieve this goal. This article highlights new paths in the research agenda concerning interests and prospects of Brazilian agency in the polar regions.
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Os aportes teóricos e conceituais desenvolvidos por Amartya Sen, na atualidade, fornecem importantes subsídios para uma compreensão crítica das desigualdades. No que tange ao desenvolvimentismo, Sen é enfático ao compreender o investimento em direitos sociais como uma potente ferramenta para a solução dos problemas que geram a pobreza, a fome, o analfabetismo, etc. Para o autor, a pressão internacional que os países em desenvolvimento ou subdesenvolvidos (Sul Global) sofrem de países desenvolvidos (Norte Global) para "evoluírem" é falha, visto que tais nações de cima avançaram em termos econômicos – através da história –, em detrimento dos países do sul. Em contraste, Sen enfatiza a ineficácia em enquadrar e equiparar países através de métricas como o PIB (Produto Interno Bruto) e a Renda per Capita, visto que essa restrição desconsidera as especificidades de cada região e outros importantes fatores decisórios de desenvolvimento, como a liberdade política, a liberdade econômica e a qualidade de vida. Busca-se, portanto, romper esse ciclo vicioso que impera em países“em desenvolvimento”,com a ampliação do conceito de liberdade. Nesse sentido, as concepções de justiça social, desenvolvimento e direitos humanos trabalhadas nas obras de Amartya Sen podem ser sobrepostas ao diagnóstico da literatura decolonial, que indica que a as disparidades sociorraciais foram estruturadas e perpetuadas pela criação e hierarquização da raça, conceito criado pelos europeus nos territórios latino-americanos. Dessa forma, o problema de pesquisa reside em analisar como o modus operandi colonial impôs uma estrutura de sociedade fundada sob a égide racial e, por conta dessa formação social, a detenção de poder econômico e político da nação permanece fundamentada na categorização das classes sociais, visto que a hierarquização foi estabelecida para justificar a dominância europeia em relação aos demais. Em outras palavras, se o indivíduo racializado pertence a determinada classe social, isto significa que tal pertencimento está internamente relacionado com a privação de capacidades emancipatórias. Nesse sentido, como bem explicita Amartya Sen, a seguridade social do sujeito fica à mercê de uma sociedade permanentemente desigual, com a negligência de direitos básicos e a manutenção de vantagens sistemáticas à grupos economicamente dominantes. Partindo desses paralelos, este estudo pretende mostrar, a partir do método indutivo e da análise e revisão bibliográfica das obras de Amartya Sen, de que forma suas teorias quanto o desenvolvimento e justiça social podem ser potencializadas por uma visão crítica da desigualdade como consequência do colonialismo. Conclui-se, de tal forma, a iminente necessidade da criação e ampliação de políticas públicas que evidenciem o repertório identificatório dos indivíduos, pois somente através de uma transformação cultural nas instituições poderemos formar atores sociais competentes – que possam agir de forma paritária na sociedade – e, com isso, produzir sujeitos economicamente ativos.
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Este artigo examina como o Direito Internacional Humanitário (DIH) é aplicado pelo Tribunal Internacional de Justiça (CIJ). Portanto, desenvolve uma abordagem qualitativa de fontes primárias e secundárias. As fontes primárias são as recomendações contidas nas duas Opiniões Consultivas da ICJ (Legalidade da Ameaça ou Uso de Armas Nucleares e Consequências Jurídicas da Edificação de um Muro no Território Palestino Ocupado) e as fontes secundárias são a revisão bibliográfica referente ao Direito Internacional Humanitário. As informações reunidas nessas fontes foram analisadas de acordo com a distinção teórica entre desculpas e utopias nas woks de Martti Koskenniemi. Foi possível identificar que a CIJ usa o DIH combinando perspectivas utópicas e apologéticas.
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Na busca pela existência de alternativas para como as relações jurídicas do Direito Internacional se estabelecem hodiernamente, o presente texto parte da necessidade de desmistificar o Direito Internacional como um conjunto normativo universal (ponto I), para que, assim, debruce-se sobre as possibilidades de ressignificações de suas normas a partir de uma postura crítica, mais especificamente pelas Third World Approaches to International Law – TWAIL (ponto II), tal como já se realiza no campo do(s) (Direito Internacional dos) Direitos Humanos desde a Teoria Descolonial, permitindo não apenas questionar o passado, mas também obter a justiça social para todos, inclusive, para o Terceiro Mundo, largamente obstaculizado, ocultado e excluído da lógica normativa internacional desde o advento da modernidade
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The modern international law, not only imitates, but the substance is truly the European values and traditions. The European nations produce the norm of international law with a clear objective is to divide the world into "selves" (European nations) and "others" (non-European nations). This is exacerbated by European colonialism and imperialism, which allow their values and traditions to become hegemonic norms that ultimately produce the paradigm of "otherness" in international law. Non-European nations are "others", which are considered only as users of the European values. The “otherness” paradigm in international law is resulted from the universal claim of the European values. It is a hegemonic technique. The paper argues that International law should move from the “otherness” to the “togetherness” paradigm. This requires a new approach in the making of international norms, from claim to consent, and now it has led to the global values approach. The paradigm of togetherness requires an inter-civilizational approach, and universality is the keyword. Universal norms should not be put on an abstract level; they need transformation into the particular idioms. Universality is not a matter of claim; it is a respect and acceptance of cultures and values of other nations. International law requires a paradigm shift, from Western to Global Construct.
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This article uses the metaphor of turntablism to shed light on the confinement of international lawyers’ engagement with history to the terms, vocabularies, and categories of the very historical narratives they seek to evaluate, disrupt, or displace. For the sake of this article, turntablism is understood here as the art of creating new music and sound effects by using one or several turntables on which a record is placed. This article argues that twenty-first century international lawyers engaging with the history of international law are talented turntablists in that the many historiographical works of international lawyers produced since the so-called ‘historical turn’ have remained confined to the very terms, categories, and vocabularies of the histories whose creation they have been discoursing and theorising. This article ultimately shows that turntablism is not the inevitable fate of international lawyers engaging with history, and that a radical historical critique is possible and should be promoted.
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The modern international law is considered an offshoot of European intellectual contributions as its basic foundation is deeply imbued with the political and social upheavals took place in European history. As an example, the Westphalian order emerged in the culmination of thirty years war in 1648 was regarded as the most pivotal mile stone in modern history of international law. Yet the European domination and its intellectual contribution to the development of international law systematically excluded non-European nations from international law and its protection, which finally paved the path to use international law in the 19 th century as a tool of legitimizing the colonial expansion. This paper seeks to trace the historiography of modern international law and its dubious nature of disdaining non-Europeans and their civilizational thinking. Furthermore, this paper argues how European historical encounters carved the map of international law from a vantage point, which gave an utter prominence upon the European intellectual monopoly. The results emerge from this paper will strongly suggest the need of an alternative scholarship to unveil the history of international law.
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This article draws on the work of the Indian Subaltern Studies collective to explore the possibilities for imagining processes whereby non-dominant, non-elite, subaltern individuals and groupings might participate as subjects of international law. It suggests that the decolonization agenda of the UN Charter has repeated imperialism, albeit with a new legal and moral appearance, in the European production of the postcolonial nation-state. Parallels are drawn between the G77's strategy to counter European hegemony through the promotion of a New World Economic Order and the struggle of the Indian nationalists for independence. In both endeavours, European knowledge systems were uncritically embraced, and, as a result, subaltern experience incommensurable with the European imagination was silenced. It is suggested that the post-Cold War narratives of global democratization create new opportunities for contesting subaltern erasure, and some strategies for developing alternative practices, suggested by Subaltern Studies analyses, are canvassed.
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In the perennial debate over whether the dependence of international law on power is complete or whether international law maintains some independence for itself, the latter position is increasingly and at best marginal. Here that direction of the debate is reversed. The very dependence of international law on power is integral to a relation of mutual dependence between them. It is in this relation that power constituently depends on an international law which, in its turn, contains a primal efficacy. That efficacy is illustrated in its countering the claims of American empire.