Article

The statutory charging scheme in England and Wales: Towards a unified prosecution system?

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Abstract

Following recommendations in the Auld Report the Government has determined that the function of charging suspects in England and Wales will be transferred incrementally from the polie to the Crown Prosecution Service who will become involved in an early stage in the direction of criminal investigations. This article sets out the background to this important development and describes how it is intended to work in practice. It looks at the possible legal challenges that the new procedure might face before discussing some of the practical issues which will have to be resolved if the initiative is to achieve its aims.

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... Not only did the police omit any considerations of whether a charge was necessary in the public interest. They were also undertaking a precautionary approach with a tendency to overcharge suspects which, lacking relevant evidential material, could lead to a large number of discontinued cases (Brownlee, 2004 across England and Wales. The evaluation of its impacts showed that, despite fewer charges, conviction rates had improved in six of the nine pilot sites (Brownlee, 2004). ...
... They were also undertaking a precautionary approach with a tendency to overcharge suspects which, lacking relevant evidential material, could lead to a large number of discontinued cases (Brownlee, 2004 across England and Wales. The evaluation of its impacts showed that, despite fewer charges, conviction rates had improved in six of the nine pilot sites (Brownlee, 2004). Given these positive results, the Attorney General announced that the Government intended to bring forward legislation (i.e., the Criminal Justice Act, 2003) to effectively transfer from the police to the Director of Public Prosecutions, acting through local crown prosecutors, the responsibility for deciding whether there is sufficient evidence to charge a detained person in relation to the majority of offences (Iannacci, 2008). ...
... Whenever the 'threshold test' is applied, a specific date must be agreed between the duty prosecutor and the investigating officer for a review of the case in accordance with the full code tests (i.e., sufficiency of evidence and public interest tests), these tests setting out the general criteria to regulate the discretion of crown prosecutors (Iannacci, 2008). Decisions on all charging matters are recorded in writing on an ad-hoc form called the 'MG3' form (i.e., Manual of Guidance 3) which contains two sides: the front side is a 'request for a charging decision' and must be completed by the investigating officer, while the rear side, which is filled out by the duty prosecutor, includes the charging decision or, alternatively, either the steps to be taken before this decision can be reached or the reason for declaring no further action (Brownlee, 2004). ...
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... Statutory charging aims at 'narrowing the justice gap', that is the attrition rate between the total number of offences recorded and the number that results in a person being convicted, cautioned or the offence being taken into consideration. The specific aims of statutory charging may be summarised as follows: the elimination at the earliest opportunity of hopeless cases that represent a fruitless expenditure of resources by the police on enquiries and file preparation and by the CPS on review and consultation, the production of more robust prosecution cases and the elimination of unnecessary or unwarranted delays in the period between charge and disposal (Brownlee, 2004). ...
... Yet the role of the CPS remained essentially overly dependent on early investigative decisions taken by the police. Not only did the police omit any considerations of whether a charge was necessary in the public interest; the police were also undertaking a precautionary approach that often led to choosing the most serious of the charges which, if compounded by delays in obtaining evidence and slow corrective actions by the CPS, could have negative repercussions on the criminal justice system as a whole (Brownlee, 2004). ...
... sides: the front side is a 'request for a charging decision' and must be completed by the investigating officer whereas the back side includes the charging decision and must be filled out by the duty prosecutor (Brownlee, 2004). ...
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Drawing on the notion of information infrastructure as a relational concept, this paper endeavours to highlight the links between data standards and institutional facts. Although social science studies have emphasised the interplay between socio-technical factors, the author suggests that such approaches have overlooked the role that institutional facts play in the development of information infrastructures. An in-depth, qualitative case study of a recent episode of institutional change within the criminal justice system of England and Wales reveals how institutional facts are entangled with data standards through iterative sets of constitutive rules that are mirrored by their associated logical messages in an isomorphic fashion.
... The specific aim of statutory charging may be summarised as follows: the introduction of inter-agency co-operation to rationalise the criminal justice system eliminating at the earliest opportunity hopeless charges which represent a fruitless expenditure of resources by the police and by the CPS. The reform aims at achieving these goals by providing resources to produce more robust prosecution cases and by eliminating unnecessary or unwarranted delays in the period between charge and disposal (Brownlee, 2004 In the new system police officers continue to play a key role because they operate as ''gatekeepers". It is the police officer who must first determine whether there is sufficient evidence to detain a person. ...
... Decisions on all charging matters are recorded in writing on an ad hoc form which is called ''MG3" (i.e. Manual of Guidance 3) (Brownlee, 2004). ...
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Chapter
Before focusing on my own research into the role of the Cyprus Attorney General’s Office in prosecutions, in this chapter, a comparative description of prosecution systems in a number of other jurisdictions will be attempted, bearing in mind that “it is impossible to understand prosecution in one country or culture without seeing how it differs from prosecution elsewhere” (Johnson 2002, p. 89). In the first section, the origins, constitutional position and organisation of prosecution services in three common law countries (England and Wales, Ireland and Northern Ireland), a mixed jurisdiction (Scotland), as well as a number of inquisitorial jurisdictions (mainly France, Germany and the Netherlands) will be described. The second section will deal with the role of the prosecuting authorities in investigations and the third one with the way different prosecution systems approach the issues of prosecutorial discretion, diversion from prosecution and the formulation of prosecution criteria and policies. This comparative analysis will not be constrained to a theoretical description of the systems; wherever empirical studies are available they will be cited, so that an insight into matters of practice, as well as principle, can be achieved. However, it has to be noted that, regrettably, empirical research studies in inquisitorial jurisdictions are significantly limited in comparison to the ones available in common law jurisdictions.2
Book
This book is a fascinating and entirely original work about the role of the Cyprus Attorney General s Office in prosecutions. It is based on data gathered using an impressive blend of methods, including observation, a documentary survey and semi-structured interviews within the Office. The book focuses mainly on the workload of the Law Office and its relationship with the Police, the role it acquires during investigations and its role in the formulation and application of prosecution policies. These themes are approached from three different angles: the legal framework and the rhetoric developed over time concerning these areas, combined with the manner in which successive Attorney Generals have approached their role; the ideology that characterises the Law Officers position towards these particular functions, and the actual day-to-day activity (practices) observed within the Law Office. Although the central purpose of this work is to provide a profound understanding of the Cyprus system, wider conclusions can be drawn which exceed the boundaries of the particular jurisdiction and shed light on the most debatable aspects of the prosecution process in all jurisdictions. © Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2010. All rights are reserved.
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Sexual offences are notoriously difficult to prove, even without the added evidential difficulties posed by a key prosecution witness with mental health problems. Yet, according to the annually published criminal justice statistics, the conviction rate for sexual activity with a person with a mental disorder is, on average, around three times greater than that for rape. This article begins by scrutinising the plausibility of such a counter-intuitive proposition, concluding that the greater success implied by the statistics is likely to be more apparent than real. In the process of reaching this conclusion, challenging questions surrounding the prosecution of sex cases involving mentally disordered complainants are raised. These substantive and practical issues are explored in a critical analysis of new empirical data and reported cases. KeywordsProsecution-Charge selection-Sexual offences-Mental disorder impeding choice-Capacity
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