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Impossible Burdens: White Institutions, Emotional Labor, and Micro-Resistance

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Abstract

This article explores the connections between white institutional spaces, emotional labor, and resistance by illuminating the shared experiences of people of color in elite law schools and the commercial aviation industry. Based on in-depth qualitative data combined from two individual studies, we illustrate the processes by which white institutional spaces create a complex environment where people of color must navigate racial narratives, ideologies, and discourses, while simultaneously attempting to achieve institutional success to reap the material rewards of these elite institutional settings. In these distinct environments, people of color experience an unequal distribution of emotional labor as a result of negotiating both everyday racial micro-aggressions and dismissive dominant ideologies that deny the relevance of race and racism. As a result they must actively seek ways to engage in forms of resistance that promote counter narratives and protect themselves from denigration while minimizing the risk of severe consequence. Our data suggest that a more nuanced conceptualization of resistance and the context in which resistance occurs is needed in order to understand the everyday experiences of people of color. Cargas Sociales imposibles: Instituciones consideradas de Blancos, Trabajo Emocional y Micro-Resistencia Louwanda Evans, Este artículo explora las conexiones entre los espacios institucionalestradicionalmente con mayoría de trabajadores blancos, trabajo emocional y la resistencia a través de las experiencias compartidas de la gente de color en las Facultades o Escuelas de élite de derecho y de la industria de la aviación comercial. A través de una investigacióncualitativacombinadacon dos estudios de caso individuales, los resultados muestran los procesos por los cuales estos espacios considerados de blancos crean un entorno complejo en el que la gente de color debelidiar con ideologías y discursos raciales, y al mismo tiempo que trata de lograr el éxito institucional para recoger la recompensas materiales que ofrecen estasinstitucionales elitistas. En estos ambientes distintos, las personas de color experimentan una distribución desigual del trabajo emocional como resultado de la negociacióntanto de las micro-agresiones cotidianas como de la ideologías dominante que niegan la relevancia de la raza y el racismo dentro ella.Como resultado, este grupo debe buscar activamente formas para enfrentarse a través de actos de resistencia que promuevan discursos contrarios y que les protegen del desmerito, pero, al mismo tiempo, reduciendoal mínimo el riesgode que tenga consecuencias graves para ellos. Nuestros datos sugieren que, para comprender las experiencias cotidianas de la gente de color en estos contextos, es necesaria una conceptualización más matizada de este enfrentamiento y del contexto en que se produce el mismo. .

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... I argue it is within the context of navigating socially coded occupations as well as craft workplace structures that individuals from minoritized status groups attempt to forge a professional identity. While this constitutes an 'impossible burden' (Evans and Moore 2015) that can exact a steep cost for some individuals (Lerma, Hamilton and Nielson 2019), this research demonstrates how others may be able to act strategically to shape their work identities in ways that are both enabled and constrained by a workplace context that claims to value authenticity, flexibility, and increasingly, diversity. Enacting marked professionalism does not eschew existing standards of professionalism in a given industry. ...
... This process ultimately advantages white male workers over their counterparts who are women and people of color. On the job, people of color must navigate microaggressions from their white colleagues (Evans and Moore 2015), while being allocated 'racial tasks' that go largely uncompensated yet require considerable emotional labor (Wingfield 2019). Filtered into subordinated roles within organizations that are simultaneously racialized and gendered, workers can end up reinforcing categorical boundaries through their strained relations with white male colleagues in positions of authority. ...
... Derrick notes that he had to continually confront his minoritized racial status among his white industry peers, even those with the best of intentions. As a business owner, these experiences informed not only his daily strategies of 'micro-resistance' (Evans and Moore 2015), but his business approach moving forward. He also had his customers, who were disproportionately Black, calling for him to offer more lighter beers and traditional Southern fare. ...
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To critical observers, the growth and professionalization of the US craft beer industry over the last few decades has meant the expansion of yet another kind of workplace replete with standards of whiteness and masculinity. Yet the first-hand experiences of workers in this setting-one that values authenticity and features growing support for social inclusivity-remain understudied. This study asks how do women and people of color negotiate work identities in craft beer? Based on 56 in-depth interviews as well as ethnographic field research in US craft breweries, this study demonstrates how minoritized workers enact their work identities in ways that are both enabled and constrained by their workplace contexts. I find that women and people of color attempt to construct marked professional identities that adhere to existing standards of industry professionalism while selectively engaging their race and gender identities when it is advantageous to do so. I elaborate on how marked professional identities may especially resonate in organizational settings that prioritize authenticity and feature less entrenched organizational norms.
... The study of higher education includes an understanding of how various institutional environments have evolved over time. Scholars who study the norms of predominantly white 1 institutions (PWIs) have established that they exist as historically oppressive and white normed spaces for marginalized students of color (Evans & Moore, 2015;Gusa, 2010;Patel, 2015). Moreover, PWIs stand as sights of structural power and racism against people of color, despite a progression of institutional discourse that transmits a commitment to diversity (Iverson, 2012). ...
... Transitioning PWIs must address how faculty of color might bear additional burdens of supporting students of color, particularly as research-intensive pressures will continue to dominate the PWI organizational identity. Scholarship points to the emotional labor (Evans & Moore, 2015) of faculty of color at PWIs, but it is important to hold administrators accountable for doing the work. There must be greater efforts to shift the responsibility to administrators who have power to create systemic change (Patton et al., 2007). ...
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The categorization of predominantly white institutions (PWIs) and minority serving institutions (MSIs) affects the distribution of resources, privileges, and inequities in higher education. As PWIs increasingly tout having “majority-minority” student bodies and take on enrollment-based MSI statuses due to demographic shifts, it remains unclear how these institutions will disrupt the dominant ideologies of privilege and whiteness that have been pervasive throughout their history in order to create positive campus environments for people of color. Using Ray’s (American Sociological Review, 84(1), 26–53, 2019) theory of racialized organizations as a sociological framework to test these dynamics, we aimed to interrogate the organizational identity of PWIs transitioning to MSI. Through a comparative content analysis of existing PWI and MSI literature, we established the dominant features of each institution type and provided implications of the power dynamics as PWIs increasingly take on MSI characteristics. Given that enrollment-based MSIs gain eligibility to apply for federal grant funding, regardless of intentions to better serve students of color, the ways that PWIs are privileged throughout the literature have implications for institutional actors, policymakers, and scholars alike.
... Research has suggested DEI efforts are complex and can be emotionally taxing for practitioners and participants (Evans & Moore, 2015;Porter et al., 2018). For example, Ahmed (2012) wrote that diversity professionals often compare their work to "banging your head against the brick wall" (p. ...
... 26). Moreover, members of minoritized and marginalized communities have reported that participating in DEI-related discussions and workshops leads to frustration and exhaustion (Anand & Winters, 2008;Evans & Moore, 2015;Porter et al., 2018). ...
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Efforts to diversify and make historically white organizations more inclusive are as varied as they are numerous. Yet, for all their ubiquity in U.S. higher education, few studies have examined them in real time. This case study thus features a two-day meeting where stakeholders were invited to consider how to make science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields not only more diverse but also inclusive. Drawing on observational, documentary, and interview data, we offer three findings. First, we share how facilitators were ill-prepared to define diversity for their project. Second, we share that facilitators and most white participants hesitated and sometimes directly avoided conversations about historical and contemporary exclusion in STEM, especially regarding racism. Third, we show that, while facilitators and most white participants avoided specific conversations about the exclusionary nature of STEM spaces, racially minoritized participants repeatedly requested more concrete conversations. We conclude the paper with several implications for future research and practice for administrators, professors, DEI practitioners, and funders.
... To frame our analysis, we draw on sociological literature to conceptualize labor (Acker, 1990;Evans & Moore, 2015;Moore, 2008;Pierce, 1996), which serves as a lens for detailing the responses of students from historically marginalized groups to institutional oppression through undergraduate mathematics instruction. This sociological literature has addressed the invisible labor in which historically marginalized communities engage when facing racialized and gendered forms of institutional oppression. ...
... This produces cognitive labor for students of color as they employ strategies that counter stereotypes at play in institutions. As students experience discriminatory acts, they must manage whether and how to respond to such events, while also worrying about the ways their emotions will be interpreted (Evans & Moore, 2015). ...
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Precalculus and calculus are considered gatekeeper courses because of their academic challenge and status as requirements for STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) and non-STEM majors alike. Despite college mathematics often being seen as a neutral space, the field has identified ways that expectations, interactions, and instruction are racialized and gendered. This article uses the concept of labor to examine responses from 20 students from historically marginalized groups to events identified as discouraging in precalculus and calculus instruction. Findings illustrate how Black students, Latina/o students, and white women engage in emotional and cognitive labor in response to discouraging events. Additionally, to manage this labor, students named coping strategies that involved moderating their participation to avoid or minimize the racialized and gendered impact of undergraduate mathematics instruction.
... In their study, Evans and Moore (2015) explored experiences of people of color in elite law schools and the commercial aviation industry in the United States, in part to understand the connection between white institutional spaces, emotional labor and resistance. They found that people of color in these institutions experience an unequal distribution of emotional labor as they negotiate both everyday racial micro-aggressions, but also dominant ideologies that deny the relevance of 'race' and racism. ...
... Healthcare staff who expressed anxiety about jeopardizing their employment if seen to be engaged in discussing racism, also described various strategies including working harder to prove one's professionalism and competence, blocking or hiding feelings, that can be conceptualized as ways of resisting racial degradation and thereby protecting oneself emotionally from the damaging consequences of racism. The strategies represent an important aspect of racial resilience or resistance, enabling ethnic minority groups to participate in racially oppressive institutions while maintaining and valuing their human dignity (Evans and Moore 2015;Eddo-Lodge 2018). In the process, the strategies pursued by those encountering racism paradoxically further silence the discussion of racism and awareness of its effects. ...
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Encountering racism is burdensome and meeting it in a healthcare setting is no exception. This paper is part of alarger study that focusedonunderstandingandaddressingracismin healthcare in Sweden. In the paper, we draw on interviews with 12 ethnic minority healthcare staff who described how they managed emotional labor in their encounters with racism at their workplace. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. The analysis revealed that experienced emotional labor arises from two main reasons. The first is the concern and fear that ethnic minority healthcare staff have of adverse consequences for their employment should they be seen engaged in discussing racism. The second concerns the ethical dilemmas when taking care of racist patients since healthcare staff are bound by a duty of providing equal care for all patients as expressed in healthcare institutional regulations. Strategies to manage emotional labor described by the staff include working harder to prove their competence and faking, blocking or hiding their emotions when they encounter racism. The emotional labor implied by these strategies could be intense or traumatizing as indicated by some staff members, and can therefore have negative effects on health. Given that discussions around racism are silenced, it is paramount to create space where racism can be safely discussed and to develop a safe healthcare environment for the benefit of staff and patients.
... That said, this study does suggest that pure passion contributes to the exclusion of women and people of color in modern craft workplaces because enacting this particular relationship to work is predicated on one's cultural fit among socially privileged colleagues (Rivera 2012). This is consistent with previous research showing that men's devotion to their jobs are viewed more positively than women's (Blair-Loy 2003;Correll et al. 2020), just as people of color must contend with racialized assumptions about their commitment and competence on the job (Evans and Moore 2015). Pure passion derives much of its value within the workplace because of who enacts it. ...
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Having or “finding” passion for work has become an increasingly common cultural logic of work today, one that workers use to justify career choices and managers use to make hiring decisions. However, scholars have yet to articulate how workers enact this cultural logic of work in ways that may ultimately contribute to social inequality in modern workplaces. On the basis of 115 in-depth interviews and two years of ethnographic fieldwork in U.S. craft breweries, the author shows how brewery workers express a heightened relationship to their jobs, which the author calls pure passion, in ways that encompass labor, consumption, and lifestyle practices. Yet because these enactments of pure passion are predicated on privileged social attributes with respect to race, class, and gender, this cultural logic of work ends up reinforcing the dominant position of white, middle-class men in this industry while simultaneously marginalizing the experiences of women and people of color.
... Additionally, White emotions, attitudes, and reactions to racism/racist encounters can also be traumatic to Black people. For example, Evans and Moore (2015) noted that Black law students engaged in 'everyday microresistances' to protect themselves from reacting to racial microaggressions within White institutional spaces where White fragility, colorblindness, White exceptionalism, and White tone policing are normed. Evans and Moore (2015) and others (Jones & Norwood, 2017) argue that active disruption of these norms (e.g., calling out the racist behavior and WEAR components) would only prove problematic for the Black law students as such would exact a psychological toll on them, particularly within a historically White space (Gusa, 2010). ...
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The main objective of this article is to introduce and examine whiteness as a source of trauma for Black people. We explore Black psychology scholarship to conceptually ground whiteness as the impetus for racism, while identifying it as an interpersonal, psychosocial, and contextual phenomenon that informs the race-based traumatic experiences of Black people. The primary factors constituting whiteness are ethnocentric monoculturalism, White standardization, ontological expansiveness, White emotions, attitudes, reactions to race, and White privilege. While racism operates through oppression and exclusion to produce trauma among Black people, we argue that whiteness operates similarly to produce race-based traumatic stress. With this premise, we offer and explain a conceptual model to promote empirical research that identifies and operationalizes whiteness and its components as observable contributors to the traumatic experiences of Black persons.
... This exchange would have been much more beneficial if it had taken place months before through the many surveys we administered and the workshop we invited them to, and if the interactions had been evenly distributed between all three team members. However, the act of a public approach following the presentation was a continued oppressive act that forced the Black researchers to engage in emotional labour where they had to appear publicly pleasing with students we knew were initially critical and accusatory towards us (Evans and Moore, 2015). This experience blatantly solidified that although we thought we experienced discrimination because of our research subject, there was a second layer of discrimination present that excluded the white Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Equality and Diversity Volume 6, Issue 2. 2020 team member. ...
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During a required group research assessment at our higher education institution, Royal Central School of Speech and Drama (RCSSD), we uncovered multiple underlying and intersecting axes of oppression that affected our research. These axes include silence, gatekeeping, discrimination, white fragility, and emotional labour. This article explores how our research process was affected by these axes of oppression in an academic setting. First, we unpack the scope of our initial research which included a heuristic methodology and Critical Race Theory. Next, we uncover how this internal study around structural racism was interrupted by the oppressive practices and to what extent they affected the research process and our final assessed presentation. Finally, using autoethnography we investigate how, as three researchers with different backgrounds and ethnicities (two Black women and one white woman), we seemingly disrupted an internal research conference at a higher education institution. Writing this article is a necessary act of liberation for us as researchers to contextualise and define our experiences through Critical Race Theory. Through this paper, we aim to expand the dialogue among researchers and institutions on how structural racism and oppressive practices become evident in the fabric of academia. Furthermore, any lack of dialogue will inevitably continue to cause acts of oppression within institutions until they are faced with resilience, honesty, and a balance of power free from oppression.
... 212). The role of culture in narrative identity within the workplace is particularly complex for individuals from minoritized groups [35][36][37][38]. For example, individuals from groups who experience systemic racism have to contend with an extra layer of psychological complexity in their narrative processing of daily life experiences and thus, their narrative identity development [26,39]. ...
... While HWIs frequently proclaim a commitment to diversity (Wilson et al., 2012), these institutions often reflect the widespread racial disparities of society more broadly (George Mwangi et al., 2018;Thomas, 2018Thomas, , 2020. Despite stated commitments to diversity, HWIs are grounded in deep ideological commitments to whiteness and are marked by significant disparities in access across racial and ethnic lines, racially hostile and unwelcoming campus climates, and an underrepresentation of Faculty of Color across disciplines (Evans & Moore, 2015;George Mwangi et al., 2018;Gusa, 2010;Park, 2018). ...
... In contrast, an exorbitant focus on "remote" cases of racism-that is, to a prior point, the high-profile cases that appear in the media but not necessarily in geographic proximity to the individual-may fail, in the long-term, to engender empathy, due to humans' out-of-sight-out-of-mind disposition. Aligning with Du Bois' ideas on the impact of the color line-that racism persists in large part due to a lack of "cross-pollinating" spatial encounters and cultural immersion between the races (Du Bois, 2015)-the extrapolation here is that testimonios are directly positioned to facilitate togetherness and breed familiarity and comfort because the racialization is happening right before participants. ...
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Long regarded as the “great equalizer” across all social identity categories, including race/ethnicity, class, and gender, the education system plays a pronounced role in the curation and dissemination of knowledge on social stratification. In contemporary times, this role is perhaps no more evident than in academia’s gatekeeping role in discussions of race and racism. Contemporary racial injustice in the U.S. provides raw material for consideration of how the American education system in particular has articulated the forces that give rise to racial injustice and, in turn, how academia shapes--and also places itself inside and outside of--these conversations. Examining the pedagogy of “education on race,” this piece explores whether academia can be expected to meaningfully set a course for addressing systemic and structural racism, or indeed directly address it. Considering Foucault, Freire, and Bonilla-Silva’s interlocking arguments about the persuasive nature of power, we contextualize the emergence of corrosive academic "love languages" on race to explore how educational institutes produce and reproduce systems of oppression through gestures of racial solidarity that stop purposefully short of substantive action. We close with a proposal for using indigenous, empathy-focused interventions to generate impactful dialogue and action towards anti-racism in educational spaces and beyond.
... In a study examining the pervasiveness of racial and gender inequities (Essed, 1991;St. Jean & Feagin, 1998) in law firms through the experiences of Black women lawyers, Melaku (2019a) uncovers the patterned existence of invisible labor that Black women are forced to engage to both navigate and be present in white spaces (Evans & Moore, 2015). Melaku theorizes the existence of an invisible labor clause, an unwritten clause in the employment contract of Black women, and other marginalized groups, including women, BIPOC, LGBTQ+ members, or people with disabilities, that require them to perform unrecognized and uncompensated labor to sustain their positions (Melaku, 2019a: p. 16-19). ...
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Scholars have shown that women of color experience racial and gender aggressions in different workplaces but strategically in predominantly white institutions. This article explores how women of color professionals in academic institutions perceive their experiences during this time of multiple pandemics induced by COVID‐19 and racial violence. By examining research on women of color in academe and other white institutional spaces, we discuss how systemic racism is embedded within organizational practices that sustain racial inequality. Drawing on data from a qualitative online survey of women of color in academe (n = 25), our theoretically grounded research employs Black feminist thought as a methodological practice to examine how COVID‐19 and racial violence have impacted women of color through the continued perpetuation of racial and gender inequities. The findings provide important insights on how institutional responses to public discourses about racism can influence the experiences of women of color and their career trajectories.
... Hochschild (1983) argued that women are expected to do a higher amount of emotion work and are already considered more emotional than men. BIPOC also do significantly more emotion work than white people (Evans & Moore, 2015). White norms for professionalism position Black women teachers, in particular, as emotional (Dixson & Dingus, 2008). ...
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In this essay, the author reflects on the importance of accepting and expressing emotion in teachers’ lived experiences. By centering emotion work in preservice teacher praxis, teacher educators can make emotion work visible and assign value to it.
... Hochschild (1983) argued that women are expected to do a higher amount of emotion work and are already considered more emotional than men. BIPOC also do significantly more emotion work than white people (Evans & Moore, 2015). White norms for professionalism position Black women teachers, in particular, as emotional (Dixson & Dingus, 2008). ...
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We live in a time that requires attention to trauma. Educators and students are learning how to move forward in this precarious time, which in many ways has amplified preexisting health, racial, economic, and educational inequalities. The pandemic has shaped us in ways we have yet to understand fully, but we know we must adapt and heal together. It is imperative that K-College educators not only consider trauma-informed teaching, but also healing-centered teaching practices. As we think through ways to support the most harmed people in our teaching and learning communities, we will move closer to a more equitable and just healing-centered profession. This first volume of Special Issues: Trauma-Informed Teaching gathers some of the most compelling and practical recent articles across NCTE journals, addressing the importance of trauma-informed teaching and its recent developments in the field. Editor Sakeena Everett has curated this collection to show how to help K-College teachers integrate the most up-to-date approaches to trauma-informed teaching into their particular classroom environments. In this volume, you will find valuable insights, diverse perspectives, innovative and exciting pedagogies, as well as thought-provoking research methodologies that engage micro- and macro-level supports you need to get started today.
... Canada's policies and history of systemic racism have led to segregated labour markets (Evans & Moore, 2015). In Canada, race, gender, education, and length of residency all act as social factors that influence access to quality work (Akbar, 2019;Picot 2004). ...
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Canada has long been recognized as an immigrant-friendly nation that is committed to welcoming people from all over the world. However, many immigrants, particularly racialized and ethnic minorities, regardless of social capital, skill sets, and experience, find themselves increasingly concentrated in low-paying and low-skilled jobs. Discrimination and bias, either from individuals or institutions, are not uncommon and have impacted every stratum of tourism stakeholders. Furthermore, discriminatory practices have long been documented within the sector including racial segregation between different job functions, wage gaps, and insufficient advancement opportunities for minorities. This chapter explores how Canada’s immigration policy may be working (intentionally or unintentionally) to supply racialized immigrants, many of whom are highly educated and professionally trained, as cheap labour to the Canadian labour market where they face de-skilling, discrimination, and exploitation in various sectors, including hospitality and tourism.
... Racial resilience and resistance are noted in the literature as critical in helping students of color in white institutions negotiate responses to institutional racist practices and policies in 'a way that creates avenues to resist racial objectification and degradation and emotionally protect themselves from the damaging consequences of racism' (Evans and Moore 2015, 441). Black students have employed a variety of methods of coping with racial microaggressions and other racial inequities including reporting the incident, confronting the offender, avoidance, silence, teaching the ignorant, deflecting, managing self, and digital activism (Evans and Moore 2015;Fleming, Lamont, and Welburn 2012). These 'everyday micro-resistances' (Evans and Moore 2015, 405) are recognized as 'an act of empowerment that is often unplanned, but is significant, meaningful, and effective' (p.449) in helping students navigate ongoing experiences of oppression (El-Khoury 2012; Fleming, Lamont, and Welburn 2012). ...
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... Faculty and students in historically excluded groups remain marginalized in the academy and their respective fields (Ballinas, 2017;Beoku-Betts, 2004;Clark et al., 2012;Evans & Moore, 2015;Harris, 2017b;Harris et al., 2021;Mohamed, 2010;Upton et al., 2012;Zambrana et al., 2017). Sometimes students and faculty in minoritized racial or ethnic groups experience treatment that indicates they are seen as inferior to their white peers and colleagues or that they do not belong (Lewis et al., 2021;Williams, 2019). ...
... Professional norms for displaying emotions are raced and gendered (Ahmed, 2014) and some teachers and students assume more risk in sharing vulnerable experiences than others. While teachers make decisions in response to public discourses about who can show what emotions (Zembylas, 2002), women and women of color, especially Black women, do higher amounts of emotion work in institutional contexts (e.g., Evans & Moore, 2015;Everett & Dunn, 2021). Additionally, some loss experiences are more sanctioned for discussion than others (e.g., suicide may be a more stigmatized loss experience). ...
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As racialized and gendered structures, organizations can reinforce complex inequalities, especially with regard to emotional labor. While the literature on emotional labor is established, little is known about how race and sexual orientation shape feeling rule enforcement. Interviewing staff at university LGBTQ resource centers, we argue that feeling rules have a sexual orientation-based dimension and are experienced and enforced differently based on race. White LGBTQ staff find that they can express anger strategically to bring awareness to issues of race, but do not confront racism in their work for fear of alienating other Whites, which they believe would harm their center. LGBTQ staff of color experience organizational consequences for their anger, which is directed toward the racism they and students of color experience in the university. Lacking the credential of Whiteness (Ray 2019), staff of color find they cannot reach the benchmark set by Whites’ enthusiastic performance of emotional labor. These feeling rules operate in service of what James M. Thomas (2018) calls diversity regimes, which are performances of a benign commitment to racial equality, that retrench racial inequality by failing to redistribute resources along racial lines. By sanctioning anger toward the university—as an institution that reproduces racism—feeling rules have organizational consequences: Whites can advance through compliance and enthusiasm; staff of color are terminated or denied opportunities; and critiques of racism are silenced. While created to address diversity, LGBTQ centers are purposely not structurally positioned to radically shift resources in a way to combat racism, and feeling rules maintain these arrangements while allowing universities to claim a commitment to equality. These findings hold implications for broader concerns of racism, sexual orientation, and inequality within work organizations, especially manifestations of worker control within diversity work.
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The Black Lives Matter protests, the racial inequality laid bare by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol prompted several organizations and academic institutions to write statements in support of the Movement for Black Lives and to re-evaluate their dedication to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI). Using auto-ethnographical analysis, I address the inadequacy of such liberal initiatives to effectively challenge racial barriers to the promotion and retention of faculty of color, especially women of color. In fact, I argue that such initiatives could present further challenges for women of color, who are only included superficially and in ways that create more invisible, unrecognized labor. I propose that the language of DEI efforts must more centrally name racism at the same time that they address intersectionality through what I call racism-centered intersectional approaches. These approaches are particularly needed given the history of attacks on ethnic studies and critical race theory.
Chapter
The aim of this chapter is to explore the ramifications of the findings discussed in Chapters 4–6. The consequences of Whiteness and stigma for both professional identity and identity work are considered in relation to the building blocks of identity, namely embodied practices, material and institutional arrangements, discursive formation and group and social relationships. Specific emphasis is placed on linguistic practices in reproducing Whiteness. Identity in the face of stigma and Whiteness is considered and three possible responses are discussed—mastering Whiteness, reframing Whiteness and challenging Whiteness.KeywordsProfessional identityConstructing professional identityProfessional identity workBourdieuMastery of WhitenessReframing WhitenessChallenging Whiteness
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The aim of this chapter is to explore at the micro-level of analysis the influence of stigma and Whiteness in the identity work of professionals of colour in their personal space. Whiteness and stigma are not confined to the professional domain. They are experienced in the personal domain in ways that shape their lives from an early age and continue to do so throughout their working life as professionals. This chapter explores findings related to the value of education placed by the parents of aspirant professionals, to their embodied history in relation to Whiteness and stigma, to dealing with racial politics across borders, to managing the tensions of identities located in vastly different cosmologies and to the challenges of family responsibilities and “Black tax”.KeywordsProfessional identityMicro-contextPersonal spaceEmbodied historyIdentity work
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Organizational sociologists argue that informal and formal rules within workplaces function to increase employee productivity and effectiveness, but can also have negative emotional consequences. Feeling rules, which are the emotional norms that regulate interpersonal interactions within the workplace are not applied equally; white women and professionals of color are expected to display deference in the face of emotionally-charged experiences at work, while their counterparts are given more flexibility in how they could display anger or annoyance. Scholars note that feeling rules work to reproduce extant gendered and racial hierarchies when expectations regarding worker productivity, effectiveness and outcomes are restricted on the basis of social identities. Analyzing sixteen semi-structured interviews with LGBTQ Center staff, we demonstrate the feeling rules are organized around employees’ ability to (1) (re)produce trauma in themselves during training sessions and (2) minimize students’ and their own anger throughout the workday.
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This article explores the ways communities of color experience racism in Portland, Oregon—the whitest big city in the Unites States. Drawing from 40 in-depth interviews with an ethnically diverse sample of Portlanders of color, the study’s findings demonstrate how emotions are constitutive of racialized lived experiences. Participants’ emotions were deeply intertwined with Portland’s demographics and historical legacies of white supremacy in the city, highlighting the importance of place in structuring racialized emotions. Participants also describe emotional and impression management strategies they used to navigate predominantly white spaces. As a conceptual link between racial structures and racialized emotions, I introduce the concept of ambient racism, which describes how legacies of racism are “baked into” the social environment that racialized people navigate and emotionally contend with daily. Ambient racism bridges structural and emotional dimensions of racism by illustrating how racial structures are felt by racially subordinated groups.
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This study explores the mechanisms of racial discrimination in U.S. independent filmmaking. To answer this question, I combine the theoretical toolkits on Hollywood discrimination and Bourdieu’s theory of cultural production. I employ in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews with 30 U.S.‐based independent filmmakers of color, and observations of public discussions at film festivals in the greater Los Angeles area. I find that despite independent film’s inclusive and non‐commercial discourses, many of the mechanisms of racial exclusion that underlie Hollywood’s lack of diversity also exist in independent film: the economic uncertainty of creative labor, racialized market logics, the economic stigmatization of artists of color, and the reliance on closed social networks for career advancement. Furthermore, I also find that non‐commercial factors in the field of independent film also constrain the ability for filmmakers of color to make art reflective of their experiences, form mutually beneficial collaborations with other artists of color, or invest their time in projects that are culturally innovative. These findings suggest that even at the margins of mainstream cultural production, mechanisms of racialization can still operate where racial prejudice and racialized economics outweigh artistic independence.
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The paper engages with issues of representation in interculturality tackling the following question: when we research and write about the intercultural, who are we speaking for and who benefits? The paper confronts the double bind inherent in critiquing established discourses, methodologies and disciplinary boundaries while operating within them. The issue of representation and the drive to decolonise knowledge have polarised public discourse, particularly following the impact of Black Lives Matter on collective consciousness. In recent years the decolonisation of research methodologies has also entered the field of interculturality. With this paper I argue that universalistic discourses of dialogue and tolerance can be harnessed to silence certain voices by construing them as 'other'. Lorde's (2007) assertion that the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house discloses the possibility to confront this conceptual knot of representation and to recognise the role of epistemic violence (Spivak, 1988) in speaking for 'the other'. To this end, I employ the idea of minor literature (Deleuze and Guattari, 1986) to counteract non-perfomative and tokenistic displays of diversity that appropriate the word intercultural and use it as a form of currency in neo-liberal academia.
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This collaborative autoethnography explores the affective and material effects of the pandemic on our role as Women of Color providing care, engaging in caring, and doing care work at a predominantly white institution (PWI) in the Midwest. Incorporating sociological concepts to explore the racialized dimensions of care work in organizational settings (Hochschild's concepts of emotion labor and emotion work, Kang's work on racialized body labor, and Wingfield and Alston's theory of racial tasks within organizational settings), we examine the complex dynamics between intersectional vulnerabilities emerging from COVID‐19 and structural gendered racism via whiteness in academic settings whose mission is to train future healthcare professionals. To do this, we engage in a collaborative autoethnographic approach to map how racial tasks in three socio‐contextual spaces—academic, social, and experiential settings that facilitate out‐of‐the‐classroom training opportunities—operated to sustain and normalize racial inequities and organizational dynamics that define the institutional identity of an undergraduate health sciences campus. First, we show racial tasks carried out by faculty of color were part of a response to the lack of resources for students of color and an organizational imposition that sustained racial inequities. Second, we describe how racial tasks carried out by undergraduate students of color are connected to white students' sense of fragility, behaviors, and dispositions that have been normalized and reflect aspects of the institutional culture of this PWI. And finally, we see how the body labor connected to racial tasks in experiential education/out‐of‐the‐classroom learning sites exemplify how increasing white nationalism and Trump‐era COVID‐19's policy failures impact organizational practices.
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Background Evidence acknowledges inequalities to progression and achievement for black, Asian and minority ethnic students within higher education, as well as barriers for promotion of black, Asian and minority ethnic staff within the NHS. In the UK, legislation and regulatory guidance requires students studying undergraduate midwifery to undertake their programme across both these institutions. Aims To understand the experiences of black, Asian and minority ethnic students studying undergraduate midwifery at a UK university. Methods This qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with five student midwives who identified as black, Asian or minority ethnic from a university, conducted by a peer researcher. Thematic analysis was used to analyse anonymised transcript data. Results Three key themes were identified: ‘invisibility’, ‘emerging visibility’ and ‘managing visibility’. Participants experienced a monocultural focus in the curriculum and in practice and were exposed to racist behaviours, causing them to modify behaviours. Conclusions A need for diverse teaching materials and cultural inclusivity across institutions was identified to help combat outdated systemic Eurocentric practices and support the implementation of recently published midwifery standards.
Article
Background Studies in other disciplines have shown that Black college students experience microaggressions on campus. This affects campus learning climates, posing a risk to students' success. Purpose The purpose of this secondary analysis is to describe Black nursing students' experiences with microaggression at a predominantly white institution. Methods In this secondary analysis of a descriptive qualitative study, principles of thematic analysis were used to code, categorize, and synthesize interview data from 16 nursing alumni participants specifically to examine microaggression. Results The thematic analysis of the data revealed microaggressive behaviors experienced by Black nursing students. Three salient themes emerged: microaggressions among peers, from faculty members to students, and in the clinical setting. Conclusion This study offers critical insights into the microaggressions that Black students experience. These microaggressions interfere with students' learning and highlight the need for academic institutions to take measures to dismantle these behaviors. These findings can illuminate to faculty and students the roles they play in perpetuating racism and subjecting students of color to detrimental psychological distress.
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This study describes the perceived work demands and family caregiving obligations associated with work–family life among URM faculty and the coping strategies used to negotiate the integration of roles. Past research on families focuses primarily on professional majority‐culture families and often fails to include traditionally and historically underrepresented minority (URM) families. The study of how URM professionals negotiate work and family obligations and economic and institutional constraints remains relatively absent in the family science discourse. In‐depth individual and group interviews (N = 58) were conducted with US‐born African American, Mexican American, and Puerto Rican faculty at research universities. The overarching theorizing anchor that grounded the themes was sacrifice. Three themes emerged: excessive work demands/role strain; commitments and caregiving obligations to family of origin and nuclear family; and few coping strategies and resources to maintain a balanced life. This analysis offers insight into the multiple factors that affect the experiences of URM academics in their workplaces that deeply influence work roles and self‐care and its impact on family roles. These data fill a gap by applying alternative frameworks to explore the work–family nexus among racialized groups. New research frontiers are offered to study the work–family nexus for URM faculty and how higher education can respond to alleviate excessive work demands and work–family life conflicts.
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Arlie Hochschild’s theory of emotional labor (1983) has become a staple framework for understanding the tension that exists between outward emotional expression and inward emotional realities. In it, Hoschild (1983) introduces us to the idea of emotional management, the expectations that are put on us to manipulate the display of our emotions—act—in order to put the experiences of others first. Recently, however, several articles in popular media have used emotional labor to describe labor that deviates from Hochschild’s (1983) original definition. In doing so, popular discourse has highlighted a kind of labor that has historically gone unnamed in the academy. The implications of not naming this other form of labor and instead morphing Hochschild’s original definition yield many consequences if left unchecked. The purpose of this article is to step into the conversation on emotional labor, highlight the gap in language to describe the various types of labor performed by adult learners, and introduce the idea of gendered labor as a way to be better informed in serving adult learners in ongoing development.
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In many liberal predominantly white neighborhoods, white residents view their communities as inclusive yet they also engage in racialized surveillance to monitor individuals they perceive as outsiders. Some of these efforts center on people of color in neighborhood open spaces. We use a diversity ideology framework to analyze this contradiction, paying particular attention to how residents of color experience racialized surveillance of their neighborhood’s publicly accessible parks and swimming pools. This article draws on data from neighborhood documents, neighborhood digital platforms, and interviews with residents of a liberal, affluent, predominantly white community that was expressly designed with public spaces open to non-residents. We find that resident surveillance of neighborhood public spaces is racialized, occurs regularly, and happens in person and on neighborhood online platforms where diversity as liability rhetoric is conveyed using colorblind discourse. These monitoring efforts, which are at times supported by formal measures, impact residents of color to varying degrees. We expand on diversity ideology by identifying digital and in-person racialized surveillance as a key mechanism by which white residents attempt to enforce racialized boundaries and protect whiteness in multiracial spaces and by highlighting how Black and Latinx residents, in particular, navigate these practices.
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Victor Ray argues organizations are racial structures that legitimate the unequal distribution of resources and stratify the agency of racial groups through organizational processes that treat White identity as a credential and decouple formal rules meant to reduce disparities from practice. This study demonstrates the utility of this theory in an empirical case study of disparities in earnings, job quality, and advancement among clergy in the United Methodist Church. Despite the preferences articulated by Black clergy, the formal organizational policies that ban race as a consideration in appointment making were decoupled from managerial practices; thus, clergy and congregations were matched on race. Because of local control over salaries and major resource disparities between congregations, race matching led to Black-White disparities in pay, advancement, working conditions, and professional support. The most promising remedy is a common salary scale with a more comprehensive redistribution process to address resources inequalities across congregations.
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In this article, the author relies on a narrative based format to explore the interactions between everyday race-making processes and the white space of academia. Recognizing the unique ways systems of power interact with their experiences in the social world, they chronicle their engagements detailing the pervasive ways rules of white space are placed. The article recognizes three informal rules of white space in academia: the accepted reification of white sociological thought; the acceptance of white professional standards; and the continued centering of white comfort.
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Intersectionality reminds us that women of color face a particular kind of marginalization due to both gendered and racial oppression and underrepresentation. As such, they are more often “presumed incompetent” and may not feel as innately supported in social and professional structures as their white male and female counterparts. Additionally, the silencing effect of being one of very few women of color in academic departments puts us at risk for further marginalization, requiring that we engage in significant invisible labor that is neither recognized nor compensated. Grounded on our intersectionalities, we discuss our respective trajectories within our own fields and research, beginning with research that emphatically perpetuates the cycle of gender inequity in the academy. The discussion is then supported by analyzing the theoretical research on the salience of race, gender, and other axes of identity for the experiences of women of color. As authors, we present these narratives in an attempt to engage with ways of reflexivity that are, especially for women of color in academia, not usually discussed.
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In From the Inside Out: The Fight for Environmental Justice within Government Agencies (MIT Press, 2019), Jill Harrison offers a nuanced study of why U.S. state agencies fail at implementing robust environmental justice (EJ) policies. Through a rigorous interview and ethnographic based methodology Harrison details the discourses, ideologies, and everyday practices and through which government agency staff, daily, undermine and even outright reject EJ policies and programs. The book is a richly empirical study that makes valuable contributions to academic and activist understandings of the government's failure to respond meaningfully to environmental injustices, and offers specific recommendations for how to reform government agencies. It is a timely monograph as EJ advocates seek to reimagine government agencies in the wake of the Trump administration, and in the context of an expanded public consciousness of racism following the killing of George Floyd and subsequent uprisings during the summer of 2020.
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Since 2014, technology companies have spent an estimated $1.2 billion on diversity efforts. Despite these investments, Black and Latinx Americans remain starkly underrepresented. How is this problem understood by people in tech? Connecting theories of white racial ideologies and research on racialized organizations, I show how understandings of tech’s “diversity problem” paradoxically serve to naturalize tech organizations as white spaces. Using interviews and surveys of 69 tech workers, I identify several semantic maneuvers used to defend predominantly white workplaces as “diverse.” Together, they demonstrate a pattern I call neoliberal difference. Neoliberal difference is a culturally authorized ideology that expresses support for pluralism and progressive ideals while ignoring systems of racial exclusion. The theory of neoliberal difference expands and complicates our existing knowledge of white racial ideologies using the tech industry as an important case study. Implications for a sector so powerful in shaping social life are discussed.
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The dual pandemics brought on by COVID-19 and racial violence has played a significant role in uncovering how systemic racism is deeply entrenched within white spaces in America. This article examines the experiences of Black women lawyers in elite law firms to demonstrate how white institutional spaces are racially organized with embedded colorblind racist practices that work to obscure the insidious perpetuation of white supremacy. Black women are required to perform added, unrecognized, and uncompensated labor to maintain their positions. This invisible labor manifests in the form of an inclusion tax that they must pay to be included in white spaces. This article discusses how being one of very few Black people in white spaces creates a myriad of issues that require significant invisible labor including navigating white narratives of affirmative action, negotiating how dominant white culture functions to normalize the white experience, and adherence to white normative standards.
Conference Paper
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Recently, there has been a rapid proliferation of scholarship on resistance but little consensus on its definition. In this paper, we review and synthesize the diverse literatures that invoke the concept of resistance. This review illuminates both core elements common to most uses of the concept and two central dimensions on which these uses vary: the questions of whether resistance must be recognized by others and whether it must be intentional. We use these two dimensions to develop a typology of resistance, thereby clarifying both the meaning and sociological utility of this concept.
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The present study examines the experiences of 36 Black male students, in focus group interviews, enrolled at Harvard University; Michigan State University; University of California, Berkeley; University of Illinois; and the University of Michigan. Two themes emerged: (a) anti-Black male stereotyping and marginality (or Black misandry), which caused (b) extreme hypersurveillance and control. Respondents experienced racial microaggressions in three domains: (a) campus—academic, (b) campus—social, and (c) campus—public spaces. Black males are stereotyped and placed under increased surveillance by community and local policing tactics on and off campus. Across these domains, Black males were defined as being “out of place” and “fitting the description” of illegitimate nonmembers of the campus community. Students reported psychological stress responses symptomatic of racial battle fatigue (e.g., frustration, shock, anger, disappointment, resentment, anxiety, helplessness, hopelessness, and fear). There was unanimous agreement in the subjective reports that the college environment was more hostile toward African American males than other groups.
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Black men's lives are racialized contradictions. They are told that contemporary educational and professional institutions-particularly historically White institutions (HWJs)-are places where, through hard work, they can achieve the so-called American dream. However, for far too many Black men, HWls represent racial climates that are replete with gendered racism, blocked opportunities, and mundane, extreme, environmental stress (MEES). This study examined the experiences of661 Black men. A structural equation modeling approach was used to analyze the data. Findings indicate that as educational attainment increases toward college completion, both racial microaggressions and societal problems contribute to more than one third of the cause of MEES. Results suggest predominantly White environments are prime contexts for producing racial battle fatigue among Black men.
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Drawing on interviews with 150 randomly sampled African Americans, we analyse how members of a stigmatized group understand their experience of stigmatization and assess appropriate responses when asked about the best approach to deal with stigmatization and about responses to specific incidents. Combining in-depth interviews with a systematic coding of the data, we make original contributions to the previous literature by identifying the relative salience of modalities and tools for responding. We also examine closely through qualitative data the two most salient modalities of response, ‘confronting’ and ‘deflating’ conflict, the most salient tools, teaching out-group members about African Americans, and ‘the management of the self’, a rationale for deflating conflict that is largely overlooked in previous studies. We find that ‘confronting’ is the more popular modality for responding to stigmatization among African Americans.
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This reprinted article originally appeared in Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 2007, Vol. 13, (No. 1), 72–81. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 2007-00002-009.) Racial microaggressions were examined through a focus group analysis of 10 self-identified Asian American participants using a semistructured interview and brief demographic questionnaire. Results identified 8 major microaggressive themes directed toward this group: (a) alien in own land, (b) ascription of intelligence, (c) exoticization of Asian women, (d) invalidation of interethnic differences, (e) denial of racial reality, (f) pathologizing cultural values/communication styles, (g) second class citizenship, and (h) invisibility. A ninth category, “undeveloped incidents/responses” was used to categorize microaggressions that were mentioned by only a few members. There were strong indications that the types of subtle racism directed at Asian Americans may be qualitatively and quantitatively different from other marginalized groups. Implications are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Emotional labor refers to the process by which workers are expected to manage their feelings in accordance with organizationally defined rules and guidelines. Hochschild's (1983) The Managed Heart introduced this concept and inspired an outpouring of research on this topic. This article reviews theory and research on emotional labor with a particular focus on its contributions to sociological understandings of workers and jobs. The sociological literature on emotional labor can be roughly divided into two major streams of research. These include studies of interactive work and research directly focused on emotions and their management by workers. The first uses emotional labor as a vehicle to understand the organization, structure, and social relations of service jobs, while the second focuses on individuals’ efforts to express and regulate emotion and the consequences of those efforts. The concept of emotional labor has motivated a tremendous amount of research, but it has been much less helpful in providing theoretical guidance for or integration of the results generated by these bodies of work.
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Recently, there has been a rapid proliferation of scholarship on resistance but little consensus on its definition. In this paper, we review and synthesize the diverse literatures that invoke the concept of resistance. This review illuminates both core elements common to most uses of the concept and two central dimensions on which these uses vary: the questions of whether resistance must be recognized by others and whether it must be intentional. We use these two dimensions to develop a typology of resistance, thereby clarifying both the meaning and sociological utility of this concept.
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Racial microaggressions were examined through a focus group analysis of 10 self-identified Asian American participants using a semistructured interview and brief demographic questionnaire. Results identified 8 major microaggressive themes directed toward this group: (a) alien in own land, (b) ascription of intelligence, (c) exoticization of Asian women, (d) invalidation of interethnic differences, (e) denial of racial reality, (f) pathologizing cultural values/communication styles, (g) second class citizenship, and (h) invisibility. A ninth category, "undeveloped incidents/responses" was used to categorize microaggressions that were mentioned by only a few members. There were strong indications that the types of subtle racism directed at Asian Americans may be qualitatively and quantitatively different from other marginalized groups. Implications are discussed.
Book
White Out examines the question "What does it mean to be white?" from many sides in an effort to examine how white racial identity is constructed and how systems of white privilege operate in everyday life. Recognizing whiteness studies' interdisciplinarity, the book brings together the original work of leading scholars across the disciplines of sociology, philosophy, history, and anthropology to give readers an important and cutting-edge study of "whiteness." The chapters move beyond the personal narratives and surface discussions that have dominated the first generation of whiteness studies and brings discussion towards an actual structural analysis of racism. The essays cover such topics as the philosophy of whiteness; the belief in color blindness; the effects of white privilege; and the possibility for anti-racism. Collected together, these essays provide both a critical analysis and a path for future directions for the field.
Chapter
There were two senior proms in May 1991 at the Brother Rice High School, a Catholic college preparatory academy in Chicago – an official one that was virtually all white and, for the first time, an alternative, all-black prom.Popular music, in this instance, provided the rallying point for racial consciousness and self-segregation. The trouble began when a white prom committee announced that the playlist for the music to be featured at the prom would be based on the input of all the members of the senior class. Each student would list his or her three favorite songs, and the top vote getters would be played
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Today, as in the past, racial oppression is not just a surface-level feature of society, but rather it pervades, permeates, and interconnects all major social groups, networks, and institutions across society.
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Research has shown how black scholars' experiences differ from those of their white counterparts in regard to research and service, but few studies have addressed the influence of race on professors' teaching experiences. In this paper I examine how and to what degree race shapes professors' perceptions and experiences in the undergraduate college classroom. I analyze how students' social and cultural expectations about race affect professors' emotional labor and management, shaping the overall nature of their jobs. The findings suggest that black professors' work in the classroom is different and more complex than that of their white colleagues because negotiating a devalued racial status requires extensive emotion management. Social constraints affect the negotiation of self and identity in the classroom, influencing the emotional demands of teaching and increasing the amount of work required to be effective.
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Recent works by neoconservatives and by Critical legal scholars have suggested that civil rights reforms have been an unsuccessful means of achieving racial equality in America. In this Article, Professor Crenshaw considers these critiques and analyzes the continuing role of racism in the subordination of Black Americans. The neoconservative emphasis on formal colorblindness, she argues, fails to recognize the indeterminacy of civil rights laws and the force of lingering racial disparities. The Critical scholars, who emphasize the legitimating role of legal ideology and legal rights rhetoric, are substantially correct, according to Professor Crenshaw, but they fail to appreciate the choices and possibilities available to an oppressed group such as Blacks. The Critics, she suggests, ignore the singular power of racism as a hegemonic force in American society. Blacks have been created as a subordinated "other," and formal reform has merely repackaged racism. Antidiscrimination law, she argues, has largely succeeded in eliminating the symbolic manifestations of racial oppression, but has allowed the perpetuation of material subordination of Blacks. Professor Crenshaw concludes by demonstrating the importance of exposing the racist nature of ostensibly neutral norms, and of devising strategies for change that include the pragmatic use of legal rights.
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*"Ch. 3: The Myths of Coalition," from BLACK POWER: THE POLITICS OF LIBERATION IN AMERICA by Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton. Copyright © 1967 by Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton. Used by permission of Random House, Inc. This article is reprinted with original spelling and grammar intact. 1. Bayard Rustin, "Black Power and Coalition Politics," Commentary (September, 1966). 2. Chapter IV will be devoted to a case study of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party as a classic example of what can happen when black people rely on their white political "allies." 3. Selig Perlman, "The Basic Philosophy of the American Labor Movement," Annals of the American Academy of Political & Social Science, Vol. 274 (1951), pp. 57-63. 4. Francis Carney, The Rise of the Democratic Clubs in California, Eagleton Institute Cases in Practical Politics. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959. 5. Tom Watson, "The Negro Question in the South," Arena, Vol. 6 (1892), p. 548. 6. "The City Must Provide. South Atlanta: The Forgotten Community," Atlanta Civic Council, 1963. 7. Myrna Bain, "Organized Labor and the Negro Worker," National Review (June 4, 1963), p. 455. 8. "Labor-Negro Division Widens," Business Week (July 9, 1960), p. 79. 9. Bain, op. cit. 10. "Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons." * Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince and the Discourses, New York: Random House (Modern Library), 1950, p. 84. 11. Saul Alinsky speaking at the 1967 Legal Defense Fund Convocation in New York City, May 18, 1967.
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Much of the research on emotion work in organizations has focused on the ways in which emotional performance reproduces gender inequality. Yet, most of these studies overlook the racial character of professional workplaces and how emotion work is experienced by racial/ethnic minorities. In this article, I examine how the normative feeling rules that guide emotional performance in professional workplaces are racialized rather than neutral or objective criteria. Based on 25 semistructured interviews with black professionals, I contend that feeling rules have different implications for black workers and ultimately reinforce racial difference. This research contributes to the sociological literature on emotion work by further developing the racial components of emotional performance.
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Using qualitative evidence, the concept of reciprocal emotion management is introduced and the role it plays in the reproduction of status inequality in the workplace is illustrated. Reciprocal emotion management is the reciprocal effort of similar others to manage one another's emotions. Three norms that exist in the workplace are also identified: professionalism, deference, and caretaking, and it is proposed that as paralegals strive to appear professional, they display deference to attorneys and accept having deference withheld. Reciprocal emotion management is one mechanism through which they are able to manage their emotional reactions to the status inequity in their daily interactions with attorneys. Ironically, pursuit of professionalism in these ways tends to perpetuate their marginal or inferior status in law firms.
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This ethnographic study of service interactions in Korean immigrant women–owned nailsalons in New York City introduces the concept “body labor” to designate a type of gendered work that involves the management of emotions in body-related service provision. The author explores variation in the performance of body labor caused by the intersection of the gendered processes of beauty service work with the racialized and class-specific service expectations of diverse customers. The study examines three distinct patterns of service provision that are shaped by racial and class inequalities between women: (1) high-service body labor, (2) expressive body labor, and (3) routinized body labor. These patterns demonstrate that a caring, attentive style of emotional display is dominant in workplaces governed by white, middle-class “feeling rules” but that different racial and class locations call forth other forms of gendered emotionalmanagement that focus on displaying respect, reciprocity, fairness, competence, and efficiency.
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In spite of feminist recognition that hierarchical organizations are an important location of male dominance, most feminists writing about organizations assume that organizational structure is gender neutral. This article argues that organizational structure is not gender neutral; on the contrary, assumptions about gender underlie the documents and contracts used to construct organizations and to provide the commonsense ground for theorizing about them. Their gendered nature is partly masked through obscuring the embodied nature of work. Abstract jobs and hierarchies, common concepts in organizational thinking, assume a disembodies and universal worker. This worker is actually a man; men's bodies, sexuality, and relationships to procreation and paid work are subsumed in the image of the worker. Images of men's bodies and masculinity pervade organizational processes, marginalizing women and contributing to the maintenance of gender segregation in organizations. The positing of gender-neutral and disembodied organizational structures and work relations is part of the larger strategy of control in industrial capitalist societies, which, at least partly, are built upon a deeply embedded substructure of gender difference.
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The study of race and ethnic conflict historically has been hampered by in- adequate and simplistic theories. I contend that the central problem of the various approaches to the study of racial phenomena is their lack of a struc- tural theory of racism. I review traditional approaches and alternative ap- proaches to the study of racism, and discuss their limitations. Following the leads suggested by some of the alternative frameworks, I advance a struc- tural theory of racism based on the notion of racialized social systems. "The habit of considering racism as a men- tal quirk, as a psychological flaw, must be abandoned." -Frantz Fanon (1967:77) he area of race and ethnic studies lacks a _ sound theoretical apparatus. To compli- cate matters, many analysts of racial matters have abandoned the serious theorization and reconceptualization of their central topic: rac- ism. Too many social analysts researching racism assume that the phenomenon is self- evident, and therefore either do not provide a definition or provide an elementary definition (Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo 1985; Sniderman and Piazza 1993). Nevertheless, whether im- plicitly or explicitly, most analysts regard rac- ism as a purely ideological phenomenon.
Article
This article examines the experiences of African Americans employed in the historically white airline industry. We conducted in-depth interviews with African American pilots currently employed in our nation’s commercial aviation industry. In recent decades, a strong argument has been made that race has been declining in significance as African American professionals make great strides in levels of education and positions of power. As our research suggests, this perspective does not take into account the often racialized experiences or the marginalization African Americans face once they have entered various industries. Ultimately, our research suggests that an extensive theory of systemic racism remains necessary in order to understand the mechanisms by which middle-class African Americans maneuver and cope with racism in predominately white work spaces.
Article
‘Being while black’ is ultimately an ‘everyday revolution’, Despite the fact that people manage their selves by their own choosing, especially as their desires are being shaped (Foucault, 1977), their selves remains the basic revolutionary unit. Foucault's oeuvre on power and concept of dressage is utilized to explain racial profiling of blacks of what I call ‘racial dressage’, intended primarily to discipline the ‘black body’ (el-Khoury, 2009). In this paper, I argue that despite this false sense of presence of power and internalized social-control, blacks actively construct their day-to-day activities as a discursive object of resistance. Critical awareness to racial oppression is in itself is a form of opposition to it (Collins, 1990). I argue that social control and resistance are coproduced. Using discursive analysis of interviews I identified the following modes of resistance: disposition to steadiness (constituting an ethical self, sustaining an internal dialogue, and emotional management), rejecting criminalizing identities, discursive consciousness, refusing the spatial power, and lastly disbelief in the system. Ultimately, blacks live against ‘themselves’ and this is because the soul that has become the prison of the body, is being dismantled (Luxon, 2008).
Article
This paper argues that racing for innocence is a discursive practice which functions simultaneously to disavow accountability for racist practices at the same time that everyday racism is practiced. Drawing from both fieldwork and interviews in a corporate legal department over two different time periods (in 1988–89 and in 1999), I explore the meaning and consequence of this race in my interviews with white and African-American lawyers. Further, I follow the trajectory of one African-American lawyer, Randall Kingsley, and tell his story along with the stories constructed by the white men who still work there about Randall's departure from the company. I do so to make an argument about why these white men, by virtue of their social location, cannot see how they contributed to the unfriendly climate that forced Randall out of the department. Further, I argue it is through such everyday practices that whiteness is reproduced as a structural relationship of inequality in workplaces.
Article
The academic declining significance of race did not begin with William Julius Wilson’s work in the late 1970s. In this paper, we take a broad look at the methods mainstream sociologists have used to validate Whites’ racial common sense about racial matters in the post-civil rights era. Our general goal is to succinctly examine the major tactics sociologists have used to minimize the significance of racism in explaining minorities’ plight. Specifically, we survey how (1) most work on racial attitudes creates a mythical view on Whites’ racial attitudes, (2) the various demographic indices used to asses post-civil rights’ racial matters miss how race affects minorities today, (3) perspectives on the culture of minorities are based on ethnocentric perspectives that tend to hide the centrality of racially based networks, and (4) the way most sociologists report their results distorts the significance of racial stratification. We conclude by suggesting that work on racial matters will need to be revamped if it is going to have any practical use for those at the “bottom of the well.”
Article
A hard-hitting look at the regulation of sexual difference and its role in circumscribing African American culture. The sociology of race relations in America typically describes an intersection of poverty, race, and economic discrimination. But what is missing from the picture—sexual difference—can be as instructive as what is present. In this ambitious work, Roderick A. Ferguson reveals how the discourses of sexuality are used to articulate theories of racial difference in the field of sociology. He shows how canonical sociology—Gunnar Myrdal, Ernest Burgess, Robert Park, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and William Julius Wilson—has measured African Americans’ unsuitability for a liberal capitalist order in terms of their adherence to the norms of a heterosexual and patriarchal nuclear family model. In short, to the extent that African Americans’ culture and behavior deviated from those norms, they would not achieve economic and racial equality. Aberrations in Black tells the story of canonical sociology’s regulation of sexual difference as part of its general regulation of African American culture. Ferguson places this story within other stories—the narrative of capital’s emergence and development, the histories of Marxism and revolutionary nationalism, and the novels that depict the gendered and sexual idiosyncrasies of African American culture—works by Richard Wright, Ralph Ellison, James Baldwin, Audre Lorde, and Toni Morrison. In turn, this book tries to present another story—one in which people who presumably manifest the dysfunctions of capitalism are reconsidered as indictments of the norms of state, capital, and social science. Ferguson includes the first-ever discussion of a new archival discovery—a never-published chapter of Invisible Man that deals with a gay character in a way that complicates and illuminates Ellison’s project. Unique in the way it situates critiques of race, gender, and sexuality within analyses of cultural, economic, and epistemological formations, Ferguson’s work introduces a new mode of discourse—which Ferguson calls queer of color analysis—that helps to lay bare the mutual distortions of racial, economic, and sexual portrayals within sociology. Roderick A. Ferguson is assistant professor of American studies at the University of Minnesota.
“Emotion Norms, Emotion Work, and Social Order.”
  • Peggy Thoits
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American Bar Association Section of Legal Education and Admission to the Bar: Total Minority J.D. Degrees Awarded 1983-2012
  • American Bar Association
American Bar Association. n.d. "American Bar Association Section of Legal Education and Admission to the Bar: Total Minority J.D. Degrees Awarded 1983-2012." Retrieved September 15, 2013 (www.americanbar.org/content/dam/ aba/administrative/legal_education_and_admissions_to_the_bar/statistics/jd_degrees_minority.authcheckdam.pdf).
And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice Basic Books. Bell, Joyce M. 2014. The Black Power Movement and American Social Work
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Bell, Derrick. 1987. And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice. New York: Basic Books. Bell, Joyce M. 2014. The Black Power Movement and American Social Work. New York: Columbia University Press.
White Out: The Continuing Significance of RacismBeing While Black': Resistance and the Management of the Self
  • Ashley W Doane
  • Eduardo Bonilla-Silva
Doane, Ashley W. and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva. 2003. White Out: The Continuing Significance of Racism. New York: Routledge. el-Khoury, Laura J. 2012. "'Being While Black': Resistance and the Management of the Self." Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture 18(1):85-100.
Cabin Pressure: African American Pilots, Flight Attendants, and Emotional Labor
  • Louwanda Evans
Evans, Louwanda. 2013. Cabin Pressure: African American Pilots, Flight Attendants, and Emotional Labor. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Taking Flight: Education and Training for Aviation Careers. Committee on Education and Training for Civilian Aviation Careers. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education
  • Janet S Hansen
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Hansen, Janet S. and Clinton V. Oster. 1997. Taking Flight: Education and Training for Aviation Careers. Committee on Education and Training for Civilian Aviation Careers. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.