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131
C. Proctor and P.A. Linley (eds.), Research, Applications, and Interventions for Children
and Adolescents: A Positive Psychology Perspective, DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-6398-2_8,
© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
8.1 Introduction
Modern parenting often entails a seemingly endless cycle of schedules and con-
cerns, complicated by information overload. Parents are pressured to have their
children reading and toilet-trained at near impossible ages, to expose their children
to novel and enriching situations (while ensuring the children do not disrupt tran-
quility at restaurants or on airplanes, of course), to develop an impressive array of
extracurricular talents in their young sons and daughters, and to buy “necessities”
(e.g., college savings plans, summer camps, gifts for teachers) that require a dispos-
able income level most accessible to households with dual earners. While parents
are making diffi cult choices about how to spend their time and what to sacrifi ce,
they are bombarded with media messages replete with statistics and warnings: an
alarming number of youth turn to drugs, drop out of high school, commit crimes,
lack empathy, fail to marry before starting a family, etcetera. In a quest to protect
children from dismal outcomes, successful parenting turns from fostering excel-
lence to preventing despair. This chapter summarizes the growing body of research
fi nding that happy children have parents who express warmth, care, and support,
and spend quality time with their children. Particularly in fast-paced and fear-
oriented societies, parents seeking insight about how to raise happy children need to
hear the value of relatively simple parenting practices that do not require extensive
funds or time. After defi ning well-being as entailing the presence of positive indica-
tors of psychological functioning, this chapter advances applications and interven-
tions from studies that delineate which aspects of the parent-child relationship
co-occur with optimal psychological well-being in children and adolescents.
Chapter 8
Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
Shannon M. Suldo and Sarah A. Fefer
S. M. Suldo (*) • S. A. Fefer
Department of Psychological and Social Foundations , University of South Florida ,
4202 East Fowler Avenue, EDU 105 , Tampa , FL 33620 , USA
e-mail: suldo@usf.edu; sfefer33@gmail.com
132
8.1.1 Defi ning Well-Being
The bulk of psychological research has focused on remediating defi cits or amelio-
rating mental health problems. In contrast, researchers and clinicians operating
from a positive psychology perspective have sought to understand what contributes
to states of optimal functioning. Such a perspective intentionally involves striving
for complete well-being that is beyond the asymptomatic or neutral point of exis-
tence. Well-being outcomes included under the positive psychology umbrella
include subjective well-being (Diener et al. 2009 ) and other indicators of fl ourishing
(Keyes 2009 ). Diener and colleagues ( 2009 ) defi ne high subjective well-being as
“experiencing high levels of pleasant emotions and moods, low levels of negative
emotions and moods, and high life satisfaction” (p. 187). As such, happy individuals
experience more frequent positive affect relative to negative affect, and judge the
quality of their lives to be high in relation to their satisfaction with personally-
relevant domains of life. More is known about links between parent-child relation-
ships and the cognitive component of subjective well-being in comparison to the
affective component. While subjective well-being (and life satisfaction in particular)
is a dominant indicator of well-being, other indicators of wellness and fl ourishing
merit consideration. For instance, Seligman ( 2002 ) advances that well-being entails
positive emotions about one’s past (e.g., gratitude) and one’s future (e.g., hope,
optimism) in addition to contentment with one’s present (e.g., positive affect).
Keyes ( 2009 ) operationalizes positive mental health as including indicators of social
well-being (e.g., positive interpersonal relationships, social contribution, community
integration) and psychological well-being (e.g., personal growth, purpose in life,
self-acceptance) in addition to emotional well-being (akin to the positive affect and
life satisfaction components of subjective well-being). This model yields mental
health categories that range from languishing (equivalent to mental unhealth) to
fl ourishing – high hedonic/emotional well-being in addition to positive functioning
in more than half of the social and psychological domains. Due to the variety of
terms currently available for use when defi ning youth well-being in a positive manner,
the subsequent literature review was intentionally comprehensive and specifi es how
well-being was operationalized in a given study.
8.1.2 Defi ning Parent-Child Relationships
The parent-child relationship in relation to child outcomes has most often been
studied in terms of behavioral dimensions of parenting practices. As summarized by
O’Connor ( 2002 ), the dimensions of parenting that have been examined the most
include: (a) warmth/support/responsiveness; (b) confl ict or rejection; (c) level
of supervision and [punitive] control techniques; and (d) autonomy promotion.
Overarching parental attitudes and patterns of use of specifi c parenting practices in
combination are refl ected in parenting styles. An authoritative style, characterized
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
133
by high parental responsiveness in tandem with high control/demandingness
(including fi rm behavioral control and supervision), is most commonly associated
with enhanced competence and reduced psychopathology in youth (Baumrind
1991 ; Steinberg et al. 2006 ).
Studies on parenting practices in relation to youth well-being are summarized
next. Conclusions from this synthesis should be tempered in light of the following
limitations in the extant literature: (a) failure to account for method variance (i.e.,
few studies that assessed the parent-child relationship and youth well-being via
different methods or sources); (b) few studies with young children (most samples
include older children or adolescents, or even adults who retrospectively recall
parenting, largely due to the current lack of means for assessing well-being among
children who do not have the cognitive capacity and/or reading ability to complete
self-report rating scales); and (c) proliferation of studies that purport to assess youth
“well-being” but instead measure psychopathology, and equate well-being with a
lack of symptoms. This misuse of terms is contradictory to studies in the positive
psychology literature that demonstrate psychopathology and subjective well-being
are not synonymous (e.g., Antaramian et al. 2010 ; Suldo and Shaffer 2008 ), and
instead both an absence of mental health problems and the presence of well-being
are needed to attain optimal outcomes.
8.2 Empirical Links Between Parent-Child Relationships
and Youth Well-Being
The family context is a central determinant of subjective well-being throughout the
lifespan, including the childhood and adolescent years (Diener and Diener
McGavran 2008 ). For example, a cross-sectional study of 587 American middle
school students found that in early adolescence, high life satisfaction was much
more tied to positive relationships (in terms of attachment [perceptions of trust,
support, care]) with parents than with friends (Ma and Huebner 2008 ). While high
attachment to both sources co-occurred with greater life satisfaction, parent attach-
ment explained 19 % of the unique variance in early adolescents’ life satisfaction
scores, in comparison to 3 % unique variance explained by peer attachment.
Further, peer attachment partially mediated the infl uence of parent attachment on
girls’ life satisfaction, with greater parent attachment predicting greater peer
attachment, which, in turn, linked to higher life satisfaction. Thus, while adoles-
cents’ peer relationships take on signifi cant meaning during youth, relationships
within the family set the foundation for the potential benefi ts of strong friendships
on youth well-being.
The strong association between youth well-being and parent-child relationships
is robust across cultures. This conclusion is illustrated by a study of 1,034 early
adolescents (ages 10–14) from 11 cultures ( n = 31–246 children per country) that
evaluated the relationships between children’s life satisfaction and their peer and
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
134
parent relationships, while considering average levels of family values in a given
culture (e.g., family vs. individuation orientation; Schwarz et al. 2012 ). Adolescent
life satisfaction was assessed by a 5-item measure of global satisfaction and satis-
faction with four domains (friendships, family, school, and health). Zero-order
bivariate relationships between these variables in the entire sample suggested that
higher life satisfaction co-occurred with higher reports of intimacy with parents
(i.e., self-disclosure and open communication in parent-child relationships) and
peer acceptance, and particularly with admiration from parents (i.e., feelings of
warmth and acceptance). Results of multi-level modeling concluded that whereas
the strength of the association between peer acceptance and life satisfaction varied
by culture (with a weaker association within cultures that placed greater importance
on family values), admiration from parents yielded strong, positive associations
with life satisfaction across cultural groups and a positive trend between intimacy
with parents and life satisfaction was noted across cultures. Findings led Schwarz
and colleagues ( 2012 ) to conclude that “parental warmth and acceptance are impor-
tant for early adolescents relatively independent of the respective cultural values”
(p. 72).
In light of the robust link between youth subjective well-being and family
dynamics, a logical question is which aspects of the parent-child relationship are
most important. Some insight was provided by a qualitative study of 19 youth (ages
12–16) in South Finland, in which participants explained what family factors con-
tribute to their happiness (Joronen and Astedt-Kurki 2005 ). The researchers identi-
fi ed six themes in children’s responses, including that family factors associated with
high subjective well-being included: (a) a safe, inviting, and comfortable physical
home; (b) family interactions that were primarily harmonious and fun in nature;
(c) open communication between family members that engendered trust; (d) high
levels of parent involvement and supervision; (e) permission for a child to have a life
outside of the family; and (f) child’s sense that they were a valued and contributing
member of the household. A cross-sectional study of 239 youth (ages 12–17) from
the same region confi rmed signifi cant associations between adolescent life satis-
faction and multiple aspects of family dynamics; specifi cally, adolescents’ perceptions
of mutuality (i.e., high perceptions of comfort and support by family members in
addition to low feelings of isolation) and stability (i.e., low disorganization) in the
family predicted 54 % of the variance in adolescents’ life satisfaction (e.g., positive
attitudes towards, and joy in, life; Rask et al. 2003 ).
A review of empirical studies with multiple samples of youth in different cultures
concluded that the parenting practices linked to high youth subjective well- being
are aligned with an authoritative parenting style (e.g., promotion of psychological
autonomy, supervision of youth whereabouts), with a particular emphasis on high
levels of warmth, care, and emotional support (Suldo 2009 ). In contrast, low subjective
well-being appears to co-occur with parental over control and punishment, as
well as parent-child confl ict. These conclusions have been confi rmed in research
published since that review was written. Case in point, among 448 high school
students in China, greater life satisfaction and positive affect co- occurred with
higher perceptions of fathers’ and mothers’ care and emotional warmth, and were
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
135
inversely associated with youth report of punitive parenting (Yang et al. 2008 ). In a
separate sample of Chinese youth (specifi cally, 625 children ages 10–18 in migrant
families), the parent-child relationship accounted for 15 % of the variance in
youth life satisfaction (Wong et al. 2010 ). Aspects of the relationship that drove the
effect were parent-child loving exchanges (i.e., “genuine harmonious displays of
love, respect, and understanding between parents and children” p. 152) and
companionship (i.e., greater time spent together in structured and play activities).
These dimensions emerged as more infl uential than other family relationship factors
such as parent-child confl ict and the child’s perceived contribution to the relation-
ship. The benefi ts of positive parenting practices may last into the adult years, as
suggested by a study of 984 adult women (in England) who reported greater
psychological well-being (i.e., environmental mastery, personal growth, purpose in
life, self-acceptance) in mid-life when they recalled their mothers and fathers as
demonstrating more care and greater autonomy promotion (lower levels of over
control) during their childhood (Huppert et al. 2010 ).
The simplistic hypothesis that parenting behaviors effect youth may not tell the
entire story; longitudinal studies suggest that children’s well-being may shape their
family experiences. This bi-directionality is illustrated by research with a sample
of 819 middle and high school students who rated their life satisfaction and par-
ents’ levels of authoritative parenting at two time points separated by 1 year (Saha
et al. 2010 ). Findings included that higher levels of authoritative parenting were
correlated with greater youth life satisfaction the following year (specifi cally, small
correlations were associated with parental supervision and autonomy promotion;
parent support yielded a moderate correlation). These bivariate correlations are in
accordance with the bulk of previous research showing that greater life satisfaction
is linked to higher levels of authoritative parenting, experienced either concurrently
or earlier in life. However, in regression analyses that controlled for baseline
(Time 1) levels of life satisfaction, none of the parenting behaviors at Time 1 pre-
dicted changes in life satisfaction. Rather than parenting behaviors predicting
changes in life satisfaction, the reverse direction was supported, with baseline life
satisfaction predicting positive increases in perceived parental support the following
year (Time 2). Thus, child characteristics (life satisfaction) appeared to exert an
effect on changes in the parent-child relationship (i.e., parental support) rather than
the parent- child relationship predicting changes in child well-being.
Such bi-directionality notwithstanding, positive parent-child relationships appear
to exert promotive and protective effects on youth subjective well-being, as illus-
trated by an ongoing study our lab is completing. In an effort to understand the
development of subjective well-being in high school students, we are assessing 500
high school students at two time points separated by a year. Preliminary analyses
from the fi rst year of data pertain to the extent to which social support from parents
and school sources (teachers, classmates) predicts students’ subjective well-being
(youth self-reports of life satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect), as well
as may protect students who experience peer victimization (relational and overt
bullying) from diminished subjective well-being. Results of regression analyses
indicated that students who perceived higher social support from their parents
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
136
reported the greatest happiness, indicative of a promotive effect of parent-child
relations among the general sample of youth (Hoy et al. 2012 ). Moreover, parent
support emerged as a protective factor. Specifically, students with high parent
support reported high subjective well-being regardless of the frequency with which
they were bullied by peers. In contrast, for students with average and low levels of
parent support, increased bullying co-occurred with lower happiness. This buffer
effect underscores the importance of positive parent-child relationships to youth
subjective well-being.
More research is needed to understand associations between parent-child rela-
tionships and indicators of youth wellness beyond subjective well-being, such as
positive emotions about the past and future, or evidence of fl ourishing in the social
or academic realms. One notable exception is a recent study of children’s hope in
relation to the family context (Padilla-Walker et al. 2011 ). Within a sample of 489
children (ages 9–14), higher levels of child hope were associated with higher levels
of children’s perceived connectedness to their mothers and fathers ( r = .51 to .54).
This link was important in that high hope, in turn, co-occurred with a host of desir-
able outcomes, including better school engagement, more kind/prosocial behavior,
and fewer symptoms of psychopathology.
8.3 Interventions
One of the primary criticisms aimed at the relatively new fi eld of positive psychol-
ogy is that “applications are outstripping the science” (Diener 2009 , p. 9). Given
that research on correlates of youth well-being has lagged behind the corresponding
literature on well-being in adults, this caution is particularly relevant to those desir-
ing to implement clinical interventions to promote optimal family functioning
(i.e., desirable parenting practices) or youth happiness (e.g., indicators of subjective
well-being). In the absence of empirically-supported interventions that improve
children’s well-being by systematically improving parent-child relationships, what
we offer instead are (a) logical applications of the existing studies on family corre-
lates of youth well-being, including interventions that target parenting practices
as a means to reduce children’s mental health problems, (b) recommendations
for improving child well-being by targeting parent well-being, and (c) theoretical
models of family-focused applications of positive psychology.
8.3.1 Targeting Parenting Behaviors That Link to Youth
Well-Being
Whether through systematic prevention efforts, targeted interventions for at-risk
families, or provision of guidance to families seeking advice, a reasonable strategy
for improving youth-well-being involves increasing families’ use of positive
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
137
parenting practices that correlate with youth subjective well-being. The key parenting
behaviors suggested as viable targets through empirical research on correlates
include the hallmarks of an authoritative parenting style, including support, supervi-
sion, and autonomy promotion (Suldo and Huebner 2004 ). Public health campaigns
that describe and strengthen these parenting practices could constitute a form of
universal intervention to improve overall family functioning and impact youth well-
being. For example, parents should be informed of the strong associations between
adolescents’ happiness and their perceptions of emotional support from parents. In
becoming motivated to increase their expression of care, warmth, and acceptance to
their children, parents may be interested to learn relevant research fi ndings, such as
that youth who are bullied experience much lower happiness levels when parent
support is low, whereas happiness is generally intact among bullied high school
students who are fortunate to perceive high levels of parent support (Hoy et al. 2012 ).
Evidence of the effi cacy of universal guidance on parenting practices that
strengthen relationships and improve child outcomes is provided by the public
health approach evident in the media-based parent information campaign compo-
nent of the Triple P – Positive Parenting Program (Sanders 2008 ). Triple P is a
multi-tiered continuum of interventions designed to promote positive parenting and
caring parent-child relationships via teaching of relationship enhancement skills
(e.g., spending quality time together, providing affection) and behavior manage-
ment strategies to teach desirable behaviors as well as prevent and manage misbe-
havior. The media component of Triple P entails the dissemination of effective
parenting strategies via a 12-episode television series designed to highlight the
importance of healthy family relationships, normalize parenting challenges, model
effective parenting, and instill hope for positive change in children’s behavior.
Compared to a wait-list control group, mothers of young children who viewed the
TV series incurred statistically and clinically signifi cant improvements in the fre-
quency of their children’s behavior problems, as well as reported greater percep-
tions of parenting competence; positive changes were maintained at a 6-month
follow-up (Sanders et al. 2000 ).
Families in need of more intensive, psychologist-facilitated interventions due
to the presence of family risk factors or child behavior problems can be referred
to behavioral parent training programs that focus on decreasing child behavior
problems by enhancing parenting practices . In general, the focus is to equip parents
with effective strategies for managing child behavior by teaching parents: (a) the
common functions of child behavior; (b) methods to minimally attend to negative
behavior and praise positive behaviors; and (c) effective strategies for discipline and
limit setting. Although the overarching goal of the parent training programs is often
to decrease child behavior problems, these interventions are relevant to the current
discussion because the parenting practices addressed are also linked to youth well-
being. One example of a targeted intervention that teaches effective parenting
practices as well as purposefully attends to relationship building is Parent-child
Interaction Therapy (PCIT; Zisser and Eyberg 2010 ). PCIT is a two-stage family
therapy program that fi rst trains parents to increase nurturance and spend quality
time in play in order to establish a more positive family context, and then provides
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
138
instruction in parenting practices that prevent and reduce child misbehavior.
Abundant research shows positive effects of PCIT on positive parenting practices,
such as praise and effective discipline, and improvements in negative child behaviors,
such as aggression and defi ance (Bagner and Eyberg 2007 ; Matos et al. 2009 ).
A more informal way for parents to learn parenting practices likely to promote
youth well-being involves self-study of books written for parents that offer research-
based practical guidance. Two examples include Raising Happiness (Carter 2010 )
and The Ten Basic Principles of Good Parenting (Steinberg 2004 ), focused on appli-
cations of positive psychology and authoritative parenting, respectively. Carter
( 2010 ) synthesizes research on many positive psychology topics (e.g., benefi ts of
positive emotions, emphasizing youth kindness and gratitude, mindfulness) as well
as authoritative parenting into a relaxed and informal self-help book for parents.
Steinberg’s ( 2004 ) classic book summarizes the fundaments of effective parenting
practices, as determined by decades of psychological studies (e.g., research con-
ducted by Baumrind, Maccoby, and Steinberg himself; representative works include
Baumrind 1989 ; Collins et al. 2000 ; and Steinberg 2001 ). He relays the importance
of parental warmth, involvement and interest, developmentally appropriate limit-
setting and autonomy promotion, and avoidance of overly harsh punishment tech-
niques. Optimism for the ability of parents to internalize evidence-based practices
via self-study is gleaned from a study that compared the effi cacy of three forms of
Triple P on preschoolers’ behavioral outcomes (Sanders et al. 2007 ). Sanders and
colleagues ( 2007 ) found that the lasting improvements in children’s behaviors that
were evidenced by families assigned to two therapist-facilitated forms of Triple P
(Enhanced and Standard Behavioral Family Intervention) were as strong and well-
maintained as those improvements seen in families who completed the Self-Directed
form of Triple P. In Self-Directed Triple P, parents are provided with a self-help
manual that includes 10 weeks of structured learning activities independent of
contact with a psychologist or other professional.
As aforementioned, the bulk of parent-focused interventions developed and
tested in the twentieth century target effective parenting practices as a means to
improve child behavior. An exciting development relevant to the fi eld of psychology
involves interventions that target parents’ positive mindsets and/or assess change
in positive indicators of well-being in establishing intervention effectiveness.
Specifi cally, a growing body of research extends the practice of mindfulness into the
context of parent-child relationships. In brief, mindfulness involves attending to the
present and intentionally focusing attention on the here and now. As given by Langer
( 2009 ), “the mindful individual is likely to choose to be positive and will experience
both the advantages of positivity and the advantages of perceived control for
well- being” (p. 279). Increased mindfulness in parenting is likely to help parents
focus on the present and become attune to their child’s emotions, reduce negative
(over) reactivity to challenging child behaviors, and enable parents to select more
desirable methods of communicating with their children. Mindful parenting entails
fi ve key components which overlap with features of effective parenting, including:
listening, acceptance of self as a parent and of the child, emotional awareness of
self and child, self-regulated parenting, and compassion (Duncan et al.
2009 ).
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
139
Duncan and colleagues ( 2009 ) propose that mindful parenting positively infl uences
the parent- child relationship, which in turn leads to decreased problem behaviors
and increased positive outcomes in youth.
Regarding empirical support for this model, Singh and colleagues have used
single-subject methodology to investigate the impact of training in mindful parenting
among families of three children with autism (Singh et al. 2006 ), four children with
developmental delays (Singh et al. 2007 ), and two children with Attention- Defi cit/
Hyperactivity Disorder (Singh et al. 2010 ). Findings suggest that mothers who par-
ticipated in 12 weeks of training in mindful parenting reported reduced parenting
stress (Singh et al. 2007 ), as well as increased satisfaction with parenting and
parent-child interactions (Singh et al. 2006 , 2007 , 2010 ). Although child behavior
was not directly targeted, mindful parenting was linked to less child aggression and
more appropriate child social interactions with siblings (Singh et al. 2007 ), as well as
increased child compliance with parents’ directives (Singh et al. 2010 ). These authors
suggest that training in mindfulness is a wellness-focused alternative to typical
behavioral interventions that focus on decreasing challenging behavior (Singh et al.
2007 , 2010 ). Replication of this mindfulness training is encouraged by the developers
who provide a detailed intervention outline in an appendix (Singh et al. 2007 ).
Promising outcomes (including positive indicators of youth wellness) have also
been evidenced in mindfulness interventions delivered separately to both adoles-
cents and their parents (Bogels et al. 2008 ). Specifi cally, following eight sessions of
mindfulness-based cognitive therapy delivered to the families of 14 youth with
externalizing behavior problems, parent ratings showed increases in children’s self-
control and attunement to others, as well as decreased child behavior problems.
Adolescents reported increases in happiness and mindful awareness, and fewer
externalizing and internalizing problems (Bogels et al. 2008 ). These effects were
maintained at an 8-week follow-up. Because parents and youth both received train-
ing in mindfulness, it is unknown whether increased child happiness and other posi-
tive gains were an indirect result of mindful parenting or a direct effect of the youth
training in mindfulness.
Perhaps the strongest empirical support for the value of increasing mindful
parenting practices is provided by a pilot randomized trial investigating a modifi ed
version of the Strengthening Families Program for Parent and Youth 10–14 (SFP
10–14; Molgaard et al. 2001 ) that incorporated brief training in mindful parenting
(Coatsworth et al. 2010 ). A community sample of 65 families with children in 5th
through 7th grade were randomly assigned either to traditional SFP 10–14, SFP
10–14 with mindfulness components, or a wait-list control group. The two SFP
10–14 intervention conditions yielded comparable effects on positive parenting
practices, including monitoring and rules communication. In line with the model
proposed by Duncan and colleagues ( 2009 ), SFP 10–14 with mindfulness yielded
the greatest infl uence on indicators of positive parent-youth relationship, and mind-
ful parenting practices mediated this relationship (Coatsworth et al. 2010 ). The
encouraging results of this preventative study with typically-developing early
adolescents provide support for the utility of mindful parenting interventions beyond
populations of youth with challenging behaviors.
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
140
8.3.2 Targeting Parent Well-Being in Light of Links
with Child Well-Being
Well-designed studies have established that mental health problems in adults,
ranging from maternal depression to parental externalizing behaviors, predict
greater psychopathology in their offspring during childhood and adolescence
(e.g., Bornovalova et al. 2010 ; Campbell et al. 2009 ). A reasonable extension of this
research on familial transmission of psychopathology is that parents’ and children’s
well-being is also likely linked. Support for this notion comes from recent studies
with children (ages 9–12; Hoy et al. in press ) and adolescents (ages 12–17; Casas et al.
2008 ) that yielded statistically signifi cant, positive associations between children’s
and parents’ levels of life satisfaction. Specifi cally, Hoy and colleagues ( in press )
assessed life satisfaction within 150 American families, using psychometrically-
sound measures of global life satisfaction appropriate for the developmental levels
of the participating children and parents. Children’s global life satisfaction was
correlated with both fathers’ and mothers’ life satisfaction ( r = .29 and .26, respectively).
These fi ndings suggesting happier children have happier parents are consistent
with fi ndings from Casas and colleagues’ ( 2008 ) study of 266 Spanish families, in
which both parents and children rated their level of satisfaction with the same
seven domains of life (e.g., health, relationships, community connection, safety).
Children's sum score on this personal well-being index yielded a .19 correlation
with their parents’ personal well-being index.
In addition to these studies that establish modest but reliable associations between
parents’ and children’s life satisfaction, research on the affective component of sub-
jective well-being affi rms that associations between parents’ well-being and their
children’s behavior and well-being are signifi cant and reciprocal. In a community
sample of 944 mothers of 2- to 16-year-olds, maternal levels of positive affect linked
to child behavior problems indirectly, through maladaptive parenting (Karazsia and
Wildman 2009 ). Specifi cally, lower levels of positive affect were associated with
increases in maladaptive parenting behaviors (i.e., discipline styles that were overly
permissive or angry/authoritarian discipline), which in turn predicted higher levels
of child behavior problems. A logical, albeit untested, application of these fi ndings
is that improvements in mothers’ positive affect may result in enhanced parenting,
which would be highly desirable in light of the established links between youth
subjective well-being and parenting practices characterized by consistent and caring
guidance. The associations between parents’ happiness and their children’s behav-
ior and well-being are likely bi-directional; for example, among parents of children
with intellectual disabilities, mothers reported higher levels of positive affect when
their children had fewer behavior problems (Lloyd and Hastings 2009 ). Weis and
Ash’s ( 2009 ) study on parent characteristics associated with improvements in child
outcomes further augments the small but growing body of research that supports the
value of attending to parents’ positive emotions as a viable mechanism for increas-
ing children’s well-being. Specifi cally, among youth in therapy, adolescents’
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
141
behavioral improvements were in part predicted by caregivers’ levels of hopeful-
ness and optimism about their child’s treatment prognosis. These fi ndings led Weis
( 2010 ) to recommend clinicians incorporate hope-focused interventions for parents
of child clients. Durand and Hieneman ( 2008 ) have also suggested that targeting
parent optimism throughout family-based behavioral interventions increases inter-
vention effectiveness and leads to greater change in child challenging behavior.
In light of the positive associations between parents’ and their children’s subjec-
tive well-being, attempting to increase parents’ happiness may be a logical strategy
for improving children’s well-being. In contrast to the paucity of empirical support
for systematically improving youth happiness, there is a larger body of literature
on the effi cacy of happiness-increasing strategies for adults. Optimism for a
momentous effect of such interventions is tempered in line with such realities as the
genetic set-point (i.e., approximately 50 % of happiness is genetically determined
and unlikely to change over time, as summarized by Nes 2010 ) and the hedonic
treadmill (i.e., most individuals eventually acclimate to positive changes in their
circumstance by returning to their baseline level of happiness; Diener et al. 2006 ).
Nevertheless, a growing number of systematic experiments prove that lasting changes
in adults’ happiness can be achieved through their active participation in happiness-
increasing interventions targeting increased kindness (Buchanan and Bardi 2010 ),
gratitude (Emmons and McCullough 2003 ), private refl ection on past positive events
(Burton and King 2008 ; Lyubomirsky et al. 2006 ), and visualizing a positive future
(King 2001 ; Sheldon and Lyubomirsky 2006 ). Given that increased levels of happi-
ness as a result of positive activities are tied to higher levels of personal motivation
to become happier (Lyubomirsky et al. 2011 ), clinicians working to improve families’
well-being by targeting adults should inform parents of the many benefi ts of happiness
(Lyubomirsky et al. 2005 ) as well as the links between parents’ and children’s levels
of well-being (Casas et al. 2008 ; Hoy et al. in press ).
8.3.3 Theoretical Models of Family-Focused Applications
of Positive Psychology
A hallmark of the positive psychology perspective involves a strengths-based
approach to assessment and intervention in clinical contexts. In addition to develop-
ing clinical interventions for improving parenting practices and parents’ positive
emotions, in recent years psychologists have advanced conceptual models for
applying a strengths-based approach to work with family units (as opposed to, or in
addition to, individual clients). One relevant model is the ecological Family-
Centered Positive Psychology (FCPP ) approach, as advanced by Sheridan and
colleagues ( 2004 ; Sheridan and Burt 2009 ). FCPP merges ideas from positive
psychology with ecological and systems theories (Sheridan et al. 2004 ). Within an
ecological perspective, the family context is recognized as a central domain in
which children learn and grow. FCPP focuses on enhancing child outcomes by
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
142
focusing on family strengths and assets, and building family competence. Sheridan
and Burt ( 2009 ) assert that family members are motivated to work towards the goals
that they value and prioritize, thus the FCPP service delivery model addresses
family- developed (rather than clinician-created) goals. Key tenets of FCPP include
building upon existing family strengths, empowering parents to play a central role
in the intervention process, helping families to acquire skills and competencies
related to problem-solving, and promoting child and family social supports. A central
assumption of FCPP is that families continue to build capacity, grow, and work
towards positive change, even after professional consultation has ended, because
family members generalize skills gained during intervention to future endeavors
(Sheridan et al. 2004 ). In accord with its positive psychology roots, the FCPP frame-
work acknowledges that it is not adequate to address or solve problems, but rather
the focus is on acting proactively to build family assets that can be applied to a
variety of future challenges (Sheridan et al. 2004 ). Sheridan and colleagues ( 2004 ;
Sheridan and Burt 2009 ) offer Conjoint Behavior Consultation (CBC) as an example
intervention that helps professionals to collaborate and work with families rather
than treat families, as is traditionally emphasized in models of behavior intervention.
CBC focuses on collaborating across key developmental contexts for children
(home and school) and engaging in problem-solving, intervention implementation,
and data collection to address parent and teacher developed goals; caregivers are
empowered to promote change within a family while minimizing dependence on
outside professionals (Sheridan et al. 2004 ; Sheridan and Burt 2009 ). Empirical
studies demonstrate that CBC decreases students’ challenging behaviors (Sheridan
et al. 2001 ) and empowers parents and teachers (Sheridan et al. 2006 ). Research is
needed to support the viability of FCPP to improve child well-being in general
samples.
Conoley and Conoley ( 2009 ) propose a model of family therapy that merges
positive psychology research, humanistic and solution-focused therapy orientations,
and systemic family therapy into an integrated model termed Positive Family
Therapy. This model emphasizes that each individual family member infl uences
overall family development, with a focus on moving towards family goals rather
than ameliorating problems within the family context. Specific therapeutic
techniques emphasized include: fi nding the strengths of each individual and the
family as a whole, linking existing strengths to family goals, circular questioning,
therapist as a neutral individual exhibiting unconditional positive regard, parent
modeling of positive behaviors, reframing and fi nding exceptions, the miracle
question, as well as paraphrasing and summarizing (Conoley and Conoley 2009 ).
Other positive psychology strategies, such as practicing gratitude, creating closeness
through sharing positive aspects of yourself and celebrating successes of others,
and practicing acceptance and awareness (in line with mindfulness practices), are
suggested as homework for the therapist to assign to families between therapy
sessions. The end goal of Positive Family Therapy is to increase happiness among
all members of a family. Research is needed to demonstrate successful outcomes
of this approach.
S.M. Suldo and S.A. Fefer
143
8.4 Conclusions
Information summarized in this chapter illustrates the importance of the family con-
text to youth well-being. Given the resources spent preventing maladaptive youth
outcomes, it seems possible and prudent to provide parents with the level of support
they need to raise children who fl ourish. Families with high levels of confl ict or
children with challenging behaviors may need intensive interventions to achieve
harmony and wellness. In contrast, families with a healthier foundation may simply
need guidance regarding effective, authoritative parenting practices and the impor-
tance of attending to all family members’ positive emotions. Virtually all families
would benefi t from encouragement to limit coercive discipline strategies that may
appear to achieve immediate results but at the cost of the affection and emotional
support that facilitates youth well-being. As such, applied recommendations for
psychologists include:
1. Provide information to all families (via summaries of the literature, recommen-
dations for evidence-based self-help books) regarding the importance of positive
parent-child relationships and healthy parenting practices.
2. In individual work with youth clients, encourage children and adolescents to
invest time and energy into sustaining and improving family relationships, point
out ways that parents demonstrate support and warmth, empower youth to seek
autonomy in healthy ways, and discuss youth behaviors that elicit positive
parenting.
3. When clinically indicated, enroll families in behavioral parent training programs
to strengthen the parent- child relationship, shape parenting practices, and improve
child behavior; parent- focused interventions that address mothers’ and fathers’
hope or optimism for change may be particularly effective.
4. Keeping in mind familial links in happiness, aim to improve adults’ positive
emotions, including via happiness interventions and mindful parenting.
5. Adopt a strength-based approach to child service provision that includes the
entire family, empowers parents, and targets goals relevant to the family.
In many ways, the fi eld of positive psychology and the literature specifi c to
healthy families has come a long way in only a few years. But given the fragmented
state of the literature and the gaps in existing knowledge, there are many opportuni-
ties for seminal contributions to the research base. Recommendations for future
research include:
1. Develop a means to reliably assess positive indicators of well-being in young
children, in part to permit the extension of research on happy families to include
children in preschool and the early elementary school grades.
2. Identify the family correlates of the full range of youth positive emotions, including
gratitude, hope, and indicators of psychological fl ourishing.
3. Through longitudinal studies, determine the contributions of parent and child
behaviors, and the wellness levels of each party, to subsequent parent-child
relationship quality and well-being levels in parents and children.
8 Parent-Child Relationships and Well-Being
144
4. Empirically illustrate the superiority, or at least the equivalence, of a strength-
based approach to youth clinical services with regard to improving well-being
and enhancing family functioning, in addition to remediating psychopathology.
5. Develop and evaluate universal interventions that educate parents on effective
parenting practices, the value of conveying emotional social support to their off-
spring, and the short-sightedness of prioritizing risk prevention over wellness
promotion when raising children.
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