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Abstract

Using a behavioral-experimental economics approach, this paper shows that the location of a potential innovator has an impact on her or his innovation attitude, specifically on her or his innovation optimism. Moreover, such an impact is a consequence of the way in which they can access the information about the chances of succeeding if they initiate an innovation process. Isolated innovators can learn about their success chances from external objective sources, such as market research companies or public institutions. On the other hand, when the potential innovator is located in an innovation cluster, she or he has the chance to observe innovation performance and share the experience of innovation. This work provides empirical evidence to support that innovation attitudes are significantly different in both types of location: while isolated innovators exhibit innovation pessimisms, members of innovation clusters tend to be optimistic as respect to their success chances in the innovation process.

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... Using a behavioural-experimental economics approach, Alventosa et al. (2016) show that the location of a potential innovator has an impact on innovation attitude and innovation optimism. They argue that a behavioural economic approach helps to explain innovation behaviours and attitudes that are beyond of the scope of the conventional non-behavioural models. ...
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... First, the decision as to whether or not to purchase a cyber insurance policy, and therefore the maximum premium that a potential client will pay for the policy, is conditioned by the shape of the weighting function. The estimation and calibration of this function, which can be performed using the Behavioural Economics Experiments presented in the next section, becomes a key tool to determine the optimal pricing of cyber insurance portfolios (Alventosa et al., 2016). Second, the critical role of the weighting function in driving cybersecurity behaviour provides an opportunity to design interventions aimed at enhancing cybersecurity by changing the shape of this function. ...
... First, the decision of contracting or not a cyberinsurance policy, and therefore the maximum premium that a potential insurance taker will pay for it, is conditioned by the shape of the weighting function. The estimation and calibration of this function, which can be done using the behavioural economic experiments presented in the next section (Alventosa et al. 2016), becomes a critical task for the definition of optimal pricing of cyberinsurance. Second, the critical role of the weighting function in the definition of cybersecurity behaviour provides a relevant opportunity to design an intervention aiming to increase the cybersecurity level by changing the shape of this function. ...
... Behavioral economics offers a more realistic approach to modeling the role of probabilities in decision-making. Behavioral economics also lets us model experimental phenomena that expected utility is unable to explain (Tversky and Kahneman 1992;Abdellaoui et al. 2011;Alventosa et al. 2015). This section presents a formalization of the way probabilities are transformed from the viewpoint of rank-dependent utility theory (Quiggin 1982). ...
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In this study optimism–pessimism was defined in terms of an expectancy-value model based on subjective probabilities and subjective values for positive or negative future events in one's personal life and for positive or negative future general world events [Wenglert, L., & Svenson, O. (1982). Self-image and predictions about future events. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 23, 153–155]. The participants were 183 students. For each subject the correlation of probability and value ratings were computed separately for the sets of events. In a first analysis the sign of a coefficient categorised a subject as optimistic or pessimistic. 177 of 183 subjects were classified as optimistic about the personal future and six subjects as pessimistic. Considering the world's future, 155 persons were optimistic and 28 pessimistic. A second analysis used the value of a significant correlation (p<0.05) for 20 observations to obtain three groups: optimistic (r≥0.444), pessimistic (r≥− 0.444) and an intermediate group. By this rule 132, or 72%, were classified as optimistic about the personal future, 47 as neither optimistic nor pessimistic and no one as pessimistic. As to the world's future, 74 were optimistic and three were pessimistic. Into the intermediate group fell 106 Ss, or 58%. Optimism–pessimism about one's personal future was weakly associated with that for the general world.
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Economic geography during an era of global competition involves a paradox. It is widely recognized that changes in technology and competition have diminished many of the traditional roles of location. Yet clusters, or geographic concentrations of interconnected companies, are a striking feature of virtually every national, regional, state, and even metropolitan economy, especially in more advanced nations. The prevalence of clusters reveals important insights about the microeconomics of competition and the role of location in competitive advantage. Even as old reasons for clustering have diminished in importance with globalization, new influences of clusters on competition have taken on growing importance in an increasingly complex, knowledge-based, and dynamic economy. Clusters represent a new way of thinking about national, state, and local economies, and they necessitate new roles for companies, government, and other institutions in enhancing competitiveness.
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Recent studies indicate that breast cancer patients do not usually experience the devastating psychological consequences once viewed as inevitable. However, some adjust to the disease more poorly than others. This study examined the personality trait of optimism versus pessimism as a predictor of adjustment over the first year, postsurgery. Seventy women with early stage breast cancer reported on their general optimism-pessimism at diagnosis. One day before surgery, and at 3-month, 6-month, and 12-month follow-ups, they reported their subjective well-being (mood scales and a measure of satisfaction with life). At follow-ups, they also rated their sex lives, indicated how much physical discomfort was interfering with their daily activities, and reported on thought intrusion. Pessimism displayed poorer adjustment at each time point by all measures except interference from pain. Even controlling for previous well-being, pessimism predicted poorer subsequent well-being, suggesting that pessimism represents a vulnerability to a negative change in adjustment. In contrast, effects of pessimism on quality of sex life and thought intrusion were not incremental over time. Additional analyses indicated that effects of the optimism-pessimism measure were captured relatively well by a single item from the scale. A sense of pessimism about one's life enhances a woman's risk for adverse psychological reactions to the diagnosis of, and treatment for, breast cancer. This finding suggests the potential desirability of assessing this quality informally in patients, to serve as a warning sign regarding the patient's well-being during the period surrounding and following surgery.
Article
Economic geography in an era of global competition poses a paradox. In theory, location should no longer be a source of competitive advantage. Open global markets, rapid transportation, and high-speed communications should allow any company to source any thing from any place at any time. But in practice, Michael Porter demonstrates, location remains central to competition. Today's economic map of the world is characterized by what Porter calls clusters: critical masses in one place of linked industries and institutions--from suppliers to universities to government agencies--that enjoy unusual competitive success in a particular field. The most famous example are found in Silicon Valley and Hollywood, but clusters dot the world's landscape. Porter explains how clusters affect competition in three broad ways: first, by increasing the productivity of companies based in the area; second, by driving the direction and pace of innovation; and third, by stimulating the formation of new businesses within the cluster. Geographic, cultural, and institutional proximity provides companies with special access, closer relationships, better information, powerful incentives, and other advantages that are difficult to tap from a distance. The more complex, knowledge-based, and dynamic the world economy becomes, the more this is true. Competitive advantage lies increasingly in local things--knowledge, relationships, and motivation--that distant rivals cannot replicate. Porter challenges the conventional wisdom about how companies should be configured, how institutions such as universities can contribute to competitive success, and how governments can promote economic development and prosperity.
Article
A paradox has been the emergence of the importance of local proximity and geographic clusters precisely at a time when globalization seems to dominate economic activity. The purpose of this paper is to resolve this paradox by explaining why and how geography matters for innovative activity and ultimately for the international comparative advantage. Globalization and the telecommunications revolution have triggered a shift in the comparative advantage of the leading developed countries towards an increased importance of innovative activity. This shift in comparative advantage has increased the value of knowledge-based economic activity. Since knowledge is generated and transmitted more efficiently via local proximity, economic activity based on new knowledge has a high propensity to cluster within a geographic region. This has triggered a fundamental shift in public policy towards business, away from policies constraining the freedom of firms to contract and towards a new set of enabling policies, implemented at the regional and local levels. Copyright 1998 by Oxford University Press.
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This paper presents some of the first large-scale survey evidence linking optimism to major economic choices. We create a novel measure of optimism using the Survey of Consumer Finance by comparing a person's self-reported life expectancy to that implied by statistical tables. Optimists are more likely to believe that future economic conditions will improve. Self-employed respondents are more optimistic than regular wage earners. In general, more optimistic people work harder and anticipate longer age-adjusted work careers. They are more likely to remarry, conditional on divorce. In addition, they tilt their investment portfolios more toward individual stocks.
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Economic experiments are introduced and proposed as the methodology of choice for a subset of research questions in technological entrepreneurship, an approach that has not yet been used in this field. Moreover, we provide an entrepreneurship-specific framework that matches types of research questions and feasible empirical methods. For example, a very dynamic environment is seen as a threat to most field studies, whereas the need to have entrepreneurs or other practitioners as subjects is almost a criterion for preclusion in economic experiments. The design of a recent economic experiment dealing with the timing of exploitation of an R&D based opportunity is explained and analyzed. We finally discuss the applicability of economic experiments to entrepreneurship questions in technology transfer. Copyright Springer Science+Business Media, Inc. 2005
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We develop a new version of prospect theory that employs cumulative rather than separable decision weights and extends the theory in several respects. This version, called cumulative prospect theory, applies to uncertain as well as to risky prospects with any number of outcomes, and it allows different weighting functions for gains and for losses. Two principles, diminishing sensitivity and loss aversion, are invoked to explain the characteristic curvature of the value function and the weighting functions. A review of the experimental evidence and the results of a new experiment confirm a distinctive fourfold pattern of risk: risk aversion for gains and risk seeking for losses of high probability; risk seeking for gains and risk aversion for losses of low probability. Copyright 1992 by Kluwer Academic Publishers
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Living with risk can lead to anticipatory feelings such as anxiety or hopefulness. Such feelings can affect the choice between lotteries that will be played out in the future—choice may be motivated not only by the (static) risks involved but also by the desire to reduce anxiety or to promote savouring. This paper provides a model of preference in a three-period setting that is axiomatic and includes a role for anticipatory feelings. It is shown that the model of preference can accommodate intuitive patterns of demand for information such as information seeking when a favourable outcome is very likely and information aversion when it is more likely that the outcome will be unfavourable. Behavioural meaning is given to statements such as “individual 1 is anxious” and “2 is more anxious than 1”. Finally, the model is differentiated sharply from the classic model due to Kreps and Porteus.
Article
Recent empirical research in finance has uncovered two families of pervasive regularities: underreaction of stock prices to news such as earnings announcements, and overreaction of stock prices to a series of good or bad news. In this paper, we present a parsimonious model of investor sentiment, or of how investors form beliefs, which is consistent with the empirical findings. The model is based on psychological evidence and produces both underreaction and overreaction for a wide range of parameter values.
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A new theory of cardinal utility, with an associated set of axioms, is presented. It is a generalization of the von Neumann-Morgenstern expected utility theory, which permits the analysis of phenomena associated with the distortion of subjective probability.
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Recent developments in the new economic geography and the literature on regional innovation systems have emphasised the potentially important role of networking and the characteristics of firms' local operating environment in shaping their innovative activity. Modeling UK, German and Irish plants' investments in R&D, technology transfer and networking, and their effect on the extent and success of plants' innovation activities, casts some doubt on the importance of both of these relationships. In particular, our analysis provides no support for the contention that firms or plants in the UK, Ireland or Germany with more strongly developed external links (collaborative networks or technology transfer) develop greater innovation intensity. However, although inter-firm links also have no effect on the commercial success of plants' innovation activity, intra-group links are important in terms of achieving commercial success. We also find evidence that R&D, technology transfer and networking inputs are substitutes rather than complements in the innovation process, and that there are systematic sectoral and regional influences in the efficiency with which such inputs are translated into innovation outputs.
Article
This paper introduces a tractable, structural model of subjective beliefs. Since agents that plan for the future care about expected future utility flows, current felicity can be increased by believing that better outcomes are more likely. On the other hand, expectations that are biased towards optimism worsen decision making, leading to poorer realized outcomes on average. Optimal expectations balance these forces by maximizing the total well-being of an agent over time. We apply our framework of optimal expectations to three different economic settings. In a portfolio choice problem, agents overestimate the return of their investment and underdiversify. In general equilibrium, agents' prior beliefs are endogenously heterogeneous, leading to gambling. Second, in a consumption-saving problem with stochastic income, agents are both overconfident and overoptimistic, and consume more than implied by rational beliefs early in life. Third, in choosing when to undertake a single task with an uncertain cost, agents exhibit several features of procrastination, including regret, intertemporal preference reversal, and a greater readiness to accept commitment.
Can expertise close the experience-description gap? ERICES working paper
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