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The Structural Transformation of The Public Sphere: An Inquiry Into a Category of Bourgeois Society

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... Importantly, tl1is is not limited to its characteristically explicit, even provocative rhetorical style ("We want to demolish museums and libraries, fight morality, feminism and all opportunist and utilitarian cowardice: ' Marinetti, 1909). Rather, the manifesto's agonism, in its strongest versions, breaks with the rhetorical tradition of reasoned deliberation rooted in the vast common ground, whether as conceived by Aristotle (2007;see Martin, 2015) or Habermas (1989;see Lyon, 1999). This break has at least two aspects. ...
... A "possible outcome;' apart from the action being actually taken, is, more plausibly, the legitimation in the public sphere of the group behind the manifesto and the transformation of the virtual, inchoate audience into an actual, unified, and self-conscious social agent (see Lyon, 1999;Martin, 2015). Given the argumentative rupture the manifesto typically stages, there is no pretense to seek a resolution of differences of opinion through some reasoned consensus with adversaries, as in most accounts of deliberation in the public sphere (Habermas, 1989;vai1 Ee1nere11, 2010). ...
... (p. 31) In other words, these liberal values constitute the very background against which the claims are to be appraised (see Habermas, 1989). In this sense, their role in the decoupling argument differs from the latter two: economic and environmental values. ...
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In this paper, we analyze the argumentative strategies deployed in the Ecomodernist Manifesto , published in 2015 by a group of leading environmental thinkers. We draw on pragma-dialectics and Perelman’s rhetoric to characterize manifesto as a genre of practical argumentation. Our goal is to explore the relation of manifesto as a discursive genre to the argumentative structures and techniques used in the Ecomodernist Manifesto . We therefore take into scrutiny the elements of practical argumentation employed in the manifesto and describe the polylogical strategies of dissociation in negotiating the ecological value of nature and the modernist value of progress.
... It is true that the Press contributes to Democracy by controlling the Government. The widespread publicity that ensures and the intensity of the control exercised, acts decisively in shaping public opinion and government policy (Habermas, 1991). Furthermore, the views of citizens expressed through the Press are becoming strong and are converted into an instrument of policy pressure. ...
... The alienation of parties from their electoral base, as well as the suspicion against the Press, weakens the participation of citizens in the political process. Citizens are no longer able to exert significant pressure (Habermas, 1991). Although, both of these institutions were used to give the citizens ground to be present and become strong players of the political game. ...
... It should be noted that the completion of the questionnaire, as described in the procedure, can be replaced by the free expression of opinion, as it happens in online deliberation. After all, the main aim is to attain a procedure which provides the grounds for a substantial public debate and publicity (Habermas, 1991) and carries political weight. ...
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Dada la dirección hacia la democracia deliberativa que parece ser seguida por el sistema político griego, este artículo estudia la propuesta del profesor James Fishkin denominada encuesta deliberativa, con el objetivo de investigar si ésta se encuentra en armonía con la Constitución griega al igual que sus condiciones y consecuenciaspara el funcionamiento de las instituciones tradicionales de representación.
... Public space is an area that appears in a specific space in "bourgeois society" [7]. This is a space that mediates between civil society and the State, where the public organizes itself and where "public opinion" is built. ...
... In this space the individual is able to develop himself and be involved in debates about the direction and goals of society. Jurgen Habermas defines public sphere that is [7]: The public sphere concept of [7] prioritizes dialogical conception with the assumption that individuals come together to the same location and dialogue occurs with each other, as the same participants in face-to-face conversation. Definitively ...
... In this space the individual is able to develop himself and be involved in debates about the direction and goals of society. Jurgen Habermas defines public sphere that is [7]: The public sphere concept of [7] prioritizes dialogical conception with the assumption that individuals come together to the same location and dialogue occurs with each other, as the same participants in face-to-face conversation. Definitively ...
... Concepts of public participation can be traced back to the idea of the 'public sphere', which was first used by German philosopher Jürgen Habermas (1962) to indicate 'the area of public life where inter-subjective agreement on values can be reached in order to solve socio-political or practical questions' (Webler, 1995: 42). Habermas, in his book The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere portrayed the appearance of the sphere as: ...
... They can also be applied to all participatory processes and allow those evaluating the activity to select the relevant criteria, as each lettered Section can be seen either independently or as a collective system. This concept of soliciting values and opinions from stakeholders with fair and competent knowledge is one which was also advocated by Habermas (1962) in his reflections on the bourgeois public sphere. Habermas believed participants should be educated individuals who were able to reach a decision in an impartial and rational manner in an ideal speech situation. ...
... Political legitimation also, it seems, has taken the same course, Jiirgen Habermas (1989Habermas ( [1962) narrates the transition from a spectacular 'publicness of representation' in which the bodv of the sovereign, ritually emerging into public view, asserted and confirm.ed the stability of the polity and the efficacy of royal power, to the rational-critical legitimation of the seCular dlmocratic order. Perhaps the most sensuously memorable illustration of this transitioneven if it is mobilized to very different critical endsis Michel Foucault's famous opening diptyctr in Discipline & Punish (1977 U9751), which seeks to convince us, by means of Affect: What is it Good for ? . ...
... Political legitimation also, it seems, has taken the same course, Jiirgen Habermas (1989Habermas ( [1962) narrates the transition from a spectacular 'publicness of representation' in which the bodv of the sovereign, ritually emerging into public view, asserted and confirm.ed the stability of the polity and the efficacy of royal power, to the rational-critical legitimation of the seCular dlmocratic order. Perhaps the most sensuously memorable illustration of this transitioneven if it is mobilized to very different critical endsis Michel Foucault's famous opening diptyctr in Discipline & Punish (1977 U9751), which seeks to convince us, by means of Affect: What is it Good for ? . ...
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... Political legitimation also, it seems, has taken the same course, Jiirgen Habermas (1989Habermas ( [1962) narrates the transition from a spectacular 'publicness of representation' in which the bodv of the sovereign, ritually emerging into public view, asserted and confirm.ed the stability of the polity and the efficacy of royal power, to the rational-critical legitimation of the seCular dlmocratic order. Perhaps the most sensuously memorable illustration of this transitioneven if it is mobilized to very different critical endsis Michel Foucault's famous opening diptyctr in Discipline & Punish (1977 U9751), which seeks to convince us, by means of Affect: What is it Good for ? . ...
... Political legitimation also, it seems, has taken the same course, Jiirgen Habermas (1989Habermas ( [1962) narrates the transition from a spectacular 'publicness of representation' in which the bodv of the sovereign, ritually emerging into public view, asserted and confirm.ed the stability of the polity and the efficacy of royal power, to the rational-critical legitimation of the seCular dlmocratic order. Perhaps the most sensuously memorable illustration of this transitioneven if it is mobilized to very different critical endsis Michel Foucault's famous opening diptyctr in Discipline & Punish (1977 U9751), which seeks to convince us, by means of Affect: What is it Good for ? . ...
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... Henceforth, an approach for creation of Thai public spaces should concern users' lifestyles and activities from past to present in order to provide the maximum utilization for people and city. (Jacobs, 1961;Lynch, 1981) สิ ทธิ การครอบครองและสิ ทธิ ในการเข้ าถึ งได้ (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973) ลั กษณะทาง กายภาพพื ้ นที ่ ขนาด ที ่ ตั ้ ง ขอบเขต และการแบ่ งประเภทการใช้ สอยของพื ้ นที ่ (Goodsell, 2003;Francis, 1989;Massey, 1998) การปฏิ สั มพั นธ์ ร่ วมกั นของคนอย่ างหลากหลาย เรื ่ องราว ประวั ติ ศาสตร์ และคุ ณค่ าของพื ้ นที ่ (Carr, Francis, Riritin and Stone, 1992;Bertoloni and Marhin, 2003;Sorkin, 1992) (Madanipour, 2010;UN-Habitat, 2015;Jacobs, 1961;Habermas, 1989) (Jacobs, 1961;Lynch, 1981) มุ มมองทางรั ฐศาสตร์ พิ จารณา ที ่ สิ ทธิ การครอบครองและสิ ทธิ ในการเข้ าถึ งได้ พื ้ นที ่ สาธารณะจึ งหมายถึ งพื ้ นที ่ ที ่ ครอบครองโดยสาธารณะหรื อพื ้ นที ่ ที ่ ทุ กคน มี สิ ทธิ ในการเป็ นเจ้ าของร่ วมกั นได้ (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973) (Goodsell, 2003;Francis, 1989;Massey, 1998) (Carr, Francis, Riritin and Stone, 1992;Bertoloni and Marhin, 2003;Sorkin, 1992;Dijkstra, 2000) มี พั ฒนาการมานานและเป็ นส่ วนหนึ ่ งของรู ปแบบสั งคมและการปกครองแบบประชาธิ ปไตยในปั จจุ บั น (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973;Davison, 1994;Low, 2000) ...
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This study discusses a literature review on public space involving the universal and Thai historical benchmarks for the definition, importance and evolution of land use and lifestyle patterns in national and global contexts. It purposes to find factors influencing the role of public space in functioning the users and transition of the role of public space utilization of Thai society. The results indicated the relationships between physical space and users according to the benchmarking. Its characteristics vary along the dynamics of city where the public space exists. The study found main factors that affect the role of public space in serving user including physical characters of public space, users, and social conditions. In addition, the findings illustrated transition of the use of public space in Thailand on various activities from past to present as follows: 1) recreation and social interaction, 2) exchange and trade, 3) belief and religion manifestation, 4) political space for people power, 5) education and learning, 6) quality of life improvement, 7) reflection of user's social value and status, 8) transportation and connectivity capability, 9) provision of convenience, and 10) landmark and city image. Henceforth, an approach for creation of Thai public spaces should concern users' lifestyles and activities from past to present in order to provide the maximum utilization for people and city.
... Scholarship on publics has been burdened by an overwhelming expectation and common practice to begin any study with reference to Jürgen Habermas' seminal and critical study of the public sphere in 18th and 19th western Europe. 26 Habermas' study reinvigorated an interest in the analytical value of publics and the public sphere. In addition, his approach, language and normative bent have become the basis for further adaptations, applications and critiques of the idea of publics. ...
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The digital transformations taking place across the African continent present an urgent need for fresh thinking in the study of publics. This introduction lays out the impetus and contribution of this Special Issue to such a rethinking of the study of publics in Africa. Following in the footsteps of a wider body of scholarship, we draw on Africa’s pasts and present in order to move beyond the limiting assumptions, histories and languages that are embedded within Western scholarship on publics. We make the case that both de-Westernising and capturing publics in a digital age in Africa require openness to a diversity of disciplines, approaches and questions. In addition, we explain how, collectively and individually, the articles in this Special Issue contribute to taking up this task. Taken together, the articles are an eye-opening collection on the unfolding practices of citizens convening and participating in discussions using both newer and older media and communication platforms across Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda and Zimbabwe. Contributions cover diverse disciplinary perspectives and empirical cases that investigate publics convening around digital platforms from WhatsApp, Twitter and Facebook to weblogs and dating apps on mobile phones. We see this endeavour of examining the complex and dynamic digital transformations across Eastern Africa as part of a crucial scholarly turn in which the study of African society and politics helps us to rethink ideas and concepts that have heritages elsewhere, and to understand them in a new light.
... Today, many contemporary theorists of democracy-deliberative democrats, radical democrats and critical theorists alike-often see aesthetic elements of politics as harmful for the ideal of the autonomous, self-determined individual and consequently, for the very project of democracy itself. 9 In contrast to Plato, today's friends of democracy affirm democratic freedom and equality, and postulate them as legitimising ideals of democracy itself. Meanwhile, the type of critique used to model politics often remains (mostly implicitly) committed to the belief that real freedom and self-determination, can only be had if we are committed to a critical programme that aims at overcoming mere outward appearances by the transcending force of a form of philosophical criticism that permanently or transiently helps to avoid, expose and correct (self-)contradictions. ...
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In this essay, I reconsider the constitution of democratic freedom in aesthetic terms. My interest is in articulating a conception of aesthetic freedom that can be mapped onto a conception of democratic freedom. For this purpose, I bring together Charles Sanders Peirce’s ontology, which comprises fragments of an aesthetic theory, Friedrich Schiller’s concept of aesthetic play, and Stanley Cavell’s democratic perfectionism. By providing a philosophical framework for constructing an aesthetics and politics that supports the recent aesthetic turn in political theory, which urges overcoming political theory’s excessive dependence on an epistemological theory of representation, and by proposing a modification to the turn’s heavy reliance on theories of affect, my reading of Peirce, Schiller, and Cavell offers a new way to think about the political significance of the autonomy of aesthetic experience and affect for democratic freedom.
... 11 This emergent class combined the identities of "property owners" with selfidentification as "human beings pure and simple" to develop the idea of the public sphere as a locus for critical interaction as pure minds. 12 For marginalized counterpublics, the challenge was to produce their own voice and to establish recognition as legitimate participants in the public sphere. Rhetorical scholarship has accounted for this laborious work of overcoming the barrier to the dominant public. ...
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Scholarship of counterpublics has long illuminated the rhetorical dynamics whereby the dominant public excludes marginalized groups from the public sphere and labels them undeserving of coexistence. However, the hypertextual architecture of the internet upends this inside–outside distinction, inverting challenges to and opportunities for a counterpublic. As illustrated by the course of “RaceFail ’09,” a debate over cultural appropriation and racism in online science fiction and fantasy fandom, the internet’s architecture makes it easy for a counterpublic to enter and draw attention from the broad public but much more difficult to maintain separation and preserve its boundaries from unwanted encroachment. Here I reread the norms of inclusion and transparency as historically specific constructs of canonical public sphere theories, and propose a consideration of particular challenges that counterpublics encounter online, including imposed labor, difficulty of withdrawal, and unwanted attention. I end the article with a proposal for civil inattention as a potential ethic for coexistence of publics and counterpublics on the internet.
... The existence of the discursive public sphere, as discussed by Habermas,67 should enable citizens to talk about common concerns in conditions of freedom, equality, and nonviolent interaction. Through microscopic public spheres one can open a discussion and take part in public conversation, possibly reaching a consensus by the force of rational argument. ...
... media agenda, a re-focus on the foundational process of consociational power-sharingelite dialoguemay prove timely and constructive. In these respects, Arend Lijphart's theory of accommodation fits well with normative theories of government communication which promote transparency, deliberation and rational consensus (Habermas, 1989), and with those which speak to politically divided societies in need of bridging rhetoric and respect of difference (Dryzek, 2010). While consociationalism may be best considered as a dynamic process, rather than a static model, the Northern Ireland case clearly demonstrates the problems of implementing mandatory consociationalism as a long-term solution to conflict (Rothchild and Roeder 2005). ...
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Using data gathered from interviews with political journalists, Government Information Officers and Special Advisers (SpAds), this chapter examines the role of these communication elites in Northern Ireland’s mandatory consociational democracy. In particular, we consider how their communication roles are affected by the consociational design of the Northern Ireland government, and how this in turn affects the communication of departmental and executive policy in Northern Ireland. While in some ways, these actors function similarly to those working elsewhere in Westminster model democracies, this political context adds complexity to their roles. For example, on the one hand, SpAds promote partisan issues to the media and reinforce ‘party fiefdoms’; on the other, they play an important diplomatic role in inter-party negotiation and conflict resolution between the five ideologically opposed parties in government. We suggest that an analysis of the government communication sphere provides a good indication of the kinds of issues and inherent contradictions which exist in post-conflict consociational democracies, meaning that scholars may gain insight into the functioning of these institutions by examining the communicative role and relationships of political communication elites.
... Facebook also offers a useful illustration of how participation can be siloed into these chambers, preventing debate and contestation in the ways Mouffe (2000Mouffe ( , 2005 envisaged when theorising politics and plurality. The vigorous debate and deliberation that Habermas (1991) may have envisaged in advancing his idea of the 'public sphere' is undermined, indeed even threatened, in the post-political city. What sits underneath a depoliticised social media landscape in Australia is the politically bipartisan acceptance of neoliberalism as the only possibility for further action and, therefore, the associated-if erroneous-understanding that economic rationalism is the only foundation upon which society and government can proceed. ...
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This special section builds on Planning the Post‐Political City—Part 1 to examine if and how planning is showing signs of a post‐democratic turn taking place in Australian cities. In Part 1, we presented a collection of papers examining Australia as a post‐political landscape, exploring the new ways in which Australian publics are resisting dominant neoliberal practices and logics of growth and, in doing so, are intervening in decision‐making practices to assert new forms of power and participation. In Part 2, we show how participatory practices continue to evolve. We use this brief editorial to ask a foundational question: have those implicated in the governance and management of Australian cities embarked on a post‐democratic path? As they are presented with new exclusionary and managerial governance systems, the public's participation suggests at the very least that post‐political and post‐democratic conditions are neither immutable nor inevitable. However, more democratic forms of governance rely on a rich array of activist types and approaches requiring greater institutional support in order to challenge Australia's post‐political condition.
... Neoliberalism fosters the subordination of state power to the requirements of the market; thus, the state outsources its responsibility for the wellbeing of the population to transnational corporations and individual publics who are expected to take care of themselves (Peters, 2006). Habermas (1989) had already warned about the administrative and economic colonization of our society, which increasingly constrict other spheres of our lives (the lifeworld), converting social relationships into commodities which are reified by the quantifiable exchange value of products (Slater & Tonkiss, 2001). Therefore, commodification changes the everyday life of consumption and production, and fosters a permanent search by corporate entities for new products, markets and sources of profit. ...
Article
The past two decades of tourism research have seen a growing interest in the relationship between tourism and justice. Some of this attention has focused on the just or unjust outcomes of mainstream tourism, and how it could contribute more to justice. Other research has directed the attention to the justice outcomes of alternative forms of tourism, where their increased commodification and de-politicization has limited the potential justice benefits enormously. Yet, a clear conceptualization of justice tourism is still lacking, and its theoretical grounding is still too limited. This paper addresses these concerns and aims to clarify the concept of justice tourism and advance a conceptual framework where types of justice tourism and justice through tourism are systematically identified and classified. Moreover, from the proposed conceptual framework, posthumanism emerges as a promising ethical regime with which the commodification and depoliticization of justice tourism could be reversed, and its increasing co-optation by neoliberal capitalism curved. Posthumanism’s affirmative ethics and political responsibility, along with its political forms of solidarity and advocacy, can become an effective mechanism for radical transformation and a crucial catalyst for justice in tourism and tourism research.
... Henceforth, an approach for creation of Thai public spaces should concern users' lifestyles and activities from past to present in order to provide the maximum utilization for people and city. (Jacobs, 1961;Lynch, 1981) สิ ทธิ การครอบครองและสิ ทธิ ในการเข้ าถึ งได้ (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973) ลั กษณะทาง กายภาพพื ้ นที ่ ขนาด ที ่ ตั ้ ง ขอบเขต และการแบ่ งประเภทการใช้ สอยของพื ้ นที ่ (Goodsell, 2003;Francis, 1989;Massey, 1998) การปฏิ สั มพั นธ์ ร่ วมกั นของคนอย่ างหลากหลาย เรื ่ องราว ประวั ติ ศาสตร์ และคุ ณค่ าของพื ้ นที ่ (Carr, Francis, Riritin and Stone, 1992;Bertoloni and Marhin, 2003;Sorkin, 1992) (Madanipour, 2010;UN-Habitat, 2015;Jacobs, 1961;Habermas, 1989) (Jacobs, 1961;Lynch, 1981) มุ มมองทางรั ฐศาสตร์ พิ จารณา ที ่ สิ ทธิ การครอบครองและสิ ทธิ ในการเข้ าถึ งได้ พื ้ นที ่ สาธารณะจึ งหมายถึ งพื ้ นที ่ ที ่ ครอบครองโดยสาธารณะหรื อพื ้ นที ่ ที ่ ทุ กคน มี สิ ทธิ ในการเป็ นเจ้ าของร่ วมกั นได้ (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973) (Goodsell, 2003;Francis, 1989;Massey, 1998) (Carr, Francis, Riritin and Stone, 1992;Bertoloni and Marhin, 2003;Sorkin, 1992;Dijkstra, 2000) มี พั ฒนาการมานานและเป็ นส่ วนหนึ ่ งของรู ปแบบสั งคมและการปกครองแบบประชาธิ ปไตยในปั จจุ บั น (Arendt, 1958;Dijkstra, 2000;Lofland, 1973;Davison, 1994;Low, 2000) ...
... The publicum developed into the public, the subjectum into the (reasoning) subject, the receiver of regulations from above into the ruling authorities' adversary. 114 Kant's predilection then for freedom in the exercise of public reason is informed by his participation in the growing clamor for an expanded role of citizens in the political arena. Mendelssohn's thoughts on the matter are comparatively more conservative given his emphasis on culture, education, language, and the essential destiny of citizens. ...
... This could be seen as a key dimension in the development of the political public sphere as a counterbalance to the hierarchical distinctions in the society of estates and its traditional institutions. 56 Although Habermas' overall theory of the public sphere is widely criticized 57 , his remarks on the formulation of the literal public sphere as the precondition for the political public sphere apply well to the culture of local letters. ...
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The phenomenon of letters to newspapers developed into a nationwide and pervasive culture of local letters in the mid-1800s Finnish-language press. A characteristic feature of this culture was that the readers’ letters published in the press were written in the names of local communities. Thus, the writer of the letter claimed to represent the entire local community. This interaction between different locations via the press transformed local into societal and societal into local. The culture of local letters had decisive influence on the development of Finnish society, nationalism and civic society in the nineteenth century.
... Employé au singulier, l'usage renvoie à toute pratique générale ou particulière, à ce qui se fait habituellement. Il peut annoncer l'« utilisation » quotidienne ou occasionnelle de l'espace public, lequel espace est perçu en tant que bien, service ou information destinés à être consommés par des usagers différenciés ; développés par des fractions sociales populaires et/ou élitistes (Habermas, 1991). Contrairement à l'abandon, l'usage renvoie, à l'habitude d'une part, à la consommation, à l'emploi, à la mobilisation et d'autre part à l'utilité. ...
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Les paysages troglodytiques au sud tunisien montrent des spécificités dans le temps, dans l’espace et dans la manière à travers laquelle les autochtones ont valorisé leur espace de vie. Ces paysages révèlent un savoir-faire pour maîtriser et habiter la roche. Une étude diagnostic pluridisciplinaire permet la reconnaissance physique, écologique et climatique du milieu d’intégration des œuvres troglodytiques. De plus, il est essentiel d’entreprendre une analyse progressive pour percevoir ces paysages dans leur contexte historico-spatial et social. Pour ce fait, une enquête socioéconomique au près des citoyens des villages berbères permet de déceler la relation établie entre l’héritage troglodytique et la population ainsi que leur impact sur les nouvelles villégiatures.Par ailleurs, cette recherche essaye d’émerger une interprétation contemporaine des paysages troglodytiques, se basant sur l’intégration de leurs composantes naturelles et culturelles dans une dynamique de patrimonialisation, qui est le gage de leur insertion dans le processus de développement territorial.Une nouvelle approche de médiation avec ce paysage berbère fragilisé favorise leur mise au paysage qui sera à terme utile dans une démarche de développement territorial optimal.
... Within the public sphere, individuals could develop themselves and become involved in rational debates about the development of society. 12 The weakness of the public sphere in Rīga in the mid-19th century was dictated by the weakness of modern economic sectors, by the authoritarian form of government which existed, by the absence of civic freedoms, and by the vast social gap which existed between the elite and the majority of the population. the situation was made all the more fraught by the fact that on an everyday basis, there was a dichotomy of language between the German elite and the non-German population. ...
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Last year marked 150 years since the establishment of the newspaper “Mājas Viesis”. The appearance of the newspaper has been declared to be the beginning of Latvian national newspapers for two reasons – for the first time an ethnic Latvian served as the editor of a Latvian newspaper, and the newspaper published articles that were of importance to the Latvian community in terms of social, cultural and language issues. Among those who wrote for the newspaper were Latvian schoolteachers, scribes, authors and students from Tartu University – men and women who were the first to make public announcements about the fact that they were Latvians. The historical literature is dominated by the idea that the positive role played by “Mājas Viesis” in Latvian history is that it expressed the ideas of the so-called “new Latvians” in the latter half of the 1850s. The staff of the newspaper have also, however, earned opprobrium for having yielded before the pressure of the Baltic German nobility and clergy of the era and stopped the publication of articles with frankly stated nationalism or social criticism. This was particularly true of the editor of “Mājas Viesis”, Ansis Leitāns. The establishment of “Mājas Viesis” and its first years of activity must be evaluated in the context of modernisation processes, the emergence of the movement of Latvian nationalism, the emancipation of Latvians, and the emergence of the bourgeois public sphere in Latvia. Keywords: The weekly “Mājas Viesis”, New Latvians, Ansis Leitāns, Latvian students at Tartu (Dorpat) University, nationalism, Latvian emancipation
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References to the transformative aspects of digital technologies within academic corporate responsibility discourses have recently emerged, including discussion of interactive corporate social responsibility communication, of virtual corporate social responsibility dialogs and of corporate social responsibility in the network societies. In this chapter we reflect on such new discourses and suggest that the language they use and subsequent claims made may further fragment the field of corporate responsibility, and may ignore aspects of contemporary online cultures. We agree that there must be engagement between the extensive literature on online community, communication, and indeed power relations, and the work on CSR. We conclude this chapter with our own advice on how to go about researching and understanding how online community might be understood as important for the project of CSR.
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The aim of this chapter is to provide a thematic overview of the theory of Critical Regionalism as a theory of ‘In-Between’. I explain how Kenneth Frampton’s project of Critical Regionalism combines the two traditions of phenomenology and critical thinking to establish a constructive dialogue between Habermas’s unfinished project of Modernity and Heidegger’s insistence on being as becoming.
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Fan studies can reveal a lot about how our online-commenting behaviour is guided by emotion and affect. Drawing on certain fundamental and interconnected areas of fandom—creative production; belonging and identity; play and pleasure; and emotion and affect—this chapter will chart some of the influences that drive us to make comments, and the investment that even “lurkers”, or those simply reading the comments, make in virtual communities. Certain stimuli, such as a news story or a comment by another user, can create “affect contagion”, where events gain momentum and comments can multiply in number and affective engagement.
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Šlerka and Šisler explore the audiences of Czech anti-immigration and anti-Islamic movements’ pages on Facebook and analyse them through social network analysis. The public debate on the immigration crisis on Czech Facebook is highly polarized, Šlerka and Šisler argue, and it is fragmented into different clusters, whose audiences rarely share the same content or overlap. The chapter uses new quantitative method called Normalized Social Distance that calculates the distance between various social groups based on these groups members’ online behaviour. Drawing on empirical evidence, Šlerka and Šisler demonstrate how social network sites create echo chambers and filter bubbles, thus strengthening confirmation bias. The methods proposed in this chapter could be adopted by a variety of actors to support their research or decisions with empirical evidence.
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This chapter focuses on a controversy that shaped public discussion and debate around the Hobbit production before the first film’s release. The extended Hobbit union dispute, which threatened to derail the trilogy’s New Zealand production and prompted widely criticised reforms to New Zealand labour law, reveals much about how processes and imperatives of blockbusterisation are reshaping transnational film production. Audience reactions to this issue demonstrate how and why a transnational production such as The Hobbit can have varying degrees of salience for differently located audiences, while also demonstrating the potential for cinematic desire for fetishised cultural commodities to ultimately trump consideration of the conditions under which such commodities are produced.
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This chapter argues that for religion, social inclusion is not certain once gained, but needs to be constantly renegotiated in response to continued challenges, even for mainstream religious organisations such as the Catholic Church. The chapter analyses the Catholic Church’s involvement in the Australian public sphere, and after a brief overview of the history of Catholicism’s struggle for equal status in Australia, considers its response to recent challenges to maintain its position of inclusion and relevance in Australian society. This includes an examination of its handling of sexual abuse allegations brought forward by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, and its attempts to promote its vision of ethics and morals in the face of calls for marriage equality, euthanasia, and other social issues in a society of greater religious diversity. The chapter employs the work of Jürgen Habermas on the public sphere, and Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition, to analyse how religions seek acceptance in secular society and how they work to retain this acceptance through providing social services, and creating a social space where their members can contribute to the public good. However, like all aspects of social inclusion, such acceptance can be disrupted by scandals and shifting perceptions in the public sphere about a particular religion and its role in society. The chapter concludes that the Catholic Church in Australia is currently in a struggle to reclaim its position in society after the impact of crises such as the abuse scandal.
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This chapter examines Sara Coleridge’s dialogic methods of composition in her ‘Introduction’ to STC’s Essays on His Own Times, in which she argues for a Christian system of political economy. The chapter then discusses the unpublished Dialogues on Regeneration. Schofield analyses Sara Coleridge’s innovative appropriation of Socratic dialogue: how liberal inclusivity is enacted in the form of her work, and how a predominantly genial tone represents its thematic ethic. Referring in detail to her presentation of women characters in Dialogues, the chapter explores her construction of gender in relation to prevailing sectarian assumptions and differing forms of religious experience. Sara Coleridge’s use of didactic poetry in Dialogues is examined, and is considered in relation to both her religious aesthetics and her prioritization of ‘practical Christianity’.
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Through an analysis of media discourse, Harp offers evidence of cultural misogyny during the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Her analysis includes an examination of signs and T-shirts displayed by supporters of then Republican hopeful Donald Trump, the misogyny displayed by the BernieBros—a particularly vocal group of Bernie Sanders supporters—and the ways misogynistic ageism made its ways into the media conversation. Harp then spotlights the media discourse regarding a recording in which Trump is heard talking about grabbing a woman by the “pussy” and hitting on a married woman. Not only does Harp analyze the ways misogyny appeared in media covering the election, she illustrates ways feminist ideologies counter the patriarchal discourse. She uses the example to illustrate how a battle for ideology—traditional patriarchy versus feminism—occurs in public discourse.
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The chapter describes the three religions of humanity, of Rousseau, Kant and Comte, to which Nussbaum refers in her book Political Emotions and which she hopes to revitalize. These three religions can be compared to the contemplative morality of Aristotle, which concerns the well-being of the citizens at which legislation and education are aimed.
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This chapter discusses the consequences of mediatization and marketization for public discourse and debate, and offers a proposal for how the academy and the media can work together to meet the challenges that they face in a changing media environment.
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This article aims to emphasize, through an analysis of the communication methods and channels, the discursive implications of the commitment sense of two Romanian non-profit organizations acting in the field of cancer. Through a communicational approach of Social Responsibility, we propose to analyze the challenges of digital mediation linked to the phenomenon of physical and especially psychological recovery of children with oncological conditions. The content analysis of the Facebook page of the Romanian associations “Dăruieşte viaţă” / [Give life] and MagiCamp, as well as their Youtube channels and the blogs of the two organizations, allows us to distinguish some types of interactions in the process of the commitment: messages of impetus, actions implemented, permanent contact with the people who are beyond all the scaffolding, these are issues of communication and social responsibility. Micro-narratives linked to the actions “on the ground” of real actors are part of a socio-digital hypernarratology. Theconstruction of a hospital as well as other actions linked to the psycho-emotional recovery of children suffering from oncological diseases become reasons for public discursive commitment and social responsibility. 40 messages published by the associations seek to distinguish the narrative modalities called upon to share the sense of social responsibility on social networks.
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This article discussed about contestation of Islamist mass groups in Indonesia. In general, Islamists or Islamism refers to an islamic organizations which based their political ideology on Islam. This study finds out what strategies used by the islamist group to attain their political agenda and its implications when they are confronting with other mainstream and islamic group. This research uses qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach. This research used theoritical framework of Islamic Revivalism, Political Islam, Islamism and Social Movement theory. The result of the discussion shows that islamis contestation of mainstream islamic mass group in Indonesia to dominate arena through political movements: first, by taking benefits from political opportunity, including transformastion underground movement become legal movement; second, through structural mobilization, which consists of internal mobilization and external mobilization; third, using framing proces, by counter all isues and systems form the west, such as democracy, nationalism and human rights; fourth infiltration by controlling mosque, campus, student, takmir community, bureaucracy and government. الملخص: تناقش هذه المقالة حول صراع المنظمات الإسلامية في إندونيسيا. على سبيل العام كان الإسلاميون حركات إسلامية تجعل الإسلام أساس إيديولوجيتها السياسية. وهذه المقالة ستبحث الاستيراتيجية التي تقوم بها حركة المنظمة الإسلامية لتحقيق أهدافها الاجتماعية والسياسية وكيف آثارها عندما تواجه مجموعة إسلامية أخرى من تيار المنظمة الإسلامية المعتدلة. وهذا البحث من البحث الكيفي الذي يستخدم منهج التحليل الوصفي. والنظريات المستخدمة في هذا البحث هي الصحوة الإسلامية، والسياسية الإسلامية، والنظرية الإسلامية، والحركة الاجتماعية. ونتيجة هذا البحث تدل على أن صراع الحركة الإسلامية السائدة في المجتمع الإندونيسيا من خلال استراتيجية الحركة السياسية: أولاً، استفادة الفرصة السياسية أي استفادة الفرصة الإصلاحية لإنهاء الحركة السرية حتى تصبح الحركة القانونية الرسمية وقامت الحركة حرية. ثانيا، من خلال التعبئة الهيكلية التي تتكون من التعبئة الداخلية والتعبئة الخارجية. ثالثًا، تنظيم عملية الحركة أي عن طريق القيام بمعارضة جميع الأفكار والأنظمة من الغرب مثل الديمقراطية والقومية وحقوق الإنسان. رابعا، أن تدخل هذه الحركة من خلال المساجد والجامعات وطلاب الجامعة ومنظمة المساجد والبيروقراطية والحكومة وما إلى ذلك كالآثار من الصراع الإسلامي. Abstrak: Tulisan ini membahas tentang kontestasi ormas Islam di Indonesia. Secara umum, Islamis atau Islamisme adalah gerakan Islam yang menjadikan Islam sebagai dasar ideologi politiknya. Penilitian ini akan menjawab bagaimana strategi yang digunakan gerakan ormas Islam untuk mencapai agenda sosial-politiknya dan bagaimana implikasinya ketika berbenturan kepentingan dengan kelompok ormas-ormas Islam lainnya yang notabene merupakan ormas Islam mainstream atau moderat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis.Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep Revivalisme Islam, Islam Politik, Islamisme dan teori Gerakan sosial. Hasil pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa kontestasi islamisme ormas Islam mainstream di Indonesia dalam menguasai arena strategis yang terdapat di masyarakat melalui strategi gerakan politik: pertama, memanfaatkan peluang politik, yaitu peluang reformasi untuk mengakhiri gerakan bawah tanah menjadi gerakan legal sehingga dapat bergerak dengan leluasa. Kedua, memobilisasi struktur, yang terdiri dari mobilisasi internal dengan melakukan pengkaderan secara intensif dan mobilisasi eksternal. Ketiga, penyusunan proses gerakan, yakni dengan cara melakukan pergolakan pemikiran dengan menentang segala pemikiran dan sistem dari Barat, seperti demokrasi, nasionalisme dan HAM. Keempat, melakukan perembesan dengan menguasai mesjid, kampus, mahasiswa, komunitas takmir, birokrasi dan pemerintahan dan sebagainya sebagai implikasi dari kontestasi islamisme.
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The Azusa Street revival of 1906 is one of the most important revivals in early Pentecostalism and offers resources in rethinking the Christian political imagination. I want to offer sustained reflection of this revival, as it resignifies the nature of what is political. I argue that Azusa embodied a non-statist idea of the citizen, encouraging radically inclusive practices of political belonging. Members of Azusa did not trust the institutional logic of the modern state, as Azusa believed that white supremacy over-determined the American state. This paper explores how Azusa challenged American democracy and its statist idea of the citizen-subject, as this political idea created the very conditions of black subjugation. Examining how Azusa rejects the statist idea of the citizen, this paper reflects on questions of the democratic, moral and political agency, citizenship, and political belonging. This paper poses questions such as: Why is it essential to foreground forms of political agency that are not in service to the state? What is the shape of the democratic in light of non-statist political practices? What does Azusa’s ecclesial life teach us about political practices of human belonging?
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The goal of this research is to reveal the relegation of the public into specific social classes based on the expectations of the capital produced in two- and four-year institutions respectively, the differences and ultimate bifurcation across class lines that replicate and reinforce an inequitable national identity, ultimately creating a discrepancy in the purpose of higher education by institution type. To uncover the varieties of roles prescribed to tertiary institutions and the resulting inequality, the discourse historical approach, a method employed by critical discourse analysts to uncover the ideological nature of language to understand the influence and power of discourse, is used to analyze 1793 texts. Texts analyzed include public speeches regarding higher education by US presidents from 1946 to 2016 and articles regarding institutional purpose from the American Association of Community Colleges and the Association of American Colleges and Universities’ respective publications which serve as representations of institution types studied.
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Hermeneutics, Social Criticism and Everyday Education Practice, ed. R. Włodarczyk, Wrocław 2020, p. 267 The individual chapters written by scholars of the Department of General Pedagogy at the University of Wrocław included in the volume offered to the Readers, showcase selected variants and problems of the hermeneutical and critical approaches to educational practice and research. The general pedagogy we practice in this way reveals its interdisciplinary character, drawing on the resources and achievements of philosophy, sociology, psychology, cultural anthropology, religious studies, and political sciences.
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This generational study investigates how upper- and middle-class Americans first rejected and then somewhat reluctantly accepted the use of public relations-like strategies to govern the masses during the Gilded Age. While the first generation of politically minded elites after the Civil War had used proto-public relations in their benevolent and reform work and had advanced their position in high society by getting their names on the newspaper society page, they were reluctant to advertise themselves to lower-class voters through the popular press. By the 1880s, however, their children began to recognize the growing power of mass media to sell candidates to the lower classes. Theodore Roosevelt, John Jay Chapman, William Travers Jerome, and other young, politically minded members of the governing elite adopted practices that mirrored the recommendations of late nineteenth-century crowd psychologists who advocated managing the masses through self-promotions and heroic imagery.
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This chapter presents the articulation between diverse functions, in the service of supposedly clearly differentiated interests. It examines the commercial advantages linked to official activities taken up in a period of domestic and international political tensions. The chapter explores how holding several offices concurrently made it possible to reduce merchant exposure to risk. It shows that this strategy was based on the prior existence of regional and national business relationships which were mutually reinforcing. The chapter argues that the combination of various public and private functions was part of an overall strategy aiming at distributing risk in order to lessen the exposure of the family to the hazards of trade. The pinets' involvement in political life and in the administration, especially in military supplies gave them such importance that it allowed them to efficiently reduce the various risks to which they were otherwise exposed.
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The article reviews the origins of populism and its presence in North-American and European politics. It highlights that, while no novelty, the explosion of populism in the United States and in the European Union, in the late 20th century and particularly from the 21st century, due to the number of political systems in which it prevails and its impact on the way they work, is a phenomenon of extreme relevance.
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Covert advertising such as embedded paid content (EPC) is flourishing on Israeli TV, but in most cases regulators’ prohibiting rules are not enforced. Though the regulators’ role is to safeguard the public’s right to know, the public’s attitudes and ethical perceptions of EPC on TV is not being addressed. The current survey is an initial attempt to discover TV viewers’ attitudes towards EPC. While respondents’ attitudes towards product placement were indifferent, their attitudes towards EPC were generally negative. Results indicate that after being informed regarding paid TV content, respondents considered EPC to be culturally acceptable in Israeli (relativism), but morally unethical (moral equity). They also considered EPC a violation of the unwritten contract with media creators regarding the authenticity of media content (contractualism). Findings suggest that the Israeli public should be better informed regarding EPC and should be taken into consideration when dealing with its use, regulation and enforcement. © 2019
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This paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatus. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy.
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This paper argues that the neoliberal political order relies on a particular concept of publicity—the concept of openness or transparency without a public (a populus or demos), the main content of which is the unconditional maxim “There Is No Alternative” (TINA for short). Its central claim is that the neoliberal conception of publicity without a public, connected as it is to secrecy and unconditional adherence to TINA, precludes the possibility of the “people” as an ultimate intentional sovereign legislator. Although research has revealed the strategic importance of publicity for communicative capitalism, this aspect of neoliberalism has yet to be addressed. As a means of clarifying the neoliberal concept of publicity, this paper will show that neoliberal theory cannot consistently accept the existence of the people as sovereign while maintaining its adherence to TINA. Second, it invokes the Kantian conception of publicity, which involves not merely openness and visibility but also the will of the populus. One of Kant’s central insights is that publicity is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for fairness at the level of political decision-making. When public (openly accessible) statements are not based on the will of the people, publicity can become a means of illegitimate political domination against sovereign peoples. Building on Kant’s insights, this paper will show that publicity without a public, along with its central mantra, TINA, is also, at the practical level, neoliberalism’s main means of destroying the legislative sovereignty of the people. Since TINA precludes the possibility of the people as sovereign, analysis of the neoliberal conception of publicity that underlies TINA provides new arguments for the view that neoliberalism is essentially despotic in nature. It also points to the importance of the political category of “the sovereign people”, which is all the greater where illiberal and undemocratic political alternatives jockey to fill the vacuum left by a system that, at its ideological core, cannot acknowledge the common good.
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