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Çanakkale Savaşları: Nedenleri, Sorumlusu ve Önemine Dair Yaklaşımlar
Abstract and Figures
The First World War that was the bloodiest and largest war history had recorded to that date comprised many battles some of which took place in Dardanelles. In order to end the bloody battles and shorten the war, the Allies opened the Dardanelles front. Yet, because of their defeat in both sea and land, the Great War lasted longer and became bloodier. While France and England experienced the first major impact to their imperialist policies, Tsarist Russia collapsed under heavy burden of the war. The victory at Dardanelles and the collapse of the Tsarist Russia increased hopes of the Central powers for a final victory in the Great War, yet the entrance of the United States into the war on the Allies side changed the situation. Despite their great losses in men and materials, the Dardanelles wars were prideful and worth recording history of the Turks. For them, the Dardanelles wars were a great military victory, a great success for understanding the meaning of the homeland, an important gain on the way to become a nation state and a great help for Mustafa Kemal to become the founder of the future Republic of Turkey.
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... The Ottoman losses (dead, wounded or missing) was about 207,000 soldiers (Ünal 2015). This was a shockingly high figure as the Ottoman Army had been involved in the loss of a battalion in Trablusgarb and also suffered heavy losses in the Balkans just prior to WWI (Yetişgin 2015). ...
The discourses of the past are constructed socially and expressed materially in the Gallipoli commemorations from a cultural geographic perspective. Gallipoli is a place where multiple nations have commemorated antagonistic histories in the same space following WWI. The sanctity of several sites has been reinforced over the years by construction of additional monuments and memorials at the peninsula. This research deals with the spatial aspect of the commemorations throughout Turkey by looking at the intensity of commemorations in different places and times. The published research, memorials and archival materials were examined; while remembrance activities were appraised to determine the significance of the events for the local communities and beyond. Original research places particular emphasis on the schools that have no graduates in their records for 1915, as the final year students went to Gallipoli and never returned.
... Cenâb-ı Hakk'a ve sizlere çok teşekkürler ederim. 15Memet Yetişgin, (2015), " Çanakkale Savaşları: Nedenleri, Sorumlusu ve Önemine Dair Yaklaşımlar " , Çanakkale Araştırmaları Türk Yıllığı, Yıl: 13, Bahar, Sayı: 18, s. 2.Sevgili peder ve valideciğim; gözbebeğim olan zevcem Münevver ve oğlum Nezih'ciğimi evvela Cenâb-ı Hakk'ın, sonra sizin himayenize emanet ediyorum. Onlar hakkında ne mümkün ise lütfen yapınız. ...
The Research on History II
Editors Özlem Muraz Budak
This book aims to contribute to the development of scientific publications and publishing in social sciences in general and history in particular. In this sense, qualified studies covering every subject related to both national and regional history and world history are included. With these original works written in every field of history, we will be pleased to contribute to the literature and qualified scientific studies related to the auxiliary branches of history.
Citation
Budak, Ö. M. (Ed.). (2023). The Research on History II. ISTES Organization.
The discourses of the past are constructed socially and expressed materially in the Gallipoli commemorations from a cultural geographic perspective. Gallipoli is a place where multiple nations have commemorated antagonistic histories in the same space following WWI. The sanctity of several sites has been reinforced over the years by construction of additional monuments and memorials at the peninsula. This research deals with the spatial aspect of the commemorations throughout Turkey by looking at the intensity of commemorations in different places and times. The published research, memorials and archival materials were examined; while remembrance activities were appraised to determine the significance of the events for the local communities and beyond. Original research places particular emphasis on the schools that have no graduates in their records for 1915, as the final year students went to Gallipoli and never returned.
The history of the British Admiralty, like that of the War Office, furnishes an exceptionally good opportunity for reviewing the relationship which exists between a Cabinet Minister and his subordinates. This relationship, of course, presents in all departments essentially the same general features, namely, the control of a specialized group of officials by one who, though ignorant in a technical sense, nevertheless possesses unusual competence in his own field of administration and politics. But in the fighting services parts of this picture are etched with deeper and darker lines. In the first place, there is obviously a greater disparity of talent between Minister and official than occurs in most departments, and the experts seem as a rule less able, or willing, to appreciate the political implications of the demands they are constantly making. The relationship is thus apt to be more difficult and occasionally more exacerbating; but it creates by that very fact a greater need for providing the department with a sympathetic spokesman and advocate in the Cabinet, while insisting at the same time on the absolute supremacy of the political power. In the second place, the pervasive influences of bureaucracy and departmentalism, on which the Minister must wage relentless war, occur in the fighting services in an acute and aggravated form. Officials in other departments may hold narrow and circumscribed views, but their counterparts at the War Office and the Admiralty will frequently add to those a complacent and unimaginative professionalism of their own; the fondness of a civil servant for unnecessary formalism may have a military or naval parallel in ponderous methods and obsolete techniques; bureaucratic prejudice may become red-tabbed or gold-braided intolerance; an esprit de corps may be transmuted into an un-discriminating loyalty to the ship, to the battalion, or to the service.
The Great War (1914–18) continues to shape political culture and collective memory in the major combatant nations. Its influence can be seen in public holidays, expressions of national identity, and attitudes towards war and peace. This is most certainly the case in Australia, where ANZAC Day (25 April) still anchors the public calendar, and the first world war experience anchors the activities on that day. Why have the battles on the Western Front and at Gallipoli on the Dardenelles remained at the centre of those commemorations and their visions of Australian identity? Why has the Anzac myth remained so powerful while Australian society has changed so much? This article considers those questions in light of the early literary creation of the Anzac tradition in the writings of C.E.W. Bean, the official Australian war historian, John Masefield, the English Poet Laureate, and many of the soldiers themselves. Wartime diaries, letters, poems and reflections suggest the powerful linkage of the Australian war experience with commonly held ideas and images of the Australian landscape and collective past. The more that the writers and myth-makers described fighting and battlefields as complements and sometimes mirror images of key Australian landmarks, such as the Outback and Botany Bay, the more meaningful and accessible the war experience became. Without a military tradition to draw upon, Australians made sense of the unprecedented horrors of the first world war by comparing them to mythic experiences of migration, exile and struggles with a hostile land. Those might be revelant and accessible to different social groups and different times, whether Aboriginal Australians, white settlers or more recent Asian migrants. Such national myths are not forms of escapism, but integrate experience and imagination, linking citizens in a persistent and viable way not only with one another, but with a shared, more inclusive past.