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The Udovice solidus pendants : late 5th century evidence of South
Scandinavian mercenaries in the Balkans
Fischer, Svante
Fornvännen 2008(103):2, s. [81]-88 : ill.
http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/2008_081
Ingår i: samla.raa.se
The Udovice solidus pendants arguably consti-
tute some of the most exciting archaeological
material brought to attention in recent years.
They are welcome additions to the incomplete
jigsaw puzzle that is the Scandinavian Migra-
tion Period. For the first time ever, scholars may
transcend the dichotomy between solidus coin-
age found in Scandinavia and written sources
from the Continent. Some 40 years ago, Joan M.
Fagerlie very correctly asserted that:
»…the solidi have been explained in the
light of what we know from literature, rather
than the reverse. But the literary sources
cannot, by themselves, explain the solidi for
us. There are several passages referring to
barbaric tribes passing this way or that, of
migrations to the land of Thule, and there
are references to trade, tribute payments and
to barbarians in the imperial services, but
none of these can be associated with the soli-
di in Scandinavia without some outside evi-
dence« (Fagerlie 1967, p. 99).
Now this problem belongs to the past. A num-
ber of facts together force the conclusion that
the Udovice pendants are of a late 5th-century
South Scandinavian origin. At the invitation of
Fornvännen's editors, as my view of the matter
differs from that presented by Ivana Popovič
(2008), I have summarized my observations on
the pendants. I will discuss them below in a
framework of seven main points.
Scandinavian Parallels to the Pendants
First, the layout and execution of the filigree
work of the Udovice pendants is very close to
that of the Stenholts Vang (IK 179) find from
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
The Udovice Solidus Pendants
Late-5th Century Evidence of South Scandinavian
Mercenaries in the Balkans
By Svante Fischer
Fischer, S., 2008. The Udovice Solidus Pendants. Late-5th Century Evidence of
South Scandinavian Mercenaries in the Balkans. Fornvännen 103. Stockholm.
This paper summarizes a number of observations about the possible origin, manu-
facture, weight, and hoarding of two gold filigree pendants found at Udovice in
Serbia. It is argued that they were made in South Scandinavia after 465. They
were then transported to the Continent in the period 475–500. Their final deposit
at Udovice is likely to have coincided with conflicts along the Danube between
the Byzantine Empire, the Gepids, Herules and Ostrogoths.
Svante Fischer, Institut runologique de France, Musée d’Archéologie nationale, Château de
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Place Charles de Gaulle 78105, Saint-Germain-en-Laye cedex,
France
swantowraetruna@hotmail.com
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 81
Zealand rather than the finds from Fakse or
Körlin (Öberg 1944; Mackeprang 1952; Axboe
1982; Hauck 1985; Lamm 1991). An important
difference, however, is that the Udovice solidi
are separated from their tubular loops by an
angular filigree rim, which is not present in the
case of the Stenholts Vang bracteates. This could
perhaps be an indication that earlier bracteates
or solidi have been removed from the Udovice
pendants and replaced, after which a new, im-
proved fastening device had to be installed. In
any case, there is a fairly certain terminus post quem
for the current state of the pendants.
The Udovice pendants belong to a long Scan-
dinavian tradition of gold filigree work. It began
already in the 2nd century with contacts to the
Gothic Wielbark culture in current northern Po-
land, and indirectly, to the Black Sea Region
(Andersson 1993; 1995; Kokowski 2001). As to
the other filigree work in the collections of the
Belgrade Museum (Popovič2001), it appears to
be of two categories. It is either of inferior artis-
tic quality to the Udovice finds or from highly
skilled but stylistically unrelated Byzantine work-
shops.
The Scandinavian gold filigree tradition ar-
guably culminated with the 5th century gold
collars of Ålleberg, Färjestaden and Möne (Lamm
1991; 1998). By contrast, there is no such filigree
work in rich Central and Southeast European
graves of the mid- to late 5th century such as
Apahida I and Blučina, or in the hoards of Piet-
roasa and Szilágysomlyó (Horedt 1970; Eggers
1999; Martin 1999; Koch 2003; Oanta-Marghi-
tu 2004). Instead, these latter arguably Gepid,
Herul or Ostrogothic contexts show a closer
contact to the workshops of the Imperial court
in Constantinople. This is not surprising. It
shows that a member of the barbaric kleptocra-
cy's highest echelons within close range of the
Empire was, when convenient, willing to make
every effort to become a high Roman functio-
nary, be it a comes, magister militum or patricius.
Thus, they would prefer to wear the attributes of
power that came with such titles.
Looped and Filigreed Solidi
Second, the reconfiguration of 5th century solidi
as looped pendants with filigree rims appears
predominantly in South Scandinavian regions,
notably Bornholm, Funen, Jutland, Zealand,
Scania and Västergötland, with a northern out-
post in Skön parish, Medelpad (fig. 1; Janse
1922; Bolin 1926; Fagerlie 1967; Horsnæs 2001;
2002; Axboe 2004). One must also mention the
Lübchow find from nearby Pomerania in Po-
land, which has been attributed to a Scandina-
vian implantation (Duczko 2001, pp. 195–198).
The more opulent loops and pendants are clear-
ly connected to the Scandinavian bracteate pro-
duction.
This type of reconfiguration differs from the
late 4th-century Germanic trend of looped mul-
tipla, extending from the Szilágysomlyó hoard
in Transylvania, which has been attributed to
the Gepid court by Kiss (2001, p. 233), to the
female grave of Vestre Hauge in Norway (An-
dersson 1995, pp. 42–48; Bursche 2001, pp. 84,
fig.1; Dahlin Hauken 2005, p. 129, Pl. 11). This
early trend was inspired by the highly artistic
hexagonal fittings for multipla and solidi of the
Constantine dynasty made in Byzantine work-
shops, but should not be confused with the By-
zantine school. An important point of the 4th-
century Germanic reconfiguration of multipla
and solidi was the conscious addition of weight
(Andersson 1995; Dembski 1999). An extreme
case is a Germanic multiplum imitation from
Szilágysomlyó that weighs, with loop and rim,
all of 417 grams, that is, approximately 93 times
the weight of a solidus.
Metrology
Third, the pendants from Udovice weigh 25.18 g
and 24.4 g, respectively. This is well below the
uncia of 27.1–26.55 g (Herschend 1983, p. 50).
Together, they weigh 49.58 g, that is, approxi-
mately eleven solidi at a weight of 4,5 g. However,
Herschend (1983, p. 62, fig. 7; 1991) has shown
that Gresham’s law was in full effect at the time
among the Germanic kleptocracy. As the 5th
century progressed, people tried to hold on to
the heaviest coins from the 430s and 440s. Thus,
the further away one gets in time and space from
the distribution center, the less the average
weight of a hoarded solidus. The average weight
in the Szikáncs hoard (tpq 443) from Hungary
with 1439 solidi is 4.483 g. The Bina hoard from
82 Svante Fischer
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 82
83
The Udovice Solidus Pendants
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
Fig. 1. Distribution of opulent bracteate loops in Scandinavia. After Axboe 1982.
Slovakia with 108 solidi (deposition date c.
450–455 according to Kyhlberg 1986, p. 57, tab.
42) had an average coin weight of 4.463 g. By
the time one reaches Öland with the hoards of
Åby with 79 solidi (tpq 475) and Björnhovda
with 36 solidi (tpq 476), the weight is down to
4.421405063 g and 4.413444444 g.
The intended weight of the pendants should
thus follow the libra, nominally c. 327.45 g, but
more often c. 322.3 g. Herschend’s 1980 study of
unminted gold from Öland revealed a median
weight unit of 6.213 g, roughly 6/27 of an uncia.
The two pendants together make up 7.9800418
such units, 48/27 or 16/9 of an uncia. This align-
ment to a peripheral debased weight system sug-
gests that the pendants were manufactured at a
considerable distance from Constantinople.
Solidi Types and their Scandinavian Parallels
Fourth, the four Udovice solidi themselves are
worthy of attention. They are all of Western ori-
gin, struck in Ravenna and Rome c. 415–465. Thus,
their internal composition differs from other
5th-century solidus hoards found in former Yugo-
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 83
84 Svante Fischer
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
slavia, the Carpathian Basin, the Danube estu-
ary and the Tatra Mountains, which have chiefly
been attributed to the Hunnic tributes (Mirnik
1981; Herschend 1983; Kyhlberg 1986; Ciobanu
1999; Kiss 2001, pp. 235–240; Bóna 2002). The
latter hoards contain an overwhelming propor-
tion of solidi struck for Theodosius II in 430–
439, the IMP VOT XXX type, and 441–443, the
earliest IMP XXXXII COS XVII types (Kent
1992). There were subsequent forgeries of the
latter type in Pannonia (Biró-Sey 1992). The
worn issue of Honorius (395–423) at Udovice
and the two of Valentinian III (425–455) are
fairly common ones. They have been included in
the Hunnic tributes, as evident from the Bina
hoard in Slovakia (Kent 1994). But this is where
the similarities end.
It should be emphasized that the last Udo-
vice solidus was struck in Ravenna for the rela-
tively anonymous western emperor Libius Seve-
rus, a Lucanian nobleman in the hands of Ri-
cimer, the Germanic magister utriusquae militae.
Libius Severus was officially installed as empe-
ror on 19 November 461. Although one source
dates his death to 15 August 465, the last law in
his name was enacted 25 September 465. Leo I
in Constantinople never recognized Libius Se-
verus as a legitimate co-emperor. Ricimer went
to great lengths in appeasing Leo I, issuing coin-
age in his name while using the same dies for the
Libius Severus issues. Fagerlie (1967) lists seven
such coins from Scandinavia.
While solidi struck for Libius Severus are
relatively rare on the continent, they are not as
infrequent in certain parts of Scandinavia. Some
40 finds are known (Herschend 1980, fig. 33;
Östergren 1981, p. 63). Of these, 26 are from
Öland (fig. 2). Out of the total of 18 die-identi-
ties for Libius Severus in Scandinavia, there are
15 on Öland (Fagerlie 1967, s. 127). Björnhovda
is unquestionably the central Scandinavian
hoard whence many other issues of Libius Se-
verus are likely to have emanated, considering
that it has three die-identical coins, of which one
(Fagerlie no. 121) has an external relationship to
two other hoards on Öland (Fagerlie nos 122–
123), and two (Fagerlie nos 126–127) have an
internal relationship and an external relation-
Fig. 2. Distribution of solidi struck for Libius Severus
and found on Öland. After Herschend 1980.
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 84
ships to two other hoards on Öland (Fagerlie
nos 124–125). As to the possible relationship of
this solidus hoard to the gold filigree pendants,
it should be duly noted that the Färjestaden gold
collar was found only some 1.9 km from the
Björnhovda hoard, that is, a mere 15–20 minute
walk.
Still, the last Udovice solidus is not a perfect
match to any Scandinavian example. Rather, a
glance at the tenth volume of the Roman Impe-
rial Coinage (Kent 1994) reveals that the Udo-
vice issue is of the rare RIC 2718 type (Kent
1994, Pl. 61), sporting the interrupted obverse
legend SEV – ERVS, in contrast to the much
more common SE – VERVS. Only three RIC
2718 solidi are known from Scandinavia (Fager-
lie nos 141, 143, 145). Two are from Öland: one
from Gettlinge in Södra Möckleby parish (SHM
2777) and another from Stora Hult in Alguts-
rum parish (SHM 23508), some 4.5 km from
Björnhovda.
The third Scandinavian specimen, from the
Soldatergård hoard on Bornholm, is known by
description only (Breitenstein 1944). It should
be stressed that the last of the Udovice solidi
shows considerable signs of wear on both ob-
verse and reverse. On the obverse, one may note
the partially effaced beading on the diadem, a
cut to the eye, and a long gash descending from
the ear down the cheek, which may be an assay
mark. The reverse is more evenly worn, suggest-
ing that it has been exposed to an even smooth
surface, e.g. a wearer's shirt.
By contrast, most Scandinavian issues for
Libius Severus are of the RIC 2704, 2705 and
2720 types struck in Rome and Milan. Some of
these are in much better condition, having been
hoarded instantly at their arrival in Scandinavia.
Some of the western RIC 2529 coins found in
Scandinavia that were struck for Leo I have die-
identical obverses with the RIC 2719 type struck
for Libius Severus. One of these coins is from
the Björnhovda hoard (Fagerlie no. 537). The
other has been found at Sylten on Bornholm
(Fagerlie no 536), some 500 meters from where
a combined bracteates – solidi – filigree pendants
hoard was found at Fuglsang/Sorte Muld in 2001
(Watt 2000, p. 81; Horsnæs 2001; 2002). The
Sorte Muld pendants are five bracteates and six
solidi struck for Valentinian III (425–455). Four
are die-identical issues of the RIC 2036 type
struck in Ravenna. They have a reverse legend
VOT X MVLT XX, i.e., they date from 435.
Fagerlie lists one example of this type from
Skogsby in Torslunda parish on Öland (SHM
17911). This is c. 3.6 km from Björnhovda and
5.4 km from Färjestaden.
There are also two combined bracteate/soli-
dus gold hoards with coins struck for Libius
Severus on Öland, namely those of Bostorp in
Norra Möckleby parish and Frösslunda in Sten-
åsa parish (Herschend 1980, App. I; Axboe
2004, pp. 321–323). The Bostorp hoard (KLM
23575, 25382) consists of six solidi with a total
weight of 26.7 g (that is a debased uncia, just
slightly below 6/72 of the libra), three C-brac-
teates (IK 221–223) weighing 52.73 g (slightly
below 12/72 of the libra), and a necklace weigh-
ing 153.45 g (well above 34/72 of the libra), giv-
ing the hoard a total weight of 232.88 g, or 52/72
libra. Kyhlberg (1986, pp. 67–68, tab. 44) dates
its deposition to 467–486. The Frösslunda hoard
(SHM 12202, 12262, 12933, 22753), by contrast,
is more in line with one of the Udovice pen-
dants. Together, five solidi (tpq 474) and a C-
bracteate (IK 248) weigh 24.883 g, that is, 24/27
of an uncia.
Find Context
Fifth, there is no reason to believe that the
Udovice pendants come from a grave: filigree
pendants are extremely rare as grave goods. Be-
sides a handful of multipla, solidi and bracteates
mainly from Norway, there is a tiny zoomorphic
ornament in Gamla Uppsala from a gold collar,
which may perhaps be considered a grave gift in
the shape of a pars pro toto (Lindqvist 1936). It
seems more likely that the find from Udovice is
a hoard, very much like those from Southern
Scandinavia or the Carpathian Basin. Moreover,
it is not certain that the two pendants pertain to
the female gender. It is quite possible that such a
rare object carried some sort of male executive
power or prestige with it. The pendants may
together have been interpreted as a sign of Ger-
manic military status, albeit of a lower and more
peripheral rank than the objects found in the
rich graves and hoards commonly attributed to
85
The Udovice Solidus Pendants
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 85
Gepid and Ostrogothic princes, such as the gold
Kolben armlets of Apahida I (230.2 g) and Blučina
(226.7 g), that have been interpreted as stirps regia
(Werner 1980; Kyhlberg 1986, p. 69, 120–121).
Cosmopolitan Kleptocracy
Sixth, as for a possible explanation to the Udo-
vice find, it fits well with the cosmopolitan na-
ture of what I have called the barbaric kleptocra-
cy (Fischer 2005, p. 15). It has already been not-
ed that the South Scandinavians of the Migra-
tion Period were capable of organizing a number
of simultaneous mercenary expeditions to the
continent. As Kyhlberg (1986, p. 72) put it:
»This could mean that, c. A.D. 460 to about the
fall of the Roman empire, the population of
Öland had personal connections with the politi-
cal and military events on the Continent, per-
haps as a result of the regular provision of troops.»
A case in point is the combined evidence from the
two hoards of Björnhovda and Åby on Öland,
which derive from two different campaigns c.
462–465, the former to the west, the latter to the
east (Herschend 1980). The eastern coinage
struck for Leo I (457–474) of the Åby hoard is of
two types, RIC 605 and RIC 630. The RIC 605
type, has been dated to c. 462–466 (Kent 1994).
Åby has five internal die-identities of this type
in fine and very fine condition (Fagerlie nos 378,
420, 441–443). This type of coinage in Åby
probably derives from substantial tributes paid
to the Valamirian Ostrogoths in the mid-460s
by two Byzantine magistri militum, the Galatian
Procopius Anthemius and the Alan Flavius Ard-
abur Aspar. Their later careers would be turbu-
lent: Anthemius ruled as western emperor
467–472, but was murdered by Ricimer. Aspar
fared no better, murdered by Leo I in 471. By
contrast, it appears that at least some lower-
ranking South Scandinavian mercenaries were
more fortunate. The RIC 630 type was struck
for Leo I in 471–473. The Åby hoard has three
internal die-identities of this type, of which two
have an obverse-reverse die-identity (Fagerlie
nos 408–410).
The Åby hoard was finally augmented with
new western coinage, a solidus struck for Romu-
lus Augustus in 476, following the payment of
the Scirian Odoacer, leader of the Herules in
Ravenna. Meanwhile, the Björnhovda hoard was
augmented with a solidus struck for the eastern
usurper Basiliscus (475–477). This relatively mi-
nor addition to the Björnhovda hoard suggests
that its owners may not have played a role in the
western payment of 476, though they clearly did
during the 462–465 western expedition. A pos-
sible scenario is that the principal contributors
to the Björnhovda hoard stayed behind on the
continent.
The Udovice pendants were most likely ma-
nufactured in South Scandinavia shortly after a
western expedition in 462–465, when the Libius
Severus solidus was fitted to one of the pen-
dants. Together, the two pendants must subse-
quently have been exposed to wear for a consid-
erable time after 465. They were in all likelihood
brought to the continent during yet another
eastern mercenary expedition in the last quarter
of the 5th century, that is, during the reign of
Zeno the Isaurian (476–491) or Anastasius
(491-518).
Occasion for the Deposition at Udovice
Seventh, the deposition event of the Udovice
pendants could tentatively coincide with one of
many wars in the area as related by the 6th-cen-
tury chroniclers Procopius and Marcellinus co-
mes. The Ostrogoths captured Singidunum in
the 470s, only to be expelled in c. 488 by the
Gepids, who then made Sirmium their capital.
The Ostrogoths returned in force in 504 during
the reign of Theoderic the Great, conquering
Illyricum and much of the lower Danube valley.
Singidunum reverted to Byzantine control in 512
under the truce between Theoderic and Ana-
stasius.
In 513, Anastasius is reported to have settled
Herules along the lower Danube to keep a
watchful eye on the neighboring Gepids and
Ostrogoths. As Marcellinus comes put it:
»Gens Erulorum in terras atque civitates
Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris intro-
ducta.»
(Marcellinus, ed. Mommsen 1894).
(Anastasius Caesar introduced the Herul affi-
86 Svante Fischer
Fornvännen 103 (2008)
Art Fischer:Layout 1 09-02-11 13.15 Sida 86
nity to abandoned Roman lands and settle-
ments).
The presence of Ostrogoths, Gepids and Heru-
les around Udovice more or less closes the case
of the hoard’s origin as far as I am concerned,
given the account of Procopius of Caesarea in De
bello Gothico II, 15 (Lotter 2003, pp. 130–131) of
Herul royalty travelling back to Scandinavia as
late as in 509.
Conclusion
The seven points above all lend support to an
interpretation of the Udovice pendants as im-
portant testimony to the extensive range of so-
ciopolitical mobility within the late-5th century
Germanic kleptocracy and its material culture.
Together with the finds of three die-identical
runic C-bracteates (IK 182, 1–3) from Debrecen
and Szatmár in Hungary, the Udovice pendants
show that the mid-level military leaders among
the Germanic successors of the Roman Empire
had no qualms in bringing objects pertaining to
translatio imperii (Fischer 2005, p. 13) all the way
from peripheral Scandinavia down to the Car-
pathian Basin and even across the Danube. But
once they climbed further up in the military
hierarchy, Germanic mercenaries were quick to
shed the clearest signs of their peripheral origins
in favor of more Roman symbols of power. In
his account of the Vandal wars, Procopius of
Caesarea claims that when the comes Belisarius
attacked the Vandal kingdom, four hundred
Herules from Thrace under the command of
Faras were with him. As to their attire, a glance
at the famous mosaics of San Vitale is perhaps in
order. Justinian’s bodyguards are indeed wear-
ing gold necklaces, but now of a more Byzantine
character.
Thanks to Jan Peder Lamm for bringing the Udovice
find to my attention, and to the helpful staff of the
Royal Coin Cabinet in Stockholm.
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