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The 5th CenturyHoard of Theodosian Solidi from Stora Brunneby,Öland, Sweden. A Result from the LEO Project

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The Stora Brunneby hoard of 17 solidi with a terminus post quem of 451 is presented and analysed. The hoard's type composition and the coins' average weight are quite unusual, and the hoard was therefore selected for publication in order to present some preliminary results of the interdisciplinary LEO Project at the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History of Uppsala University. LEO is an acronym for Liber excelsis obryzacusque, "the elevated book of pure gold". We have primarily used the tenth volume of The Roman Imperial Coinage in the assessment of Scandinavian solidus hoards, which has led to an improved chronology and enabled renewed study of die identities within solidus hoards across Europe and the Mediterranean. This publication of the Stora Brunneby hoard should be regarded as a first step towards the evaluation of the LEO databases, now that the relationship between Scandinavian solidus hoards and political events in the Late Roman Empire has been firmly established. Our study of the Stora Brunneby hoard revealed that it is the third largest solidus hoard from Öland, and the tenth largest solidus hoard from Scandinavia. Its accumulation period chronology, from tpq 394 to 451, is unusually early. The coins are comparatively heavy, giving the hoard one of the greatest average weights in Scandinavia. Our interpretation of the hoard is that it is the earliest numismatic evidence of Scandinavian mercenaries receiving solidus payments from the West Roman emperor on specific occasions.
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The 5th century hoard of Theodosian solidi from Stora Brunneby, Öland,
Sweden : a result from the LEO project
Fischer, Svante
Fornvännen 2011(106):3, s. [189]-204 : ill.
http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/2011_189
Ingår i: samla.raa.se
“Theodosius valetudine ydropis apud Medi-
olanium defunctus est anno regni sui XVII.
Et ipse annus, qui Theodosii XVII ipse
Arcadii et Honorii in initio regni eorum
primus est. Quod ideo indicatur ne olympia-
dem quinque annorum turbes adiectio, in
hoc loco tantum propter regnantum inserta
principium.”
Hydatius, Olympiad 293.17, 22 [25] (a. 395);
Burgess 1993, p. 79
(Theodosius died of dropsy in Milan in the sev-
enteenth year of his reign. And this year, which is
the seventeenth of Theodosius, is the first of
Arcadius and Honorius at the beginning of their
reign. This explanation is offered so that you do
not disturb the five-year Olympiad. The addi-
tional years have been inserted only in this place
because of the beginning of their reign.)
“In Orientis partibus septimo anno imperii
sui moritur Marcianus.”
Hydatius 176 [183] (a. 456–457);
Burgess 1993, p. 109
(In the East, Marcian died in the seventh year of
his reign.)
“The many gold hoards of the Baltic region
can be left out […] despite their numerical
importance and the value of individual
items among them (solidi of Glycerius,
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi
from Stora Brunneby, Öland, Sweden
A Result from the LEO Project
By Svante Fischer, Fernando López Sánchez and Helena Victor
Fischer, S.; López Sánchez, F. & Victor, H., 2011. The 5th Century Hoard of Theo-
dosian Solidi from Stora Brunneby, Öland, Sweden. A Result from the LEO Proj-
ect. Fornvännen 106. Stockholm.
The Stora Brunneby hoard of 17 solidi with a terminus post quem of 451 is present-
ed and analysed as a preliminary result of the LEO Project. Its type composition
and the coins' average weight are quite unusual and support a wider interpretation.
Svante Fischer, Dept of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Uppsala, Box 626,
SE–751 26 Uppsala, Sweden
svante.fischer@arkeologi.uu.se
Fernando López Sánchez, Departamento de Historia, Geografía y Arte, Facultad de
Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Universidad Jaume I, Av. Sos Baynat, s/e, E-12071 Castellón
de la Plana, Spain
flopezsanchez@hotmail.com
Helena Victor, Kalmar Läns Museum, Box 104, SE–391 21 Kalmar, Sweden
helena.victor@kalmarlansmuseum.se
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 189
Leontius), for they do not help in establish-
ing the dating of particular issues or throw
much light on coin circulation within the
Empire.”
Grierson & Mays 1999, p. 15
This article discusses a hoard of 17 solidi found in
a field at Stora Brunneby in Stenåsa parish,
southeastern Öland, Sweden. All 17 solidi were
struck for emperors belonging to the Theodosian
dynasty, from Theodosius I in 394–95 in Milan to
Marcian in 451 in Constantinople. The Scandi-
navian solidus hoards have often been over-
looked in international research, being perceived
as precious oddities due to seemingly incompre-
hensible peripheral conditions, very much akin
to solidi found in auction catalogues. “[H]oards
found in India and Scandinavia are not included”
(Kent 1994, p. lxxxviii). As quoted above, numis-
matists Philip Grierson and Melinda Mays (1999,
p. 15) even suggested that solidus hoards from
Scandinavia are irrelevant for studies pertaining
to the chronology of coin circulation within the
Late Roman Empire. By contrast, archaeologist
Majvor Östergren and many others have convin-
cingly shown through a number of excavations
and surveys that Scandinavian solidus hoards
generally derive from proper archeological con-
texts. They are typically found inside house foun-
dationson Funen, Bornholmand Gotland (Öster-
gren 1981; Lind 1981; 1988; Jonsson & Öster-
gren 1992; Henriksen 2007; Horsnæs 2008, p.
115). This appears to be the case on Öland, too
(Herschend 1980, pp. 166–167; Fallgren 2008,
pp. 133–134).
One could thus argue that Scandinavian finds
of solidi are not only suitable source material on
the social structure of the Scandinavian Migra-
tion Period and the political relationship be-
tween the Late Roman Empire and the northern
outskirts of Barbaricum, but they can also be em-
ployed to elucidate the chain of political events
inside the Roman Empire in relation to written
sources(Fischer2008b,p.81).Moreover,theScan-
dinavian solidus hoards contain many highly
unusual die specimens, not least for the Western
emperor Valentinian III (425–455). The study of
all Scandinavian solidus dies is thus very impor-
tant for any future revision of the tenth volume
of the Roman Imperial Coinage (RIC X) by J.P.
C. Kent (1994).
The LEO Project
The research behind this paper has taken place
within the interdisciplinary LEO project at the
Department of Archaeology and Ancient Histo-
ry of Uppsala University. The project was created
in 2007 by archaeologists Svante Fischer and
Helena Victor. LEO is an acronym for Liberexcel-
sis obryzacusque, “the elevated book of pure gold”.
The LEO project has since developed into an in-
ternational research team of archaeologists, his-
torians of Late Antiquity, and Late Roman nu-
mismatists. Our research centers around two
databases,BLEOandCLEO.BLEO(Baltic/Euro-
pean Liber Excelsis Obryzacusque) is construct-
ed at a micro level and currently contains c. 7,300
individual gold coins from the period AD 249–
565. CLEO (Continental Liber Excelsis Obryza-
cusque) is constructed on a macro level and con-
tains 180 gold hoards from Europe, the Middle
East, and North Africa with c. 22,000 gold coins.
We have primarily used the tenth volume of the
RIC in the assessment of Scandinavian solidus
hoards, which has led to an improved chronology
and enabled renewed study of die identities with-
in solidus hoards across Europe and the Mediter-
ranean.
The ultimate goal of the LEO project is to
relate the two databases to climate data and to
correlate this with historical sources (Stathako-
poulos 2004; Fischer et al. 2009). It will thus
establish a more coherent timeline for coinage,
climate data and historical sources, visualizing a
multi-dimensional frame of reference. This pub-
lication of the Stora Brunneby hoard should be
regarded as a first step towards the evaluation of
the LEO databases, now that the relationship
between Scandinavian solidus hoards and politi-
cal events in the Late Roman Empire has been
firmly established (Fischer 2008b, p. 81).
The Stora Brunneby Hoard
The Stora Brunneby hoard has a distinguished
history of previous international research. Four
of the solidi were catalogued by the American
numismatist Joan M. Fagerlie (1967, p. 194) and
her Swedish colleague Ulla Westermark (1983, p.
190 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 190
29,5)asScandinaviansolidushoard114a–d.These
four solidi were found in the early 20th century.
13 additional solidi were recovered by the staff of
Kalmar County Museum, Kalmar by means of
metal detector on two occasions in 1991, and
handed over to the Royal Coin Cabinet (KMK),
Stockholm in 2004 (Rasch 2004). There is little
doubt that the 17 solidi in the catalogue below
derive from one single hoard – coins 1–5, 7–9 and
11–15 were found dispersed in the same field
where the four first coins 6, 10, 16–17 had been
recovered decades earlier. Early Western issues
were found next to later Eastern issues, thus
excluding the possibility of two chronologically
separate hoards. In the case of Stora Brunneby,
interspersed finds of Migration Period and Ven-
del Period copper-alloy belt details are notable in
the metal detector survey (fig. 1; Rasch 2004).
The Stora Brunneby hoard was first examined
as a whole by Fischer in May 2008 at the KMK. It
was subsequently entered into an early version of
the BLEO database. Before this paper was writ-
ten, the LEO project first employed this initial
BLEO database of 1,185 Roman gold coins found
in the Baltic region. Most of this comparative
material was compiled by Fischer from relevant
catalogues (Fagerlie 1967, pp. 6–80, 177–212, I–
XXXIII; Herschend 1980, pp. 165–189; Wester-
mark 1980, pp. 99–104; 1983, pp. 29–40; Kyhl-
berg 1986, pp. 102–121). It was then analyzed by
Victor in July–August 2008, using Multiple Cor-
respondence Analysis (Madsen 1988; Legoux et
al. 2006). The preliminary MCA results showed
that the hoard is quite unusual from a Scandina-
vian perspective, as it consists entirely of Theo-
dosian issues, c. 394–451, with a final coin struck
for the Eastern emperor Marcian (450–457).
This coin places the hoard’s deposition date at
tpq 451. The sole Theodosian emperor missing is
Arcadius (395–408).
The hoard was thus subjected to two further
examinations at the KMK in November 2008
and June 2009 by Fischer along with numisma-
tists Fernando López Sánchez and Lennart Lind,
191
The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi …
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Fig. 1. Distribution map of the Stora Brunneby coin hoard across the field. Based on Rasch 2004.
Illustration: Helena Victor.
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 191
Fig. 2. The distribution of solidi on Öland. Map based
on Herschend (1980) with new finds mapped in a dif-
ferent shade.
and historian of Late Antiquity Hans Lejdegård.
The solidi struck for Valentinian III were then
verified by historian of Late Antiquity and nu-
mismatist Richard W. Burgess in November
2009. Meanwhile, all other available small soli-
dus hoards and stray finds from the parishes of
Sandby and Stenåsa on Öland (Fagerlie hoards
100–102, 110–113) were re-examined by Fischer,
López Sánchez and Lind in November 2008, in
order to verify whether the Stora Brunneby
hoard was part of a general distribution pattern
overlooked by previous research (Janse 1922; Bo-
lin 1926; Stenberger 1933; Werner 1949; Fager-
lie 1967; Herschend 1980; Kyhlberg 1986). This
is evidently not the case. The Stora Brunneby
hoard has no apparent relationship to the closest
small hoards and stray finds of solidi in the parish-
es of Sandby and Stenåsa on Öland. These fit in
the later horizon of the island’s two largest hoards:
Björnhovda in Torslunda parish (Fagerlie hoard
115: 36 solidi, tpq 476) immediately to the north-
west of Sandby parish, at a 15 km distance from
Stora Brunneby; and Åby in Sandby parish (Fa-
gerlie hoard 99: 80 solidi, tpq 477) to the imme-
diate north of Stenåsa near the eastern shore, at a
mere 3.5 km distance from Stora Brunneby (fig.
2). Therefore, the Stora Brunneby hoard had to be
closely examined in relation to the two largest
hoards on Öland and new finds of solidi since the
last survey (Herschend 1980). To what do these
Scandinavian solidus hoards owe their existence?
We find it rather unlikely that any but returning
professional soldiers of the Roman army could
have brought the solidi to Scandinavia.
Most of the coins from Stora Brunneby are in
fine or very fine condition. They have never cir-
culated, nor have they been subject to piercing or
mutilation. None display assay marks. They have
not seen secondary use as looped pendants.
Interpretation
A few scholars, notably archaeologist Joachim
Werner and numismatist D.M. Metcalf, have
ventured to propose commerce, fur trade in par-
ticular, as the source of income behind the Scan-
dinavian solidi (Hildebrand 1882; Werner 1949;
Metcalf 1995, pp. 421–423, 440; Jonsson 2003).
This theory has recently been severely criticized
by the numismatist Renate Ciołek (2009, pp.
192 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Stora
Brunneby
Björnhovda
Åby
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 192
224–226) for its general failure to supply the cor-
responding amount of evidence in either histori-
cal records or archaeological finds in regard to the
huge trading volumes of fur that the influx of
solidi would require. In the light of this, we
would instead like to qualify the solidus hoard
owners in Scandinavia as peripheral kleptocrats,
entrepreneurial parasites involved in the “gold
hemorrhage”, that is, the drain of Roman mone-
tary capital for the benefit of the material culture
of Germanic barbarians (Fischer 2005, p. 15;
Guest 2008, pp. 300–301). The mid- to late 5th
century solidus hoards from Scandinavia may be
interpreted as official payments emanating main-
ly from the imperial court of Ravenna and Rome,
with an important part of the coinage having
been struck in Constantinople as Eastern subsi-
dies to the Western Empire. Therefore, the
solidus types in these Scandinavian hoards often
differ from those in the large Szikáncs hoard
from Hungary that has been interpreted as East-
ern tributes or subsidies to the Huns (Herschend
1991a; Guest 2008, pp. 296–298).
By contrast, the much-debated Scandinavian
crisis theory (advanced in the mid-20th century
by archaeologists Mårten Stenberger and Wern-
er, and the numismatist Fagerlie), which presup-
poses an orchestrated attack on Öland by its Scan-
dinavian neighbors around 477, must be mode-
rated. This is the case even though the construc-
tion of at least 15 substantial stone ring-forts on
Öland in the late 4th and early 5th centuries
would speak in favor of an external threat (Weg-
raeus 1976; Fallgren 2008). Similarly, the idea of
a late arrival in Scandinavia of solidi first hoard-
ed on the Continent, with a few freshly minted
additions, as suggested in the late 20th century
by archaeologists Mats P. Malmer (1977) and Ola
Kyhlberg (1986), and numismatist Brita Malmer
(1985, pp. 59–62), must also be discarded as the
composition of the Stora Brunneby hoard empha-
tically contradicts this scenario. Instead, it would
appear that solidi were brought to Scandinavia in
lump sums on several occasions. There appears
to have been continuous hoarding of solidi re-
gardless of the internal political situation in
Scandinavia, as suggested by numismatist Pekka
Sarvas (1968; 1970) and archaeologist Frands
Herschend (1980).
Stora Brunneby is the third-largest solidus
hoard known to date from Öland (tab. 1). It can
be divided into two chronological phases, the
first consisting of coins 1–9. Among these are six
Western issues struck 394–440: four from Ra-
venna, and one each from Milan and Rome.
These belong together with three Eastern issues
of Theodosius II 424–434, one with the mint-
mark COMOB and two with CONOB. The sec-
ond half of the hoard is entirely of Eastern origin,
struck 441 and 451 in Constantinople. It consists
of seven issues for Theodosius II (10–16) and the
final coin struck early in the reign of Marcian
(17), thus covering roughly a decade. The Stora
Brunneby hoard contains no solidi struck at the
Western mint of Arles or the Eastern mint of
Thessalonica. It is a rather rigid hoard, centered
on important issues: the military campaigns
directed by the Western emperor to secure the
sustainability of Rome and Italy in the first half
of the 5th century, 425–426, 431–434, 441, and
451–452.
The hoard stands out as a stark contrast to
others from southern Öland that were assembled
mainly in the 460s and 470s. These hoards do
include issues from Arles and Thessalonica. A
third of the coins from Björnhovda share emper-
ors with the 17 coins from Stora Brunneby, com-
pared to half of those from Åby. But the Stora
Brunneby hoard contains no issues of the Eastern
emperors Arcadius (395–408) or Leo I (457– 474),
nor of their Western counterparts Majorian
(457–461), Libius Severus (461–465) or Anthe-
mius (467–472), while the four latter emperors
contribute 33 coins out of 80 in Åby and one
dozen of three in Björnhovda. This means that
coinage hoarded up to 451 on Öland may still be
traced but the specific characteristics of Theo-
dosian solidi are blurred in the larger, later hoards.
It might have been expected that solidi from the
period 457–472 would make up a substantial part
of the final coins when a new Öland solidus hoard
came tolight, sincesolidi struck forthe four above-
mentioned emperors amount to some 42% of the
total from Öland in LEO databases.
Nor does the composition of the Stora Brun-
neby hoard resemble that of large hoards from
Bornholm, Helgö and Gotland that include sub-
stantial numbers of Western solidi struck in the
193
The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi …
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 193
names of Zeno and Anastasius by Odoacer and
Theoderic (Fischer 2009, pp. 31–36). Instead,
many of the hoards on these islands are of a later
date. They may have been deposited, in their
final stage of composition, as late as the early 6th
century. The individual solidi in the Stora Brun-
neby hoard have all the trappings of being in-
tended as payment to troops in the Western part
of the Late Empire, when senior Eastern mem-
bers of the Theodosian imperial college paid sub-
stantial subsidies to their Western juniors. There-
fore, the Stora Brunneby hoard resembles the
ňahoard from Slovakia (108 solidi: tpq 445;
Kolníková 1968; Kolníková & Pieta 2009; De-
peyrot 2009b). The composition of the Stora
Brunneby hoard may also perhaps share a com-
mon background with the Trąbki Małe I–II and
Witow hoards from East Pomerania, Poland, as
these contain many early-5th century solidi (RIC
X: ci, cviii, cxv; Ciołek 2001; 2005; 2007; 2009;
Iluk 2007; Depeyrot 2009b). This group may
subsequently be compared to the Hunnic tribute
that is the Szikáncs hoard from Hungary (1439
solidi: tpq 443; Bíro-Sey 1976; Herschend 1991a;
RIC X; Guest 2008; Depeyrot 2009b).
Solidus Weights
The weight of the 17 solidi from the Stora Brun-
neby hoard merits some comment in the light of
previousresearch(Herschend1983;1991a;1991b).
Their average weight, 4.452 g, is unusually high
by Scandinavian standards when compared to
the average weight of 4.403 g of the other c. 1,200
5th century Scandinavian solidi currently recor-
ded in the LEO databases. It is interesting to note
that the Stora Brunneby hoard lies within an
intermediate range of solidus weights, suggesting
that its owners were among the primary Scandi-
navian actors in contact with the Continent in
the mid-5th century. The pristine condition of
the coins and their high weight allow the assump-
tion that the coins have been handled by only a
few individuals before being buried. As is to be
expected, the lowest weight is displayed by two
194 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
No Emperor Date Mint Weight (g) Cond. RIC no
1 Theodosius I 394-395 Milan 4.42 Fair RIC IX MD,
2 Honorius 420-422 Ravenna 4.46 Fine RIC X 1319
3 Theodosius II 424-425 Constantinople 4.44 Fine RIC X 234
4 Theodosius II 425-429 Constantinople 4.46 Fine RIC X 237
5 Valentinian III 426 Ravenna 4.37 Fine RIC X 2011
6 Theodosius II 431-434 Constantinople 4.51 Fine RIC X 258
7 Valentinian III 435 Rome 4.37 Bent RIC X 2034
8 Valentinian III 440 Ravenna 4.43 Fine RIC X 2018
9 Valentinian III 440 Ravenna 4.44 Fine RIC X 2018
10 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.44 Fine RIC X 284
11 Theodosius II 441 COMOB 4.48 Fine RIC X 292
12 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.47 Fine RIC X 293
13 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.45 Fine RIC X 293
14 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.47 Fine RIC X 323
15 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.45 Fine RIC X 323
16 Theodosius II 441 Constantinople 4.49 Fine RIC X 323
17 Marcian 451-456 Constantinople 4.50 Very fine RIC X 510
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 194
Western solidi struck for Valentinian III, with
the highest weight represented by Eastern issues
struck for Theodosius II and Marcian. Only the
Dalshøj hoard from Bornholm (Fagerlie hoard
204:17solidi,tpq491) hasahigheraverageweight,
4.458 g. By contrast the hoards of Åby and Björn-
hovda rank below with a 4.421 g and 4.413 g aver-
age respectively.
There appears to be a clear correlation be-
tween average solidus weight and chronology
(fig. 3, tab. 2). The hoards that display the longest
assembly periods have the lowest average weight,
as these often include an important share of
Western issues (Herschend 1983; 1991a; Iluk
2007;Guest2008,pp. 301–306;Depeyrot2009b).
Similarly, hoards with short assembly periods for
Eastern solidus coinage have by far the highest
average weight, notably Szikáncs with as much as
4.483 g. One explanation for this may be that
many Scandinavian hoard owners acted inside
the Roman Empire at different times, and that
the Scandinavian solidus hoards actually reflect
the current monetary circulation in different re-
gions of the Late Roman world during the course
of the 5th century. Gresham’s law for solidus
hoards in Barbaricum must therefore be applied
with caution from an intimate knowledge of spe-
cific archaeological contexts. This is so as Gres-
ham’s law traditionally states that “Bad money
drives good money out of circulation”. But, as
Economics Nobel Prize winner Robert Mundell
(1998) has clarified, “Bad money drives out good
if they exchange for the same price.” The obvious way
to counteract Gresham’s law would be to weigh
solidi rather than count them.
Catalogue
The First Part, Coins 1–9
The hoard starts off with an issue struck in Milan
for Theodosius I and one from Ravenna for the
most junior augustus of his imperial college,
Honorius (coins 1–2). The two following SALVS
195
The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi …
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Tab. 1. The Stora Brunneby
solidus hoard’s contents.
3
Recensioner
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Museum no Catalogue no LEO no
Pl. VI, 10 KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 15 LEO:607
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 10 LEO:604
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F C LEO:1128
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F F LEO:599
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 12 LEO:603
SHM inv nr 12778 Fagerlie nr 227 LEO:595
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 14 LEO:606
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 9 LEO:600
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 13 LEO:605
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 11 LEO:601
SHM inv nr 22977 Fagerlie nr 300 LEO:597
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 19 LEO:608
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 8 LEO:1125
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 18 LEO:602
KMK dnr 711-1508-2004 Rasch F 16 LEO:1124
SHM inv nr 23277 Westermark nr 5 LEO:598
SHM inv nr 21108 Fagerlie nr 351 LEO:596
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 195
196 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Tab. 2. Solidus hoards.
Fig. 3. Graph of weight and tpq for ten solidi hoards, showing an inverse correlation between average coin
weight (left) and length of accumulation time (right).
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Hoard No of coins Chronology Years Av. weight
Smiss, Gotland 25 395-527 133 4.344
Botes, Gotland 83 395-518 124 4.393
Saltholm, Bornholm 29 431-491 61 4.394
Helgö, Uppland 47 431-491 61 4.404
Björnhovda, Öland 36 404-475 72 4.413
Åby, Öland 80 402-475 74 4.421
Stora Brunneby, Öland 17 394-451 58 4.452
Dalshøj, Bornholm 17 420-491 72 4.459
ňa, Slovakia 108 395-441 47 4.463
Szikáncs, Hungary 1436 408-441 11 4.483
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 196
REI PVBLICAE issues (coins 3–4) struck by Theo -
dosius II must be interpreted as Eastern propa-
ganda in favor of the junior Western emperor
Valentinian III. Then there are three issues from
the reign of Valentinian III interspersed with an
Eastern issue of 431–434 (coins 5–9).
1. Solidus. Theodosius I, Milan, 394–395,
4.42 g, Fair
RIC IX, MD, Plate VI, 10. KMK dnr 711-
1508-2004, F 15. LEO no 607.
Solidi struck for Theodosius I (379–395) are rare
in Scandinavia. There are only three other speci-
mens (Klindt-Jensen 1957; Dahlin Hauken 2005;
Henriksen 2007, pp. 211–212). Two have been
looped and carried as pendants for a long time,
suggesting that their rarity was appreciated – a
total of 39 looped 5th and 6th century solidi are
known from Scandinavia in the LEO databases.
The first specimen is a sole coin within a scrap
hoard of gold and silver that was found in 2007
hidden under the floor of a Migration Period
house at Fraugde Kærby, Funen, Denmark. Its loop
has been broken off and its twisted gold-filigree
rim is damaged. The other looped specimen was
deposited as a grave good in a Migration Period
burial at Hamre, Norway. The Stora Brunneby
specimen is the first known Scandinavian examp-
le belonging to a larger hoard of proper solidi
without loops or piercings, besides a single stray
find from Bornholm. One may note that the two
larger hoards of Åby and Björnhovda begin only
later with a single specimen of Arcadius (395–
408) each (Fagerlie nos 193, 192), the former an
RIC X 1286 struck in Ravenna 402–406, the lat-
ter an RIC X 1251 struck in Rome 404–408.
2. Solidus. Honorius, Ravenna, 420–422,
4.46 g, Fine
RIC X 1320, KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
10. LEO no 604.
This coin belongs to the late reign of Honorius in
Ravenna, c. 420–422, before the tricennalia in
422 (Lejdegård 2002). The RIC X 1319 issues may
be related to Asterius’ or Castinus’ military cam-
paigns in Spain after the death of Constantius III
(Hydatius 66 [74]–69 [77], a. 420– 422; Burgess
1993, pp. 87–88). About a dozen of these solidi
are known from Scandinavia, many of which are
worn and pierced. There are no loop-ed speci-
mens. Kent lists different but un specified RIC
1319–1320 specimens in KMK (RIC X, p. 333).
3. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
424–425, 4.44 g, Fine
RIC X 234. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F C.
LEO no 1128.
This issue with the reverse legend SALVS REI
PVBLICAE, struck in 424–425, is related to the
ascension of Valentinian III to the rank of augus-
tus, with the junior Western emperor depicted
on the reverse as standing, while the senior em -
peror Theodosius II is enthroned. There are four
variants A–D, RIC X 233–236. This series was
distributed to the West in order to support mili-
tary expenditure at the onset of Galla Placida’s
regency. There are only two other RIC X 234
known in Scandinavia, both from Öland (Fager-
lie nos 212, 214) – from Björnhovda, and from
Guldåkern in Algutsrum parish (Fagerlie hoard
no 80). There are also two known RIC X 233. The
first is a pierced specimen from Runsberga in
Torslunda parish (Fagerlie hoard no 61, coin
215). The other, Fagerlie no 213, is from the Botes
hoard from Etelhem parish on Gotland (Fagerlie
hoard 137b, 85 solidi: tpq 533), currently the
largest known Scandinavian solidus hoard. By
contrast, the Szikáncs hoard has 21 specimens,
some 1.43% of the total sum of genuine solidi
(Depeyrot 2009b, pp. 140–141, 168, nos 45–68).
4. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
Oct 425–429, 4.46 g, Fine
RIC X 237. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F F.
LEO no 599.
This second, later issue also celebrates the ascen-
sion of Valentinian III to augustus, but this time
the reverse depicts both emperors enthroned. It
dates to between October 425 and 429. Interna-
tionally, this is a very frequent type (Åberg 1953;
Dahlin Hauken 2005, Fischer 2008a, pp. 175–
176). The Szikáncs hoard contains 150 of them,
that is some 10.44% of the genuine solidi in the
hoard (Depeyrot 2009b, pp. 141–143, 168, nos
197
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69–218). But there are only five coins of this type
in Scandinavia from four different officinae, a
Sigma specimen coming from the prominent
Migration Period chamber grave of Evebø in
Norway, and two (Alpha, Beta) from the Åby
hoard (Fagerlie no 216–217), a stray find from
Gotland (Iota), and one example in the Kås-
bygård hoard from Bornholm (Heta). The Evebø
specimen is a tantalizing appearance as there are
only six certain cases of graves in Scandinavia
containing genuine multipla or solidi. In con-
trast to the earlier theories of archaeologist Nils
Åberg (1953), one must emphasize that the inclu-
sion of solidi in the local burial ritual is usually an
indication of a relative coin scarcity, not one of
abundance. Öland, Gotland and Bornholm have
by far the most solidi in all of Denmark and Swe-
den. But there are no graves with solidi there.
Norway by contrast, with only seven genuine
multipla and solidi, has four such graves.
5. Solidus. Valentinian III, Ravenna, 426,
4.37 g, Fine
RIC X 2011. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
12. LEO no 603.
This is a rare issue by international standards,
dating to 426. Interestingly, a new specimen of
this type has been found together with Scandina-
vian gold bracteates near the same site as the
Fuglesangsager hoard from Sorte Muld men-
tioned below (Horsnæs 2001; 2002; 2009, p.
239, 251; Axboe 2002; 2004, p. 323). This cer-
tainly reinforces the likelihood of a hypothetical
connection between the owners of the Stora
Brunneby hoard on Öland and the Sorte Muld
central place complex on Bornholm (see discus-
sion of coin 7 below).
6. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
431–434, 4.51 g, Fine
RIC X 258. Fagerlie no 227, SHM 12778.
LEO no 595.
This is the first coin found in 1906. It belongs to
the many series of VOT XXX MVLT XXXX
issues, celebrating the tricennalia of Theodosius
II. These are related to the emperor’s military
campaigns against the Vandals in the Western
Mediterranean in 431–434, but also to the Hun-
nic tributes in the East (Kaegi 1968, p. 27; Theo-
phanes, Chronographia AM. 5931; Mango &
Scott 1997, p. 147; Procopius, Vand.: 1.4. 1–11;
De wing 1961, pp. 34–37). The types are common
in Scandinavia: some 62 specimens are found in
Fagerlie nos 220–281 alone. Åby contains some
11, while Björnhovda contains three. It is inte-
resting to note that only one specimen of this
very significant series found its way into the Sto-
ra Brunneby hoard. By contrast, there are some
909 specimens in the Szikáncs hoard, that is, c.
63% of the genuine solidi in the hoard (Depeyrot
2009b, pp. 143–161, 169–170, nos 219–1127).
7. Solidus. Valentinian III, Rome, 435,
4.37 g, Bent
RIC X 2034. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
14. LEO no 606.
This issue, struck in Rome, belongs to the West-
ern VOT X series, RIC X 2032–2036, which is
related to the procession from Rome to Ravenna
in 435 of Valentinian III in conjunction with the
celebration of his decennalia in the eternal city
during his fourth consulate. The first RIC X 2032–
34 were struck in Rome. Shortly afterwards,
issues were also struck in Ravenna, RIC X 2035–
2036. There are at least five different obverse
dies, and one reverse die had its legend recut from
RM to RV after the comitatensian mint was trans-
ferred from Rome to Ravenna. One may note
that among the more spectacular finds of this
Western VOT X series is at least one recorded
specimen of RIC X 2035–36 from the chamber
grave of the Merovingian king Childeric I in
Tournai, Belgium (c. 482), and one RIC X 2034
and two RIC X 2035–2036 in the Bíňa hoard in
Slovakia (tpq 445; Kolníková 1968; Kazanski &
Périn 1988; Kolníková & Pieta 2009).
There are only seven known Scandinavian
examples, including five looped specimens be -
longing to the Fuglesangsager hoard near the
Sorte Muld central-place complex on Bornholm
(Adamsen et al. 2008). This hoard contains four
RIC X 2036 struck in Ravenna with three obver -
se die-identical specimens and two reverse die-
identical specimens that were hoarded together
with a RIC X 2034 and a Visigothic RIC X 3711.
198 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.11 Sida 198
The spectacular associated context of a rolled-up
Roman silver plate, gold-filigree pendants and
three die-identical Scandinavian gold bracteates
of type C is indeed worthy of attention (Horsnæs
2001; 2002; 2009, p. 251; Axboe 2002; 2004, p.
323). None of these solidus issues had ever been
found in a large Scandinavian hoard before, the
single previous specimen from Öland being a
stray find from Skogsby in Torslunda parish
(Fagerlie no 86; Fallgren 2006, pp. 74–75), with
an obverse die-identical to the RIC X 2034 soli -
dus 103 in the Bíňa hoard. The fact that the
looped die-identical RIC X 2036 coins from
Fuglesangsager were kept together and worn as
jewellery suggests a distinct relationship to the
payment of the decennalia and certain find spots
in Scandinavia, tentatively linking Stora Brun-
neby to Sorte Muld.
Numismatist Helle W. Horsnæs’ hypothesis
that the Fuglesangsager hoard was composed at
the central-place complex of Gudme on Funen,
where loops were added to the solidi, appears
problematic. The loops on the Fuglsangsager so -
lidi are insufficient evidence by themselves. It is
far more likely that the solidi derive from a con-
nection to Öland and the Bíňa hoard, while it is
theoretically plausible that the bracteates from
Fuglesangsager may have been imported from
Gudme. The Fuglesangsager specimens of the
VOT X series are very worn, whereas the Stora
Brunneby example, although bent, is in far better
condition. This gives the Stora Brunneby hoard
an important chronological precedence in close
relation to the Bíňa hoard and the early 5th cen-
tury Polish hoards, leaving the central place of
Gudme, with no known VOT X specimens or
RIC X 3711 issues, entirely out of the discussion
as far as solidi are concerned. By contrast, the
Szikáncs hoard has only one RIC X 2034 and one
RIC X 2036 (Depeyrot 2009b, p. 139, 167, no 1, 3).
8. Solidus. Valentinian III, Ravenna , 440 or
shortly after, 4.43 g, Fine
RIC X 2018. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F 9.
LEO no 600.
This is a common coin type. There are five in the
Åby hoard (Fagerlie nos 56–60), of which one is
in the same fine condition. The Björnhovda hoard
has two (Fagerlie nos 52, 61), with one in fine
condition. The type appears to have been minted
around 440, in contrast to Kent’s dating of
430–445 (RIC X, p. 366). 440 appears most like-
ly when taking into account that Valentinian III
returns from the East with full financial support
of Constantinople in 438 just as he did in 425.
The Visigoths strike the same type in conjunc-
tion with the treaty of October 19, 439. One may
thus assume that this Roman issue began to be
struck at that time (López Sánchez 2007, pp.
325–328).
9. Solidus. Valentinian III, Ravenna, 440,
4.44 g, Fine
RIC X 2018. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
13. LEO no 605.
This issue is a variant of RIC X 2018, quite in line
with the other coinage struck in Ravenna around
440 (López Sánchez 2007, pp. 325–328).
The Second Part, Coins 10–17
The second part of the hoard includes six issues
with the reverse legend IMP XXXXII COS XVII,
commemorating the 42nd year and 17th con-
sulate of the reign of Theodosius II, who had
been appointed emperor in 402 by his father
Arcadius. The legend essentially pertains to East-
ern coinage struck in 441. The RIC X 286–329 is -
sues are probably related to Theodosius’ II plan -
ned new military campaigns of 441 against the
Vandals in Sicily, which failed to materialize, the
money ending up instead in Hunnic tributes. A
long striking period divided into three phases
441–443, 443–445 and 445–447 as suggested by
Kent (1956; 1992), appears less likely. These
types are common in Scandinavia, with some 60
specimens in the LEO databases with the reverse
legend CONOB and 38 with the reverse legend
COMOB. But the two hoards of Åby and Björn-
hovda contain only four and three specimens,
respectively, in contrast to five in the Stora Brun-
neby hoard (coins 11–16 below).
10. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
441, 4.44 g, Fine
RIC X 284. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004. F
11. LEO no 601.
199
The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi …
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Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.12 Sida 199
The reverse legend UIRT EXER (to be read
VIRT EXER) refers to the virtuous imperial
army. This type was struck in 441 and although
generally common, there are only three known
specimens from Scandinavia. Two are in the Björn -
hovda hoard (Fagerlie nos 199–200), of which
the latter is RIC X 284, no 199 being RIC X 285.
Surprisingly, there are none in the Åby hoard. By
contrast, there are 62 specimens of RIC X
284–285 in the Szikáncs hoard, some 4.3% of the
total sum of genuine solidi (Depeyrot 2009b, pp.
161–163, 169, no 1128–1188).
11. Solidus. Theodosius II, COMOB, 441,
4.48 g, Fine
RIC X 292. Fagerlie no 300, SHM 22977.
LEO no 597.
This coin was found in 1943. It sports the reverse
legend COMOB on an Eastern issue. Outside of
Stora Brunneby, this is by no means rare. There
are 38 specimens in Fagerlie nos 293–331. Of
these, coins 299, 308, and 319 are from the Åby
hoard, while none appear in the Björnhovda
hoard.
12. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
441, 4.47 g, Fine
RIC X 293. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
19. LEO no 608.
13. Solidus. Theodosius II,Constantinople,
441, 4.45 g, Fine
RIC X 293. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F 8.
LEO no 1125.
14. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
441, 4.47 g, Fine
RIC X 323. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
18. LEO no 602.
15. Solidus. Theodosius II, Constantinople,
441, 4.45 g, Fine
RIC X 323. KMK dnr 711-1508-2004, F
16. LEO no 1124.
16. Solidus. Theodosius IIConstantinople,
441, 4.49 g, Fine
RIC X 323. SHM 23277. Westermark no
5. LEO no 598.
Coin 16 was found in 1944 on the same site as 6,
10, and 17. It was not included in Fagerlie’s sur-
vey in 1958–1959, published in 1967. It was redis-
covered and published by Westermark only in
1983.
17. Solidus. Marcian Constantinople, 451,
4.5 g, Very fine
RIC X 510. Fagerlie no 351. SHM 21108.
LEO no 596.
This last coin was found in 1936. It is the second-
heaviest and best-preserved coin of the hoard,
but is not clear whether this is due to its relative-
ly early recovery or to it having been deposited
immediately upon arrival on Öland. Its state of
preservation is not uncommon in Scandinavia.
We have so far identified nine examples out of a
total of the known 33 solidi issued for Marcian in
Scandinavia, with two specimens each in the Åby
and Björnhovda hoards. Many of these solidi are
likely to have arrived in the West as Eastern sub-
sidies in 451–455. This should be understood in
relation to the proclamation in Rome on March
30, 452 that recognized Marcian as a junior mem-
ber of the imperial college, following the mar-
riage of Valentinian’s aunt Pulcheria to the new
Eastern emperor in 450, and Marcian’s solidus
coinage in conjunction with his first consulship
that began on January 18, 451 (RIC X, pp. 95– 108).
Conclusion
The correspondence analysis revealed many un-
usual features in the Stora Brunneby hoard. Sub-
sequent re-examination of the individual solidi
confirmed these observations. The hoard is
entirely composed of almost uncirculated solidi
struck for emperors of the Theodosian dynasty.
The average weight of the coins is quite high,
4.452 g, and its deposition date is early, tpq 451.
The major part of the hoard is easily divided
into five-year statistical intervals stretching from
420–422 to 441. This fits well with the well-
recorded vota and consulate celebrations of the
Theodosian emperors in the West, upon which
solidi were always distributed to the imperial
army (Kent 1956, p. 192; Gillett 2001, pp. 137–
148). Some of the solidus types in the first part of
the hoard (coins 1–9) are rather unusual by Scan-
dinavian standards, whereas the coinage in the
second part of the hoard (coins 10–17) is by far
200 Svante Fischer et al.
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.12 Sida 200
more common. Our interpretation of the Stora
Brunneby hoard is that it should be regarded as
the hitherto earliest numismatic evidence for the
recruitment of Germanic professional soldiers
from Öland via Gothic affinities on the southern
Baltic shores of Pomerania to serve the Theo-
dosian dynasty (Ciołek 2007). This recruitment
process may already have begun during the reign
of Theodosius I.
The Stora Brunneby hoard is likely to have
been accumulated over some time, with at least
two generations contributing to it in the first half
of the 5th century. The hoard may be the result of
a series of payments especially related to quin-
quennial vota (Burgess 1988), which should per-
haps be seen as occasions for the rotation of mil-
itary units between Scandinavia and Italy. The
quinquennalia are best described as traditional
rituals that were modified by the Christian em -
perors into a confirmation of vows of loyalty be-
tween the emperor, his administration and hired
troops. The hoard contains many coin types that
are rather unusual in a small geographic area
where solidus hoards like Åby and Björnhovda
contain a non-negligible quantity of die-identi-
cal coins that do not appear in the Stora Brunne-
by hoard. Still, some of the earliest coinage first
found in the Stora Brunneby hoard may then be
traced in the larger hoards of Åby and Björnhov-
da that were accumulated some 10–20 years later.
The new evidence from the Stora Brunneby
hoard casts serious doubt not only on the past theo-
ries that proposed that solidi arrived in Scan -
dinavia by means of fur trade, but also on those
that argued for a generally very late arrival in
Scandinavia of lump sums of worn issues together
with a handful of fresh, uncirculated coins. In-
stead, it appears clear that there was also an ear-
lier influx of uncirculated solidus coinage in the
first half of the 5th century, and that these coins
were to some degree reassembled into larger
hoards at a later date by subsequent generations
of hoard owners. The relative size of the Stora
Brunneby hoard (currently the third-largest known
from Öland, and the tenth-largest known from
Scandinavia) suggests that its owner carried
some authority in local society. It is tempting to
see a competitive relationship.
Those who gathered the Stora Brunneby hoard
in the first half of the 5th century may have been
peers of the first-generation owners of the Åby
hoard, but superior in status to the workforce
that built the nearby stone ring-fort of Sandby
(Wegraeus 1976; Fallgren 2008). Both families
may also have had some form of connection with
the Sorte Muld central-place complex on Born-
holm. The Stora Brunneby hoard stops as early as
451, at the onset of the reign of the last member
of the Theodosian dynasty. Why? Its owner may
have traveled back to Italy for the campaigns of
the 460s and 470s during the reign of the Leonid
dynasty. Perhaps he mounted this expedition
together with his Åby neighbors, with the Stora
Brunneby hoard owner commanding subordi-
nate neighbors from the area around the Sandby
ring-fort. Possibly the hoard owner never return -
ed to pass on the secret of the ancestral hoard to
the next generation at Stora Brunneby.
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Acronyms
KMK = Kungliga Myntkabinettet (Royal Coin Cabi-
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KLM = Kalmar Läns Museum (Kalmar County Muse-
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KVHAA = Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, Histo-
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MCA = Multiple Correspondence Analysis.
LEO = Liber excelsis obryzacusque (The elevated book of
pure gold).
RIC = Roman Imperial Coinage publication series.
SHM = Statens Historiska Museum, (National Muse-
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The 5th Century Hoard of Theodosian Solidi …
Fornvännen 106 (2011)
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Summary
The Stora Brunneby hoard of 17 solidi with a ter-
minus post quem of 451 is presented and ana -
lysed. The hoard's type composition and the
coins' average weight are quite unusual, and the
hoard was therefore selected for publication in
order to present some preliminary results of the
interdisciplinary LEO Project at the Department
of Archaeology and Ancient History of Uppsala
University. LEO is an acronym for Liber excelsis
obryzacusque, “the elevated book of pure gold”.
We have primarily used the tenth volume of
The Roman Imperial Coinage in the assessment of
Scandinavian solidus hoards, which has led to an
improved chronology and enabled renewed stu -
dy of die identities within solidus hoards across
Europe and the Mediterranean. This publication
of the Stora Brunneby hoard should be regarded
as a first step towards the evaluation of the LEO
databases, now that the relationship between
Scandinavian solidus hoards and political events
in the Late Roman Empire has been firmly estab-
lished.
Our study of the Stora Brunneby hoard re -
vealed that it is the third largest solidus hoard
from Öland, and the tenth largest solidus hoard
from Scandinavia. Its accumulation period chro -
nology, from tpq 394 to 451, is unusually early.
The coins are comparatively heavy, giving the
hoard one of the greatest average weights in
Scandinavia. Our interpretation of the hoard is
that it is the earliest numismatic evidence of
Scandinavian mercenaries receiving solidus pay-
ments from the West Roman emperor on speci-
fic occasions.
204 Svante Fischer et al.
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Art. Fischer 189-204:Layout 1 11-10-19 13.12 Sida 204
... By contrast, by far the strongest empirical evidence for returning warriors comes from the die-linked Late Roman solidi that have been recovered on Öland and Bornholm. 1 The recorded solidus types show a distinct relationship between settlement patterns and chronology, which cannot be explained by means of trade or secondary circulation, given that the material can be compared to a database of some 7,300 individual solidi and some 23,000 solidi in hoards (Fischer et al. 2011;Fischer 2014b;Fischer & Lind 2015). ...
... As of September 2016 there are some 365 solidi known from Öland alone. This is roughly a third of the known material from all of Scandinavia (Fischer et al. 2011). Solidus hoards on Öland typically date to the period AD 456-480, with only 11 coins struck after AD 476 (Fagerlie 1967). ...
... Solidus hoards on Öland typically date to the period AD 456-480, with only 11 coins struck after AD 476 (Fagerlie 1967). Despite a continuous growth of solidus finds in recent times, this situation has not changed at all in the last half century (Fischer et al. 2011;Fischer 2014b;Fischer & López Sánchez 2016). It is thus relatively certain that the influx of solidi to Öland that one can follow with the strict criteria of the empirical method discussed above only lasted one or two generations. ...
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The strongest archaeological evidence for the presence of Scandinavians inside the Western Empire in the 5th century is discussed. The purpose is to address a set of questions related to the return of military veterans from the Continent to the Scandinavian periphery during the 5th century. The key issue here is to discuss whether it is possible to prove the very existence of returning warriors in the Migration Period material culture in Scandinavia by means of die-identical coins found in Continental coin hoards. It is argued that numismatic evidence in the form of die-linked solidi allows us to track at least four different payments in which Scandinavians received gold coins from the main actors in the Late Roman military state apparatus, which were then brought back to Scandinavia. Two or three of these payments in the years AD 465–476 can be described as direct from Italy to South Scandinavia, while an earlier payment after AD 435 can be explicitly linked to the former limes area of Pannonia by means of die-links to solidus hoards found in Slovakia and Hungary, and may be classified as a payment through mid-level intermediaries.
... хорошо зафиксирован значительный приток ранневизантийских солидов (см. например : Fagerlie, 1967;Kyhlberg, 1986; из последних работ : Fischer et al., 2011;Fischer, 2014;Fischer, López Sánchez, 2016), что указывает на гораздо более тесные связи этого региона со Средиземноморьем. ...
... Тема скандинавского присутствия в Византии уже давно является модной. С походами скандинавских наемников в Средиземноморье традиционно принято связывать наплыв солидов из Восточно-Римской империи в Скандинавию (см., например : Fischer et al., 2011;Fischer, 2014;Fischer, López Sánchez, 2016). Предполагается, что византийское золото поступает на Балтику при активности италийских остроготов в результате торговли мехами и янтарем (Fagerlie, 1967. ...
... Each individual solidus has retained the heading of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue with the TMM inventory number prefix. Following the practice of Westermark (1980Westermark ( , 1983, Ungaro (1985) and Arslan (1987), some of the solidi that cannot yet be die-linked have nevertheless been given a typological reference to the most similar kind of solidus in the Scandinavian corpus (Fagerlie 1967, Kyhlberg 1986, Fischer, López Sánchez & Victor 2011, the UUM and the LUHM, but also to the main Italian hoards, especially the Esquiline hoard (Molinari 2001), the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959), the San Mamiliano hoard (Arslan 2015) and the Zeccone hoard (Brambilla 1870, Peroni 1967, Vismara 1998). In addition, there are references to Scandinavian find coins in the BM, and decontextualized solidi in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (DOC). ...
... 351;Fischer 2014, 112, fn 25). Note that this issue without officina mark is the final coin in the Stora Brunneby hoard, which happens to be the earliest recorded solidus hoard from Öland with a tpq of 451 (Fischer, López-Sánchez & Victor 2011). This could perhaps suggest that solidi with officina marks should be regarded as later issues, given how frequent they are in the later San Mamiliano hoard. ...
Article
ABSTRACT Svante Fischer 2020. Th e Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History. 2020, No. 28 pp 1–26. http://urn. kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-426054 Th is is a study of 33 Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidi from the period 394-565 that are kept in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Th e solidi were acquired in the late nineteenth century by the co-founding president of the Swedish Numismatic Society, August Wilhelm Stiernstedt. After his death, the solidi along with 2,434 other coins were published as a coherent assembly, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection (Heilborn 1882). Th e entire collection was acquired at a sale from the Bukowski auction house in Stockholm by the Swedish-Texan antebellum cattle baron and gilded age banker Swante Magnus Swenson the same year. Together with many other coins and various prehistoric objects acquired in Sweden, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection was donated by Swenson in 1891 to the State of Texas under the name of the Swenson Collection. Th e Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection is currently kept at the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin. Th e study concludes with a catalogue of the 33 solidi. In the commentary, I have tried to identify and recontextualize the solidi by comparing them to recorded hoards from Scandinavia and the European Continent as well as unprovenanced solidi in Swedish and European collections. KEYWORDS Late Roman Empire; Scandinavian Migration Period; Roman Solidus; Wilhelm August Stiernstedt; Coin collection; 19th century antiquarianism; Scandinavian Archaeology; Late Roman and Early Byzantine Numismatics
... хорошо зафиксирован значительный приток ранневизантийских солидов (см. например : Fagerlie, 1967;Kyhlberg, 1986; из последних работ : Fischer et al., 2011;Fischer, 2014;Fischer, López Sánchez, 2016), что указывает на гораздо более тесные связи этого региона со Средиземноморьем. ...
... Тема скандинавского присутствия в Византии уже давно является модной. С походами скандинавских наемников в Средиземноморье традиционно принято связывать наплыв солидов из Восточно-Римской империи в Скандинавию (см., например : Fischer et al., 2011;Fischer, 2014;Fischer, López Sánchez, 2016). Предполагается, что византийское золото поступает на Балтику при активности италийских остроготов в результате торговли мехами и янтарем (Fagerlie, 1967. ...
... The heavily worn condition of solidi and imitations found in a hoard indicates their extended use and hoarding at a much later date than the time of issue of the coin added last to the hoard (Horsnaes 2009, 239;2013, 81-82). Presumably, the production of imitations started after 476 when Gotland took over the role of a redistribution centre of solidi in Scandinavia, having replaced Öland, to which island solidi probably were brought by way of Pomerania (Fagerlie 1967;Kyhlberg 1986;Fischer, López-Sánchez, Victor 2011;Fischer, López-Sánchez 2016, 169;Fischer 2020, 17, 25;2021, 35) 13 . Some of the imitations must have been made later, only at the beginning of the 6 th century (Fischer 2021), when the influx of original Roman coins from the Empire was interrupted in the reign of Anastasius I. ...
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The contribution deals with the imitative solidi, which were produced in the second half of the 5 th century on Gotland and found in today's Poland. Their distribution on Gotland, Bornholm, in southern Sweden, and Pomerania points to the directions of long-distance, mutual contacts among the Germanic elites as well as the exchange of goods of a political character. Abstrakt: Praca dotyczy naśladownictw solidów znalezionych na terenie dzisiejszej Polski, które wyprodukowano w 2. połowie V wieku na Gotlandii. Ich rozprzestrzenienie na obszarze Gotlandii, Bornholmu, południowej Szwecji i Pomorza wskazuje na kierunki długodystansowych wzajemnych kontaktów pośród germańskich elit oraz na polityczny wymiar wymiany dóbr. Słowa kluczowe: solidy późnorzymskie, złote naśladownictwa, germańskie elity, wymiana dóbr, basen Morza Bałtyckiego, okres wędrówek ludów 1
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Abstract: This paper discusses the imported images of Late Roman and Early Byzantine imperial dress found in Scandinavia as a possible source of inspiration for the gold foil figures. It examines how these images were first presented to and then imitated by Scandinavians by focusing on solidus pendants from sites where gold foil figures have been retrieved. It is argued that Scandinavians in the 5th and early 6th centuries were aware of various forms of Roman imperial dress and knew how to distinguish between different forms of imperial iconography, in some cases displaying a preference for relatively rare solidi with images of the emperor in the consular robe known as trabea triumphalis, which were transformed into pendants.
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“When he [Attila] saw a painting of the Roman Emperors sitting upon golden thrones and Scythians lying dead before their feet, he sought a painter and ordered him to paint Attila upon a throne and the Roman Emperors heaving sacks upon their shoulders and pouring out gold before his feet.” This account of Attila’s reaction to seeing the decorative frieze in one of the basilicae in the city of Mediolanum neatly encapsulates the changed balance of power between the Roman emperors and their most feared barbarian antagonists of the fifth century, the Huns. It conveys the new realities of the contemporary political situation: the predominant position of Rome and her empire, represented by dead barbarians beneath enthroned emperors, replaced by the image of Attila receiving golden tribute from the newly subservient Romans. The relationship between Rome and the barbarians had been turned on its head, and the compiler of the tenth-century Suda used Attila’s reaction to the painting in Mediolanum torelate this pivotal moment in the history of the ancient world. Published in: A. Bursche, R. Ciołek and R. Wolters (eds), 'Roman Coins Outside the Empire: Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions'. Moneta, Wetteren: 295-307.
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Résumé en français consultable en ligne à l'adresse (http://www.moneta.be/content.htm)