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The Anti-Anxiety Curriculum: Combating Math Anxiety in the Classroom

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The Anti-Anxiety Curriculum:
Combating Math Anxiety in the Classroom
Eugene Geist
Negative attitudes toward mathematics and what has come to be know as “math anxi-
ety are serious obstacles for children in all levels of schooling today. In this paper, the
literature is reviewed and critically assessed in regards to the roots of math anxiety
and its especially detrimental effect on children in “at-risk” populations such as low
socioeconomic status and females. The effects of teachers’ and parents’ assumptions,
family support, and parents’ level of educational attainment will be addressed. The
paper also addresses the curricular issues that may lead to math anxiety such as high
stress instructional methods and “timed testing”.
A negative attitude toward mathemat-
ics is a growing barrier for many children
to mathematics (Ashcraft, 2002; Popham,
2008; Rameau & Louime, 2007). For many
children, negative attitudes toward math-
ematics begin early in life, sometimes even
before they enter kindergarten (Arnold,
Fisher, Doctoroff, & Dobbs, 2002). The
child’s educational context at home and at
school can affect this attitude (Scarpello,
2007). Children from low socioeconomic
backgrounds often have parents with less
educational background and who often have
negative attitudes toward mathematics them-
selves. Females are also often overlooked
or socialized to dislike mathematics (Geist
& King 2008; Titu, Gallian, Kane, & Mertz,
2008). While research supports that girls
have the similar aptitude for mathematics,
they are more susceptible to math anxiety
due to their aversion to high stakes testing
and social comparison (Haynes, Mullins, &
Stein, 2004; Miller & Bichsel, 2004; Miller
& Mitchell, 1994). For these groups and
many other children, a fear of mathematics
or what is commonly known a “math anxi-
ety” it creating a disparity between levels of
mathematics achievement. In some cases,
the gap in achievement is not brought about
by differing levels of potential and ability,
but the chances of developing math anxiety
or a negative attitude toward mathematics
(Ashcraft, 2002; Hopko et al., 2003).
Children begin to construct the founda-
tions for future mathematical concepts during
the first few months of life (Geist, 2003a;
Geist, 2003b). Before a child can add or
even count, they must construct ideas about
mathematics that cannot be directly taught.
Many of these basic ideas are constructed
through interaction with the surrounding en-
vironment and the adults in that environment.
Ideas that will support formal mathematics
later in life such as order and sequence, seria-
tion, comparisons, classifying, addition and
other more advanced mathematical skills
have their genesis before the age of five.
The seemingly simple understanding that
numbers have a quantity attached to them is
actually a complex relationship that children
must construct.
As children enter formal schooling, the
constructive process sometimes takes a turn
for the worse, especially for girls and minori-
ties (Ma, 2003; Scarpello, 2007; Turner et
al., 2002). Studies have shown that at this
time in children’s learning of mathematics,
textbooks take over the process of teaching
and the focus on shifts from construction of
Eugene Geist, Ph.D., Associate Professor of
Early Childhood Education, School of Human and
Consumer Sciences, Ohio University.
Correspondence concerning this article
should be addressed to Dr. Eugene Geist at
geist@ohio.edu.
concepts using children’s own mathemati-
cal thinking to teacher imposed methods
of getting the correct answer (Geist, 2000).
Teachers begin to focus on repetition and
speed or “timed tests” as important tools for
improving mathematical prowess and skill
which can undermine the child’s natural
thinking process and lead to a negative at-
titude toward mathematics (Popham, 2008;
Scarpello, 2007; Thilmany, 2004; Tsui &
Mazzocco, 2007).
This overreliance on timed tests and
other high stakes approaches to teaching
mathematics reinforce the negative attitude
toward mathematics that many children have
developed in the early years of life (Scarpello,
2007). For those children who had a positive
mathematical experience in the early years,
this new approach to learning mathematics
is often very different from what they are
used to (Popham, 2008). Children begin to
associate mathematics with boring work that
often does not relate to their everyday life.
Teachers will sometimes have the perception
that if children are enjoying the activities, it
is not really learning (Lewis, 2005).
However, this attitude leads to schools
not achieving the objectives that they are set
out to achieve. Instead of helping children
develop fluency at computation and become
more efficient at problem solving, these poli-
cies have produced students that rely more
on rote memorization and have increased the
level of anxiety in young children by making
mathematics a high-risk activity. This tends
to produce more adults with “math anxiety”
and discouraged children who understand the
concept but work a little slower. It also may
explain some of the disparities between girls
and boys regarding attitudes toward math-
ematics and why minorities tend to perform
poorly on mathematics achievement tests.
Recent studies show that roots of the
gap in mathematics achievement begins
well before the first NAEP assessment in 4th
grade (Lewis, 2001; Waanders, Mendez, &
Downer, 2007). Children entering Kinder-
garten have been shown to have disparities
based on socioeconomic level. For girls, the
disparity does not manifest itself until after
4th grade. The NAEP assessment in 4th grade
shows that girls actually outperform boys on
the math portion of the test. The same NAEP
assessment in 8th and 12th grade show that the
girls’ advantage disappears as formal school-
ing, testing and socialization begin girls to
create negative attitudes toward mathematics
(which is also measured by the NAEP test).
Gender Effects on Negative Attitudes
Mathematics in many classrooms is
based on a traditional “skills based” model.
Too often, this means memorization and rote
recitation rather than active concept based
learning (Cates & Rhymer, 2003). Worse,
it is often taught as if all the students are
not just similar, but identical in terms of
ability, preferred learning style, and pace of
working (Boaler, 1997). Under achievement
and non-representation of girls at the high-
est levels in mathematics may be linked to
the method of instruction rather than ability
because boys are more likely to adapt better
to the traditional skills model (Boaler, 2002).
Evidence also shows that times testing and
other high stakes assessment effects girls at-
titude toward mathematics more than boys,
leading to higher levels of mathematics
anxiety in females (Beilock, 2008). How-
ever, even though boys may seem to adapt
to this instructional model, it is important to
note that boys are overly represented at the
lowest and the highest levels in mathematics
(Bielinski & Davison, 2001).
These gender differences are exacerbated
by the homogenized approach to teaching in
which all students are assumed to learn the
same way and at the same pace. Imagine a
classroom climate that acknowledges gender
differences while considering individual
styles and behaviors. This classroom climate
would be supportive of the mathematical
learning needs of boys and girls. An essential
element in this approach is planning a cur-
Math Anxiety . . / 25
26/ Journal of Instructional Psychology, Vol. 37, No. 1
riculum that is developmentally appropriate,
individualized, and gender responsive.
So, what does this mean for how we teach
in our classrooms? It means that we have
to be sensitive to the different needs of boys
and girls. Their brains are different and more
importantly, their approach to learning may be
different (Geist & King, 2008; Gurian, 2005;
Pinker & Spelke, 2005). Every child learns
differently. They also respond differently to
different instructional approaches (Leedy,
LaLonde, & Runk, 2003). In general, there
is little empirical research about the causes
of mathematics anxiety and even less on
the effects and efficacy of timed testing as
an instructional approach. However, we do
know that adding time requirements to tasks
does increase anxiety, decrease accuracy and
create a negative attitude toward the subject
matter (Ashcraft, 2002; Popham, 2008; Tsui
& Mazzocco, 2007). Research also shows
that females are more susceptible to these
effects than males (Beilock, 2008; Haynes
et al., 2004; H. Miller & Bichsel, 2004; L.
D. Miller & Mitchell, 1994).
Many teachers believe that girls achieve
in mathematics due to their hard work while
boy’s achievement is attributed to talent (Jus-
sim & Eccles, 1990; Jussim & Eccles, 1992).
These differing expectations by teachers
and parents may lead to boys often receiv-
ing preferential treatment when it comes to
mathematics.
Children may internalize these attitudes
and begin to believe what their teachers and
parents believe. As a result, girls tend to
feel less confident about their answers on
tests and often express doubt about their
performance. As children progress through
school, girl’s assessment of their enjoyment
of mathematics falls much more drastically
than boy’s assessment. These attitudes may
shape the experiences that children have as
they are learning mathematics.
Poverty and Family Effects on Negative
Attitudes
Research also demonstrates that the
most consistent risk factor for low achieve-
ment in mathematics is family income level
the lower the family income, the lower
the achievement (Jordan, Kaplan, Oláh, &
Note: Info not available refers to surveys that had no response in this category
Figure 1. Poverty groupings for 4th grade NAEP mathematics scores form 1996-2007
Math Anxiety . . / 27
Locuniak, 2006; Stipek & Ryan, 1997).
There is also a link between parental attitudes
toward mathematics, educational level and
their child’s level of math anxiety (Scarpello,
2007; Turner et al., 2002). On the NAEP
mathematics assessment, children who are
eligible for the USDAs free or reduced cost
lunch program, regardless of ethnicity, scored
13 points below the national average and
22 points below those students that did not
qualify for the program (Figure 1, National
Center for Educational Statistics, 2007).
While the figures show steady increases in
scores over the 10-year period, the gap be-
tween “eligible” and “not eligible” student
remains steady. These data support the con-
tention that poverty is a significant risk factor
for early mathematics achievement.
If we can assume that these differences
are not a result of native potential, or some
sort of genetic mathematical ability, then
we must look for environmental variables
to explain the intertwining outcomes of poor
achievement and negative attitude toward
mathematics (Alsup, 2005; Hopko et al.,
2003; Popham, 2008; Scarpello, 2007). The
NAEP data also suggests that lower educa-
tional attainment of parents is a risk factor
for lower achievement (Barbarin et al., 2006;
Duncan, 2007; Duncan, Ludwig, & Magnu-
son, 2007). When parent educational level
is examined, there is a positive correlational
decline in NAEP scores on the mathematics
portion of the test (Dobbs, Doctoroff, Fisher,
& Arnold, 2006; National Center for Educa-
tional Statistics, 2007)
Similar results were found using the
Programme for International Student As-
sessment (PISA) test administered by the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) study (Figure
2) (Desruisseaux, 1995; Orginisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development,
2007). The PISA is an internationally stan-
dardized assessment, jointly developed by
participating countries and administered to
15-year-olds in schools in several countries
including the U.S., Canada, Mexico, the
U.K., Japan and most of Europe, to measure
academic achievement of students.
Additionally, this data shows that the fa-
ther’s education level seems to have a greater
effect in almost all groups. Yet studies have
shown that a mother’s attitude and encourage-
ment toward mathematics was a significantly
more important factor to children having a
positive attitude toward mathematics and was
liked to positive achievement in mathematics
(Scarpello, 2007). The importance of family
socialization and attitudes are evident in he
research and the test scores on both the PISA
and the NAEP.
It is hypothesized that both parents’
educational attainment may have such a large
effect on mathematical achievement because
the mathematical environment in the home
Figure 2. PISA Scores by Mother and Father’s education level
28/ Journal of Instructional Psychology, Vol. 37, No. 1
may be less stimulating for families with low
educational attainment (Jordan & Hanich,
2003; Jordan et al., 2006). The parents may
have less knowledge of mathematical con-
cepts, lower comfort level with mathematics
and a negative attitude toward mathematics
leading to math anxiety and an aversion to
mathematics. This, in turn, could hinder
their ability to encourage and support those
concepts with their child. Parents may also
not understand the importance of promoting
emergent mathematics with their child in the
early years, much as is done with literacy
development (Geist, 2008).
In many rural locations in the United
States, such as Appalachia, lower educational
level and poverty is a double disadvantage
for children and school districts. By con-
trast, statistics for inner city school districts
show that although there is a large number
of children in poverty, there is a higher mean
educational attainment for their population
within the school district. For example, six
inner-city school districts (Columbus, Cincin-
nati, Cleveland, Toledo, Akron, and Dayton)
have an average percentage of the population
with a college degree or more of 23.7%, while
an average of three representative school
districts in Ohio’s Appalachian region have
an average of 13.1% with a college degree or
more. (Ohio DOE Similar District Grouping,
https://webapp2.ode.state.oh.us/similar_dis-
tricts/Similar_Districts.asp).
The effect of high stakes methods such as
timed tests on these “at-risk” groups are just
some of the examples of how math anxiety
and negative attitudes toward mathematics
can effect achievement and progress in math-
ematics (Miller & Mitchell, 1994). Others
who are not in these categories are also af-
fected. Methods that emphasize the primacy
of correct answers over concept development,
competition and speed over understanding,
and rote repetition over critical thinking will
exacerbate the problems. Research has shown
that these methods inherently create anxiety
in children and adults. However, unlike gen-
eral anxiety, mathematics anxiety has unique
characteristics (Balogˇlu & Koçak, 2006) and
can be traced back to some specific previous
educational experiences (Ma, 2003).
Teacher Influences
One of the difficult problems to overcome
is that by the time people become adults the
damage is already done (Donelle, Hoffman-
Goetz, & Arocha, 2007; Gresham, 2007; Liu,
2008). Our attitudes toward mathematics are
set because of prior experiences. The early
use of high stress techniques like timed tests
instead of more developmentally appropriate
and interactive approaches lead to a high inci-
dence of math anxiety. Williams (2000), com-
pared two methods of learning multiplication
facts in order to develop speed and accuracy
with a seventh grade enrichment class, which
met for seven weeks during the school year.
As part of the curriculum, students were pro-
vided with activities to refine their basic math
skills. The class was divided into two groups
with one group receiving paper and pencil
practice with “Minute Madness” worksheets
(control group), and the other group using the
drill and practice software, “Multiplication
Puzzles” (treatment group) computers. The
results indicated that there was a significant
increase in the number of problems correctly
answered on the post-test by the treatment
group that used “Multiplication Puzzles” on
the computer, whereas mean scores for the
pencil and paper group did not indicate a
significant improvement in the development
of their multiplication skills.
Jackson & Leffingwell (1999), inves-
tigated the types of instructor behavior that
created or exacerbated mathematics anxiety
in students. It also tried to assess the grade
level at which mathematics anxiety first oc-
curred in these students. They found was that
teacher behavior was a prime determinant of
math anxiety and that it is usually evident
early on in the primary grades.
Many teachers of young people feel
uncomfortable teaching mathematics because
Math Anxiety . . / 29
they do not like mathematics themselves.
Many also feel that they are not good at
mathematics and therefore feel uncomfort-
able teaching it to their students (Burns, 1998;
Stuart, 2000). Many teachers who have math
anxiety themselves inadvertently pass it on
to their students.
Math anxiety does not come from the
mathematics itself but rather from the way
math is presented in school and may have
been presented to teachers as a children
(Stuart, 2000).
Conclusion
I can personally remember a chart posted
prominently in the classroom with all the stu-
dents names in a column down the right hand
side of the chart. As we progressed through
the year, we had daily timed mathematics
tests on addition (or was it multiplication?
I can’t remember). If we completed all 20
problems in 1 minute, we got a star next to
our name and got to move on the next level
test. If you did not finish in time (with all
the answers correct, of course), we got no
star and had to retake the test the next day
and subsequent days, until we passed it and
finally earned our star. Near the middle of
the year, everyone could see, by looking at
the chart, which students had more stars and
which students had the fewest stars. As you
can imagine, those of us with the fewest stars
began to really hate math and really stress out
whenever it came time for the test.
Overcoming math anxiety means ex-
amining how we teach mathematics in our
classrooms. This issue is of major concern
to our economy, to a child’s future employ-
ment and their success in higher education.
Mathematics is seen as an important factor in
a vital global economy. Creating a country of
“mathophobes” does not bode well for us in
the uncertain global economy of the future.
Elementary and High School students may
chose to take less mathematics or lower level
mathematics because of a negative attitude
toward mathematics. This could lead them
to choose not to pursue higher education.
For those that do pursue higher education,
the research shows that college mathematics
instructors are concerned by the high levels of
aversion to mathematics that is seen (Gresh-
am, 2007; Liu, 2008; Rameau & Louime,
2007; Ruffins, 2007; Walsh, 2008).
There are curricular alternatives that can
lessen mathematics anxiety. Current and fu-
ture teachers should seek out these methods
and embrace them whole-heartedly. If we
remember our experiences with mathematics
as I have done above, it should motivate us
to make a change. We must remember the
words of the poet George Santayana: “Those
who cannot remember the past are condemned
to repeat it.”
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... The society often has certain stereotypes towards mathematics and perceives it as a logical, absolutist, rigid, cold, objective, inhuman and abstract science (Andrews, Rowland, Brindley et al., 2014). Therefore, research of math education at the end of the eighties in the twentieth century gradually focused on social and affective dimensions of teaching mathematics, and since then mathematics education has been increasingly considered as a social construct (Widmer and Chavez, 1982;Hembree, 1990;D' Ambrosio, 1999;Aschraft, 2002;Geist, 2010). Students face many challenging and stressful situations in the classroom and outside of the classroom on a daily basis, where they gather different emotions through experience towards all segments of the educational process. ...
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In this paper, the author examines current problems in the teaching of mathematics and mathematics education and shows how theoretical and practical findings underestimate the role of the social dimension in the teaching of mathematics. Mathematical education is perceived in this research as a kind of a social construct in contrast to the traditional definition of (teaching) mathematics as a purely scientific discipline. The author focuses on students' emotional reactions, classroom environment and teacher competencies as indicators of quality in the teaching of mathematics. In the context of contemporary mathematics teaching, the author uses a critical approach to assess the way and content of teacher education as well as the required competencies in quality mathematics teachers. Taking into account the requirements and specifics of teaching mathematics that are in the domain of pedagogical theory and practice, the author emphasises teachers' pedagogical competencies and their definition from the pedagogical perspective. A review of relevant research has led the author to state that a stimulating classroom environment is one of the key assumptions of students' success in mathematics and that the didactic-methodological guidelines of teaching mathematics should be based on the individuality of students and the demands and difficulties they encounter in the classroom.
... 3) How positions of need during the tests might appear due to pupils experiencing pressure and high stakes. Certain aspects of pupils' experiences have been considered in the analysis since they could affect anxiety during tests i.e. gender (Beilock, 2008;Elwood & Murphy, 2002;Geist, 2010), how the pupil in need of support is managed and percieved by teachers (Xin & Cartwright, 2003;Urhahne et al., 2011) and the tests' effect on the individual (Elwood & Murphy, 2002). ...
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This article presents part of a larger scale ethnographic study1 about Swedish national tests in mathematics in the third grade. Indications concerning possible needs in the test situation are examined through 102 pupils’ talk about pressure and what is at stake. Results imply that this test could be experienced as a high stakes test. Negative pressure is quite common, especially among multilingual pupils in need of support and boys in need of support. There are gendered differences in the talk about what is at stake. The article frames who the pupil in need of support might be from a pupil’s perspective, but also discusses how these possible positions of need might be managed in practice.
... Lower SES is a risk factor for anxiety 146 , and is specifically associated with math anxiety 147,148 . Parents' attitudes toward Math may influence their children 149 : Parents with lower SES and sometimes less access to formal education may show aversion to Math, which could exacerbate math anxiety in their children 150 . The negative stigma associated with lower SES (e.g., the assumption that students from lower SES backgrounds have limited Math abilities) 126 can impact math anxiety, as seen, for example, in Black and Latinx students in the U.S. 151 . ...
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Socioeconomic status (SES) influences school success. Students with lower SES may face challenges that this study tries to address by instructional scaffolding. To be effective, such support needs to consider students’ individual strengths and weaknesses. In this study, 321 sixth-grade students used an e-textbook about fractions. They were randomly assigned to receive either adaptive task difficulty, explanatory feedback, or dynamic visualizations as scaffolds or no scaffolding. We assessed their fraction knowledge at pre- and post-test and nine cognitive and motivational-affective variables. Latent profile analyses identified three profiles, with students with lower SES commonly associated with the two profiles with unfavorable learning prerequisites. A linear mixed model revealed that adaptive task difficulty significantly benefited students in the profile with the least favorable prerequisites. Implementing adaptive task difficulty in Math classes might mitigate challenges associated with lower SES, enhancing educational success and equity by addressing individual prerequisites and learning needs.
... During school years, higher levels of math anxiety are positively associated with overall lower math performance (Petruț & Visu-Petra, 2020). Children who are math anxious have lower involvement in math-related activities, and, in its turn, this can affect how they evaluate themselves and their abilities (Geist, 2010). Further, solving more complex exercises is shown to negatively impact the physiological response in children, who display higher levels of blood pressure (Hunt et al., 2017), and intrusive thoughts that appear during the math-solving process negatively impact their performance while increasing anxiety levels (Hunt et al., 2014). ...
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Math anxiety (MA) represents a widespread problem that affects people of all ages, and some of its effects can be identified as early as primary school. MA hinders academic performance and negatively impacts how children perceive math, which, in the long term, contributes to the avoidance of certain career paths. There are several individual and contextual factors that can be taken into account when looking at how MA develops. In order to address both directions, cognitive tutoring programs are usually employed in order to reduce MA and have two main purposes. On the one hand, to enable children to develop math skills, and on the other hand, through the therapeutical dimension, they focus on reducing one's anxiety levels. More recently, with the development of digital technologies, these programs have become more accessible and have shown promising results with children of different ages. Currently, there is a significant number of such programs that can be used both in teaching activities in the classroom as well as for individual training. We designed a cognitive tutoring program for reducing math anxiety, structured as a game for Romanian primary school children. The aim is to integrate math into a narrative where children can exercise their mathematical problem-solving abilities while they complete the training tasks in a child-friendly stimulating environment.
... Teachers must better equip all students to succeed with and be confidence in their ability to do mathematics in order to compete worldwide in the age of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics). It has truly become an epidemic in our society, with so many young people and adults harboring unfavorable views about mathematics training and having had awful prior experiences with it (Beilock & Willingham, 2014;Boaler, 2008;Dowker, Sarkar, & Looi, 2016;Geist, 2010). ...
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The aim of the study was to analyze the psychometric properties of the Arabic version of the Math Confidence Rating Scale (MCS), using Item Response Theory (IRT) and Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA). The participants were (315) from Imam Mouhammad Ibn Saud Islamic University; They are distributed into (92) female and (223) male, selected through a convenience sampling. The EFA models indicated that the one-dimensional structure better represents the data, and the pairs of items were considered locally independent, IRT findings indicate that all items had a very high discrimination parameter and all items had acceptable threshold parameters, And that MCS is more informative for mid-level ability of Math confidence. The MCS in Arabic has adequate psychometric properties to be used as a short measure of Math confidence.
... The recognition of MA as a factor in learning difficulties necessitates that educators develop strategies for detecting its presence and varying impact on individual students [27]. The role of teachers is vital in this context, as numerous studies indicate that the origin of MA is not inherently linked to mathematics itself but rather to the manner in which it is taught [28,29]. ...
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Mathematics anxiety (MA) has emerged as a significant concern in recent years, recognized for its potential to interfere with learning processes. Our study delved into exploring the relationship between the presence and level of MA and the ability to acquire math skills required by the school curriculum. For this purpose, secondary school students were monitored during their first year of study. A questionnaire designed to assess MA and a math skills assessment test were administered on two separate occasions: initially at the end of the first term and subsequently at the conclusion of the second term. The results of the end-of-year tests indicated that students with high levels of MA, assessed at the beginning of the school year, showed a significantly greater risk of failing to achieve the required competence. These findings seem to support the notion that a high level of MA can significantly contribute to hindering the acquisition of educational outcomes.
... Understanding is central to learning mathematics, which is defined here as connected knowing (Mousley, 2004). Many students perceive mathematics to be linear and progressive, which means that a lack of understanding can contribute to anxieties about falling behind in a fast-paced curriculum (Geist, 2010). On the contrary, many of the Pacific students in our study often framed a lack of understanding (e.g. ...
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Across many countries, including New Zealand, diverse groups including indigenous, migrant, and marginalised communities, are under-represented in mathematics, as evidenced by achievement disparities and disengagement from higher-level mathematics. Both research and policy have focused on developing equitable education outcomes for all students. A key aspect of this is wellbeing, including within mathematics classrooms, which includes identifying classroom environments that enable wellbeing. This study examines mathematical wellbeing (MWB) across different ethnicities and genders, with a case study focus on students from Pacific heritages. Analysing qualitative responses from over 12,000 diverse students revealed that positive relationships in the mathematics classroom were most commonly associated with students’ MWB. Accomplishment and cognitive factors, including mathematical accuracy, learning new things, and understanding, were also identified as important. Minor gender differences emerged, with female students emphasising mathematical understanding, accuracy, and relationships more than male students. The Pacific student case study highlighted the importance of both cognitive aspects (learning new things and understanding) and relationships (peer and teacher support), uncovering an alignment between cultural values and MWB. This study empirically confirms seven universal values supporting student MWB, previously identified in Australian and Chinese contexts, suggesting that teachers internationally may align pedagogical practices with these values to support most students’ MWB. However, the instrumental values serving these universal values appear culturally unique. This research contributes novel insights to the field by examining wellbeing with a subject-specific focus through student-generated responses, offering implications for developing more equitable and culturally inclusive mathematics classrooms.
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This work presents critical approach in analysis of recent curriculum documents and literature relevant for evaluation of learning outcomes. Author focuses on advantages and disadvantages of standardization using didactical and pedagogical approach to mathematics education. In recent literature related for teaching mathematics there is growing focus on social and pedagogical dimensions of teaching and learning as key assumptions of students' success in mathematics. Therefore, learning outcomes should evaluate all parts of mathematics curriculum, but in national curriculum documents only educational outcomes of mathematics content are being relevant. Author indicates negative implications of neglecting pedagogical dimensions of teaching and learning mathematics, and emphasizes contradiction between standardization and pedagogical evaluation of learning outcomes. Considering the totality of factors influencing mathematics education, validation of learning outcomes should include pedagogical and psychological dimensions of teaching process and emotional and affective components of learning outcomes. In the conclusion, author suggests guidelines toward upgrading learning outcomes by integrating students' abilities, needs, work habits, attitudes and beliefs with clear objectives, goal setting methods and assessments specified in the curriculum.
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The relative importance of several predictors of math anxiety were examined in multiple regression models. The predictors were test anxiety, ACT math scores, student perceptions of high-school math teachers' teaching ability (PHAM), student perceptions of college math teachers' teaching ability (PCAM), parental support for math skills (PSM), the length of time since completing high-school, number of college math classes taken, perceived math ability (PMA), and gender. No significant difference was found between the genders for amount of math anxiety. However, when separate analyses were conducted for males and females, different factors were significant for each gender. Specifically, males' math anxiety was most strongly related to general test anxiety and ACT math scores. Predictably, males' math anxiety increased as ACT math scores declined and test anxiety increased. In contrast, females' math anxiety was most strongly affected by students' PMA, PHAM, ACT, and general test anxiety. Females' math anxiety increased as PMA and PHAM declined. General test anxiety was positively related to math anxiety. Surprisingly, females' math anxiety increased as ACT math scores increased in the model. Explanations for the latter finding and recommendations for reducing math anxiety are discussed.
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This investigation evaluated the relations between visual and verbal working memory; state, trait, and math anxiety; gender; and applied and basic math performance in 100 adults. The design tested predictions regarding which subsystem of working memory is associated with both math anxiety and math performance. The study also tested whether the Processing Efficiency Theory and the Arousal-Performance Function apply to anxiety and performance in the math domain. In addition, gender differences in the relations between math anxiety and math performance were explored. Results indicated that math anxiety was the strongest predictor of both applied and basic math performance. However, this finding was moderated by the gender of the participants. Both visual and verbal working memory were found to be significant factors in accounting for the variance in math performance measured broadly, differing from findings in previous studies. Math anxiety appears to primarily impact visual working memory, contradicting previous findings that anxiety is primarily processed in verbal working memory and supporting the hypothesis that math anxiety does not function similarly to other types of anxiety. In addition, results supported the Processing Efficiency Theory but did not support the Arousal-Performance Function relating math anxiety and math performance.
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The Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) reported more than just numerical achievement data. The study also contained information on teachers' lives, students' lives, and curricula, as well as a videotape of eighth-grade mathematics classes (OERI 1996a). These data, especially the videotaped study, go beyond comparisons of achievement scores and allow for cross-cultural comparisons of mathematics instruction in the United States and other countries. In particular, we can learn many lessons from examining instructional methods in the United States and comparing them with those of Japan. This comparison has significant implications for implementing NCTM's Standards in U.S. classrooms and teaching our students as if they were young mathematicians.
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I just don't like math.” How often have students uttered these anxiety-based words? The primary purpose of this research was to investigate the types of instructor behavior that created or exacerbated anxiety. In addition, the authors wanted to determine the grade levels (K—college) in which mathematics anxiety first occurred in these students. In this article, the term instructor includes anyone who teaches at any level, kindergarten through college.
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This study investigated the relationship between mathematics anxiety, fluency, and error rates in basic mathematical operations among college students. College students were assigned to one of two groups (high anxiety or low anxiety) based on results from the Fennema-Sherman Mathematics Anxiety Scale (FSMAS). Both groups were then presented with timed tests in basic mathematical operations (addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, and linear equations). Results suggested that the higher mathematics anxiety group had significantly lower fluency levels across all mathematical operations tests. However, there were no significant differences in error rates between the two groups across any of the probes suggesting that mathematics anxiety is more related to higher levels of learning than to the initial acquisition stage of learning. Discussion focuses on a) stages of learning and their potential relationship to mathematics anxiety, b) the relationship between mathematics anxiety and mathematics performance, and c) directions for future research.
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The analytical stance taken by equity researchers in education, the methodologies employed, and the interpretations that are drawn from data, all have an enormous impact upon the knowledge that is produced about sources of inequality. In the 1970's and 1980's, a great deal of interest was given to the issue of women's and girls' underachievement in mathematics. This prompted numerous different research projects that investigated the extent and nature of the differences between girls' and boys' achievement and offered reasons why such disparities occurred. This work contributed towards a discourse on gender and mathematics that flowed through the media channels and into schools, homes and the workplace. In this article I will consider some of the scholarship on gender and mathematics, critically examining the findings that were produced and the influence they had. In the process, I will propose a fundamental tension in research on equity, as scholars walk a fine and precarious line between lack of concern on the one hand, and essentialism on the other. I will argue in this article that negotiating that tension may be the most critical role for equity researchers as we move into the future. Abstract