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Finding Universal Dimensions of Individual Variation in Multicultural Studies of Values: The Rokeach and Chinese Value Surveys

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Both cross-cultural psychology and theories of value would benefit from the empirical identification of value dimensions that are pancultural and comprehensive. Accordingly, in this article, I report the results of a 21-culture study of the Chinese Value Survey (CVS) and a 9-culture study of the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS). The analysis began with a "deculturing" of the data to remove the cultural positioning effect, then proceeded with a pooled factor analysis to discover pancultural patterns of association among the values. Two factors emerged from the CVS, four from the RVS. The individuals in each survey were then given factor scores, which were analyzed for sex and culture effects. Average scores for individuals from the cultures common to both surveys suggest that the CVS contained a dimension of valuing not found in the RVS. The discussion focuses on the factors' validity, their use in cross-cultural research, and the potential of different cultural traditions for extending psychology's conceptual net.
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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Copyright 1988 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
1988,
Vol.
55,
No.
6, 1009-1015 0022-3514/88/$00.75
Finding Universal Dimensions of Individual Variation in Multicultural
Studies of Values: The Rokeach and Chinese Value Surveys
Michael Harris Bond
Chinese University of Hong Kong
Shatin, New Territories, Hong Kong
Both cross-cultural psychology and theories of value would benefit from the empirical identification
of value dimensions that are pancultural and comprehensive. Accordingly, in this article, I report
the results of a 21-culture study of the Chinese Value Survey (CVS) and a 9-culture study of the
Rokeach Value Survey (RVS). The analysis began with a "deculturing" of the data to remove the
cultural positioning effect, then proceeded with a pooled factor analysis to discover pancultural
patterns of association among the values. Two factors emerged from the CVS, four from the RVS.
The individuals in each survey were then given factor scores, which were analyzed for sex and culture
effects. Average scores for individuals from the cultures common to both surveys suggest that the
CVS contained a dimension of valuing not found in the RVS. The discussion focuses on the factors'
validity, their use in cross-cultural research, and the potential of different cultural traditions for
extending psychology's conceptual net.
From 1983 through 1985, a number of colleagues in universi-
ties around the world collected responses from a representative
group of their students to a 40-item Chinese value survey. These
data were then subjected to an ecological factor analysis, a pro-
cedure that uses culture means for each value as its input (see,
e.g., Hofstede, 1980, Ch. 2). This type of data processing yields
groupings or dimensions of values, which can then be used to
assign scores to cultures (see, e.g., Chinese Culture Connection,
1987). The resulting "culture maps" can then be used to ex-
plain a variety of cultural differences, both a priori and
expost
facto.
The concern of this article is that this ecological or culture-
level approach does not yield individual-level dimensions of
values. By analyzing culture scores, one can find only dimen-
sions
of cultural
variation (Scheuch, 1970). These culture-level
relations have no necessary parallels with individual level re-
lations, as Shweder (1973) and Hofstede (1980, Ch. 1) have
taken pains to emphasize. Indeed, culture-level groupings of
psychological phenomena such as values often appear puzzling
and are subject to considerable interpretive debate (see, e.g.,
Triandis's 1982 review of Hofstede, 1980).
Psychologists are much more comfortable at the individual
level of analysis, in part because they can use their own phe-
nomenology to make sense of the factor groupings and generate
hypotheses. Within a given culture this procedure is relatively
straightforward (see, e.g., Braithwaite & Law, 1985), subject
The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Centre for Contem-
porary Asian Studies of Chinese University of Hong Kong for its finan-
cial assistance in running this study. Kwok Leung and Shalom Schwartz
provided constant support and wise counsel on all aspects of this re-
search.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Mi-
chael Harris Bond, Department of Psychology, Chinese University of
Hong Kong, Shatin, New Territories, Hong Kong.
only
to the inevitable debates about the merit of the input, the
method of analysis used, the number of dimensions extracted,
the labeling of the identified constructs, and so forth.
When one ventures to sample responses across a number of
cultures, however, the Furies are unleashed. The main concep-
tual challenge is that of establishing equivalence, that is, the ba-
sis by which the cultures may be compared. Psychologists using
theory-driven approaches may analyze their data culture by cul-
ture, establishing equivalence by interpreting resulting patterns
with the assistance of their theoretical constructs and cultural
informants (see, e.g., Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987). Psychologists
using data-driven approaches, however, must establish equiva-
lence metrically by showing similarities in factor composition
within
each
of the cultures from which the individual respon-
dents have been drawn (Buss & Royce, 1975).
Elsewhere (Leung & Bond, in press), it has been argued that
this requirement is too restrictive, for it is unlikely that the co,
ellicients of factorial congruence for all possible pairings from
m cultures across n factors could all attain a common, high
level. This restriction is rarely applied by psychologists working
within a particular culture to see if all individuals (or indeed
subgroups, such as men and women) subscribe to the same fac-
tor groupings descriptive of the whole sample of individuals
from that culture. Rather, the result of the analysis across all
individuals is instead taken as a best fit to the data, and the
usefulness of the yield is then explored by searching for re-
lations between these dimensions and other behaviors of in-
terest.
The same best-fit approach may be taken to data derived
from a large number of cultures. That is, each respondent from
the n cultures sampled may be taken as a representative of the
human race and the data then analyzed to reveal the dimensions
necessary to describe the human respondents in the sample.
The obvious advantage of this approach is that any resultant
dimensions are robust across cultures, because culturally idio-
1009
1010 MICHAEL HARRIS BOND
syncratic patterns of relations (emics) filter out in the overall
analysis. The relations that survive this pancultural sifting then
have a strong claim to the status of a universal (eric) dimension.
The strength of this claim depends, of course, on the number
and the differentness of the cultural groups sampled. The use-
fulness of the yield is determined by the cash value of the di-
mensions in the scientific marketplace, namely, their ability to
be integrated into a nomological network that is persuasive.
With this intent it may be especially instructive to explore
universal dimensions of values derived from a
Chinese
survey
of values. Much concern has been expressed recently about the
limitations imposed on psychological knowledge by doing so-
cial science exclusively from a Western cultural background
(e.g., Sampson, 1985). One way to address this issue empirically
is to use the constructs available in a different cultural tradition
as one's starting point. The Chinese heritage certainly meets
this requirement of difference: philosophically, artistically, so-
cially, and historically (see, e.g., Fung, 1948; Hookham, 1969;
King & Bond, 1985).
One aspect of values that may be relatively more salient from
the Chinese tradition is, of course, the value of tradition itself.
Four thousand years of relatively successful adaptation to his-
torical vicissitudes might well be hypothesized to confer a re-
spect for aspects of received wisdom that is unlikely to be found
in the comparatively short-lived cultures of the West. Other pos-
sible lacunae in such Western instruments as Rokeach's (1973)
Value Survey might concern the benefits deriving from concen-
trations of individual power (see Pye, 1968), from a collective
orientation (Hsu, 1953), and from a philosophy of self-restraint
(Wu & Tseng, 1985).
Unfortunately, there is little Western research against which
to compare the results of this study. Very few multicultural stud-
ies of values have been done (Zavalloni, 1980). Of those avail-
able, most are theory-driven (e.g., the work of Kluckhohn &
Strodtbeck, 1961), and hence impose a priori groupings on the
results. Of the few remaining (e.g., Ng et al., 1982), none has
partialed out the ecological or cross-cultural confound prior to
analyzing the data (see Method section). However, it is possible
to reanalyze the data from the Ng et al. study with due method-
ological rigor. As those investigators used the Rokeach Value
Survey, it is possible to compare the yield from that Western
instrument with that from the Chinese Value Survey, an Eastern
instrument.
Recently, Braithwaite and Law (1985) expressed the concern
that the Rokeach Value Survey may not sample the whole range
of important human values. If true, the oversights may in part
be culturally based, given that the Western origin of the Ro-
keach Value Survey may have blinded its creator to values more
salient from other cultural perspectives. One way to assess this
claim is to examine the empirical convergence produced by ap-
plying the two different instruments to the same populations
(e.g., Hofstede & Bond, 1984). In this research, one can calcu-
late the average score for people from each country on the indi-
vidual-level dimensions of value. If these average levels of re-
sponse to Rokeach Value Survey and Chinese Value Survey fac-
tors correlate across common countries, one may conclude that
the factors are functionally equivalent; if not, the two instru-
ments may be used to complement one another, suggesting
where each is inadequate. This procedure is applied for the
overlapping cultures in this study and in the earlier study by Ng
et al. (1982).
This approach is, of course, atheorerical and deliberately so.
If a universal psychology is to be developed, psychologists must
"consult all that is human," to use Murphy's (1969, p. 528)
memorable phrase, and in so doing, scrupulously avoid prema-
ture foreclosure on our conceptual options. An informed cull-
ing of alternative cultural prescriptions is one antidote to the
putative egocentrism of Western social science. Even if these
alternative approaches merely confirm mainstream theorizing,
the discipline will be on surer footing and less vulnerable to
sniping from defenders of other cultural traditions.
Method
Subjects
In the original study (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987), colleagues
in 22 cultures each administered the Chinese Value Survey (CVS) to 50
male and 50 female undergraduates. Every effort was made to include
the full range of undergraduate majors and to ensure that the universi-
ties in the sample enjoyed a similar high status in all participating coun-
tries.
The choice of university students as a subject population was moti-
vated partly by considerations of easy access for colleagues and partly
by a desire to maximize the equivalence of the respondents across so
many cultures. Although university students around the world are sim-
ilar in many important respects (intelligence, social status, etc.), they
are hardly representative of their cultures. The resulting averages for
subjects from a given culture must therefore be interpreted with some
flexibility.
Instrument
The CVS consists of 40 items whose degree of perceived importance
is rated by each respondent on a 9-point scale. The stem items (with
synonyms in brackets) are values deemed to be of fundamental impor-
tance in Chinese culture by a group of Chinese scholars consulted be-
fore the instrument was put together. These include such fundamental
components of the Chinese tradition as moderation (following the mid-
dle way), ordering relationships by status, benevolent authority, being
conservative, and having a sense of shame (Bond & H .wang, 1986). The
scale's construction mimicked the process by which it was supposed
that value surveys are typically produced, namely, that researchers
mine their own cultural traditions without any regard for the traditions
of other distinct groups.
The scale has already been analyzed at the level of culture means,
using what Hofstede (1980) termed an
ecological factor analysis.
The
resulting four factors ordered countries in ways that showed high corre-
lations with the economic indexes of wealth and growth (Chinese Cul-
ture Connection, 1987). Further validity studies are in progress, focus-
ing on country-level measures of health.
Procedure
If Chinese or English was not the language of classroom instruction,
colleagues translated the CVS into the appropriate language, using the
original Chinese version as the basis for a translation if possible. The
CVS was administered in class and required about 5 rain to complete.
Results
It is important that each cultural group be equally repre-
sented in the pooled factor analysis (described later). Otherwise,
INDIVIDUAL VARIATION IN MULTICULTURAL STUDIES OF VALUES 101 1
>,-
Z
W=
o
==:
,¢¢
e-,
o3
DATA FROM
CULTURE A
~
DATA FROM
CULTURE B
STANDARD SCORE ON VALUE X
Figure
1. A reversal of X-Y correlation when data is pooled
across cultures without correction.
the numerically superior cultures will have a greater impact on
the final factor structure. In one culture, the collaborator re-
sponsible found only 33 women, so that all cultural samples
were subsequently reduced by random selection to 33 men and
33 women. Furthermore, another collaborator did not provide
individual data, so that the final results represent 21 rather than
22 cultures.
Standardizing Subject Responses
Both individually and culturally based response sets (acquies-
cence, negativism, variability) were eliminated by first stan-
dardizing each subject's 40 responses. This procedure retained
the ordering of value importance and a measure of their relative
strength one to another.
Deculturing the Data
Although standardized, the data contain average differences
across the 21 cultures for each variable. These differences dis-
tort the factor pattern of the variables at
the individual level
if
they are not first eliminated before pooling (see Leung & Bond,
in press, for elaboration of this argument).
These standardized data do, of course, show average differ-
ences across the 21 cultural groups for each of the 40 values.
These differences among cultures shift the distribution of scores
for a given value up or down the scale. If the data from many
different cultures are pooled at this point, the universal pattern
of correlation among the variables will be distorted by this cul-
tural positioning effect (Leung & Bond, in press). That is, the
pattern of relations between Value X and Value Y found across
all subjects from all cultures may be artifactually increased, de-
creased, or reversed depending on the size of the cultural posi-
tioning effect. Figure 1 illustrates this phenomenon with a sim-
plified example.
As can be seen in Figure l, the pattern of X-Y correlation
for people in Culture A and people in Culture B is positive. If
one pools the data at this point, however, the overall correlation
between Variables X and Y will be negative as a result of the
cultural positioning effect (Leung & Bond, in press, provide
other examples). If one's interest is in the universal pattern of
value relations
at the individual level,
this positioning effect of
culture must first be eliminated.
One may easily "deculture" data in this way by standardizing
responses to
each
variable within
each
culture separately. The
correlation between any two variables within a given culture is
thereby not affected, but the cultural confound (i.e., the cross-
cultural or ecological correlation) is removed because the aver-
age score for the two variables in each of the pooled cultural
samples is zero. Following this procedure, a factor analysis will
reveal the average pattern of relation between any two variables
across all individuals regardless of culture (Leung & Bond, in
press).
Pooled Factor Analysis
I then submitted the decultured ratings of 1,386 individuals
(66 people × 21 cultures) to a principal-components factor
analysis. A scree test (Cattell, 1966) of the resulting eigenvalues
indicated the presence of two reliable factors accounting for
13.8% of the matrix variance. Although this figure may at first
blush seem small, one must recall that the sample itself is heter-
ogeneous to an extreme degree, so that common variance is
bound to be small. A high level of unexplainable variance is
part of the price paid in the search for universality.
The two factors were then subjected to a varimax rotation.
Social Integration versus Cultural Inwardness.
The items at
the positive end of this bipolar factor all involve prosocial vir-
tues that enhance cohesiveness with others in general. Those
virtues on the negative pole concern loyalty to more narrowly
defined groups (family, culture) along with their defining habits
and customs. The composition of this factor bears a striking
Table 1
Factor Structure and Loadings of Individual-Level Responses
to the Chinese Value Survey in 21 Cultures
Item Loading
Factor 1: Social Integration vs. Cultural Inwardness
Tolerance of others .58
Patience .53
Harmony with others .50
Noncompetitiveness .43
Trustworthiness .37
Persistence .36
Filial piety -.49
Respect for tradition -.42
Chastity in women -.40
A sense of cultural superiority -.39
Observation of rites and social rituals -.36
Factor 2: Reputation vs. Social Morality
Protecting your "face" .47
Wealth .46
Reciprocation of greetings, favors, and gills .39
Keeping oneself disinterested and pure -.54
Chastity in women -.40
Sense of righteousness -.37
Note.
The percentage of matrix variance subsumed by Factor 1 was 8.1,
and by Factor 2, 5.7.
1012 MICHAEL HARRIS BOND
resemblance to the first factor identified in the culture-level
analysis of the CVS (Chinese Culture Connection, 1987). In-
deed, the coeflicient of congruence between the two factor pat-
terns was .80, suggesting considerable overlap. Elsewhere,
Leung & Bond (in press) have suggested that this convergence
between the cultural and individual levels of analysis indicates
the presence of a strong universal.
It is worth noting the similarity of the positive pole with
Schwartz and Bilsky's (1987) prosocial and maturity domains
of values. The negative pole overlaps conceptually with
Schwartz's (1987) domains of tradition maintenance and re-
strictive conformity.
Reputation versus Social Morality.
The values defining the
positive pole of this factor are all related to establishing or main-
mining one's standing in society. They seem to be related to
Schwartz and Bilsky's (1987) domain of social power.
The negative pole is anchored with values reflecting a correct
and principled approach to life. This constellation taps into
Schwartz's (1987) domains of maturity and possibly restrictive
conformity.
Analyses of Variance
The preceding factors represent the shared groupings of the
CVS values across individuals from 21 countries. These factors
afford dimensions along which the respondents may be statisti-
cally compared with respect to their cultural backgrounds and
gender. Such comparisons are, of course, impossible when data
are analyzed at the level of culture scores (e.g., in Hofstede's
1980 work) because in that case cultures, not individuals, con-
stitute the level of analysis.
At this point in the data analysis, the cultural positioning
effect is of fundamental interest. Consequently, it is the original
data standardized within individuals that must be grouped ac-
cording to the patterns discovered in the pooled factor analysis.
Accordingly, each respondent's original standardized scores
were recalled, so that each could be given two factor scores: one
for Social Integration versus Cultural Inwardness, the other for
Reputation versus Personal Morality. The score on each factor
was obtained by summing the original standardized scores for
each of the salients listed in Table 1. A more conservative alpha
level of.01 was adopted.
Social Integration versus Cultural Inwardness.
There was a
main effect for culture, F(20, 1290) = 50.6, p < .001, and an
interaction between culture and sex of subjects, F(20, 1290) --
2.79, p < .001. The average score of respondents from the 21
cultures can be found in Table 2. The significance of the differ-
ences between any two cultural groups is, of course, dependent
on the sample size and alpha level chosen. In the interest of
space, these differences are not presented in this article.
Reputation versus Social Morality.
As before, there was a
main effect for culture, F(20, 1290) = 33.7, p < .001, and an
interaction between culture and sex of subjects, F(20, 1290) =
2.29, p < .001. Again, average scores are presented in Table 2.
Analysis of the Rokeach Value Survey
Ng et al. (1982) used the same response format, sample size,
and populations in collecting their data, using an expanded ver-
Table
2
Mean Individual Scores by Country on Chinese
Value Survey Factors
Social Integration (+) vs.
Cultural Inwardness (-)
Country M
The Netherlands 8.57
West Germany 8.30
New Zealand 5.55
Brazil 5.35
Australia 5.26
Japan 4.97
England 4.65
Sweden 3.81
Canada 3.80
Singapore 3.09
Poland 2.91
United States 2.84
Hong Kong 2.53
South Korea 2.43
Zimbabwe 2.37
Nigeria 1.79
Thailand 1.29
Taiwan 1.13
Pakistan - 1.61
India - 1.83
Bangladesh -2.80
Reputation (+) vs.
Social Morality (-)
Country M
England 2.62
Brazil 2.00
New Zealand 1.81
Australia 1.35
Zimbabwe 1.24
United States 1.20
Canada 0.65
Sweden 0.63
West Germany 0.13
Nigeria 0.07
Pakistan -0.29
The Netherlands -0.32
Taiwan -0.80
Japan - 1.50
Singapore - 1.68
Bangladesh
- 1.91
Poland -2.37
Hong Kong -2.47
Thailand -2.53
India -2.73
South Korea -3.42
Note.
Plus and minus signs denote positive and negative poles.
sion of the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS). Their data set may be
treated and analyzed in the same way as that from the CVS. As
seven cultures are common to both samples, results may then
be checked for convergence empirically by assessing how the
two factor solutions locate the typical person from the seven
common cultures (see, e.g., Hofstede & Bond, 1984).
Factor analysis.
Too few female subjects were available in the
original sample from Papua-New Guinea to include its respon-
dents in the factor analysis. The final sample consisted of 29
men and 29 women from nine different cultures, giving a total
of 522 respondents. A factor analysis of this decultured data set
yielded four factors by the scree test, together accounting for
25.2% of the total matrix variance. I then applied a varimax
rotation to these four factors. (See Table 3 for factor loadings.)
Competence versus Security.
This first factor contrasts per-
sonal intellectual skills against safety concerns. These domains
correspond to the self-direction-security contrast theoretically
posited and empirically confirmed by Schwartz (1987) and
Schwartz and Bilsky (1987).
Personal Morality versus Success.
This second factor pres-
ents the telling contrast between characteristics of individual
rectitude and aspects of the "good life." The positive pole is one
component of Schwartz and Bilsky's (1987) prosocial morality;
the latter overlaps with their social power and achievement do-
mains.
Social Reliability versus Beauty.
The positive pole is a well-
defined reflection of socialized virtues, tapping the domain
Schwartz and Bilsky (1987) called
restrictive conformity. The
negative pole is less well defined, perhaps because the RVS con-
tains so few values in this area. It would seem to correspond to
INDIVIDUAL VARIATION IN MULTICULTURAL STUDIES OF VALUES
Table
3
Factor Structure and Loadings of Individual-Level Responses
to the Expanded Rokeach Value Survey in Nine Cultures
Item Loading Item Loading
Factors 1: Competence
vs. Security
Intellectual .61
Independent .52
Capable .51
Logical .50
Imaginative .36
Family security -.51
World of peace -.41
Factor 3: Social Reliability
Factor 2: Personal Morality
vs. Success
Forgiving .55
Helpful .55
Honest .48
Courageous .38
Social recognition -.53
Power -.51
Comfortable life -.41
vs. Beauty
Responsible .63
Polite .60
Self-controlled .56
Obedient .56
World of beauty -.35
Factor 4: Political Harmony
vs. Personal Sociability
Equality .51
World of peace .45
Social justice .44
Cheerful -.47
Clean -.45
Loving -.44
Note.
The percentage of matrix variance subsumed by Factor I was 7.9;
by Factor 2, 7.0; by Factor 3, 5.7; and by Factor 4, 4.7.
1013
Political Harmony versus Personal Sociability.
There was a
main effect for culture, F(8, 504) = 2.72, p < .01.
Convergence of Profiles From the Two Value Samples
The average score of an individual respondent in the seven
cultures common to both samples can be calculated for each of
the six factors (two CVS, four RVS). Scores from the RVS and
the CVS may then be intercorrelated across these seven "aver-
age citizens" to assess whether there is any suggestion of overlap
in the value domains they tap. Although the sample size was
small, this empirical method of identifying overlap sidesteps the
judgment calls typically made by researchers who "eyeball" the
factor groupings to establish conceptual equivalence.
The correlation between the second CVS factor, Reputation
versus Social Morality, and the third RVS factor, Social Reliabil-
ity versus Beauty, was a strikingly high -.99 (p < .001). The
morality of the CVS would thus seem to overlap closely with
the reliability of the RVS, showing more underlying similarity
than the content of the values may initially have suggested. Both
clearly involve virtues of restraint and discipline, which
Schwartz (1987) called
restrictive morality,
and are opposed by
more self-indulgent pursuits.
The first CVS factor did not correlate significantly with any
of the four RVS factors.
the aesthetic dimension of Schwartz and Bilsky, which is posi-
tioned in opposition to restrictive conformity in both their the-
ory and empirical findings.
Political Harmony versus Personal Sociability.
The positive
pole of this factor reflects a happy vision of social and interna-
tional concord. It is the more universal, less personal aspect of
what Schwartz (1987) defined as
prosocial morality.
The nega-
tive pole taps personal characteristics conducing toward inter-
personal attractiveness, the narrowness of this goal perhaps
contrasting with the wider concerns about political harmony. It
appears to have no counterpart in the Schwartz typology.
Analyses of Variance
As before, the preceding factors may be used to generate fac-
tor scores for each individual in the sample. The original stan-
dardized scores of each value loading >.35 on a given factor
were algebraically summed for each individual to produce four
factor scores, one for each of the factors. These scores were then
tested using a two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with nine
levels of the culture variable and two levels of the sex variable.
Means for all factors are listed in Table 4.
Competence versus Security.
There was a main effect for cul-
ture, F(8, 503) = 4.40, p < .001. There was also an effect for
sex, F(I, 503) -- 21.8, p < .001, with men scoring higher than
women (Ms = -. 16 vs. - 1.42, respectively).
Personal Morality versus Success.
Again, there was a main
effect for culture, F(8, 503) = 4.55, p < .001. There was also an
effect for sex, F(I, 503) -- 10.6, p < .005, with women scoring
higher than men (Ms = 2.84 vs. 1.87, respectively).
SocialReliability versus Beauty.
The only effect for this anal-
ysis was a main effect for culture, F(8, 504) = 10.3, p < .001.
Discussion
The yield from this research is five eric dimensions of values,
one unique to the Chinese Value Survey, three unique to the
Table
4
Mean Individual Scores by Country on Rokeach
Value Survey Factors
Country M Country M
Competence (+) vs.
Security (-)
Taiwan 0.90
Malaysia (Malays) -0.38
Australia -0.39
New Zealand -0.70
India -0.75
Hong Kong -0.93
Malaysia (Chinese) - 1.09
Bangladesh
- 1.83
Japan - 1.95
Social Reliability (+) vs.
Beauty (-)
Malaysia (Malays) 2.02
Malaysia (Chinese) 0.89
Indian 0.87
Hong Kong 0.67
Bangladesh 0.55
Japan 0.24
Taiwan -0.18
Australia -0.89
New Zealand - 1.43
Personal Morality (+) vs.
Success (-)
New Zealand 3.82
Hong Kong 3.28
Australia 3.15
Malaysia (Malays) 2.55
Malaysia (Chinese) 2.43
Taiwan 1.93
Japan 1.65
Bangladesh 1.47
India 0.90
Political Harmony (+) vs.
Personal Sociability (-)
Bangladesh 0.79
Hong Kong
0.00
Australia -0.09
New Zealand -0.32
Malaysia (Chinese) -0.51
India -0.51
Japan
-0.61
Malaysia (Malays) -0.86
Taiwan - 1.22
Note.
Plus and minus signs denote positive and negative poles.
I 014 MICHAEL HARRIS BOND
Rokeach Value Survey, and one common to both. These five
dimensions are defined as etic because they are derived from
factor analyses of the responses to the value surveys by respon-
dents from a number of heterogeneous cultures. The pooling
procedure used weeds out associations unique to particular cul-
tures (emics), leaving a residue of relations common across all.
This shared structure constitutes a universal grid of values in-
strumental in making empirically grounded statements about
cultural differences
at the level of individuals.
It is, of course, true that the factor structure common across
all cultural samples in a pooled analysis is only an approxima-
tion of the structure to be found in any one sample taken by
itself. This consequence is the price paid for attempting to gen-
eralize across such diversity, and occurs in less dramatic ways
whenever scientists pool across potentially distinctive groupings
within a culture. The categories of sex, age, wealth, education,
ideology, and so forth are often ignored in the search for com-
mon structure. In any case, there is at present no way of deter-
mining statistically which degree of departure from the com-
mon factor structure should constitute grounds for discarding
any particular sample.
Ultimately, the crucible of merit for these pancultural dimen-
sions of value is their
scientific cash value, as
James termed it.
Can they be knit into a theoretical framework and can they be
related to empirical phenomena of interest? Concerning empir-
ical validities, the sex differences found in the ratings of the
competence-security and personal morality-success dimen-
sions of the RVS are persuasive. Any sex effects that generalize
across so many different cultures must be robust indeed, and
probably reflect universal differences in socialization practices
distinguishing the sexes (see, e.g., Block, 1973; Munroe &
Munroe, 1975, Ch. 7). Furthermore, the higher endorsement by
women of values related to security and to personal morality is
consistent with the socialized emphasis on communion as op-
posed to agency in the female role across cultures (Bakan,
1966), and parallels results found by Feather (1975) and
Schwartz (personal communication).
The use of cultural main effects as a source of validation for
the value dimensions is much more problematic. The ideal situ-
ation would be to sample individual behavior of interest from
a number of cultures and compute the score of average individ-
uals from each culture. These typical scores could then be re-
lated to the value profiles for average individuals from the same
cultures. Unfortunately, there have been very few multicultural
studies of behavior (e.g., Whiting & Whiting, 1975), and those
that exist do not overlap in sufficient number with this study.
Perhaps more importantly, there is too little theory on the link-
ages between
specific
value dimensions and behavior to guide
the search for connections in any case.
Another approach to validating the use of these factors is to
relate the typical citizen scores on the value dimensions to cul-
ture-level data, such as suicide rates, economic indexes, mea-
sures of civil disorder, and so forth. Obviously some theoretical
guidance is required to relate individual-level to cultural-level
phenomena, as they are conceptually distinct (Scheuch, 1970).
Promising attempts have, however, already been made (Berry,
1979; Triandis, 1984).
The results of the CVS survey are appropriate in this regard,
as 21 scores lend considerable confidence to any empirical
finding. Correlations between country wealth (GNP per capita
in 1984) and typical citizen scores on the first CVS factor (Social
Integration vs. Cultural Inwardness) yield r(l 9) = .63, p < .005.
Likewise, correlations between economic growth over the past
20 years and scores on the second CVS factor (Reputation vs.
Personal Morality) yield r(19) = -.50, p < .025. To date, only
these two indexes of economic performance have been exam-
ined for relations with CVS factor scores. There are undoubt-
edly other phenomena to which these value data may be linked.
The present results, however, serve to illustrate the potential of
the CVS constructs as scientific tools.
Such value constructs have an important and growing role to
play. It is clear that cross-cultural psychology is in dire need
of more theory-driven, multicultural studies. Expectancy-value
theories (Feather, 1979) have already demonstrated their useful-
ness in cross-cultural research (e.g., Leung, 1988); work on the
values construct is increasing (e.g., Braithwaite & Law, 1985;
Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987); and multicultural projects are now
more feasible (e.g., Triandis et al., 1986). This research has pro-
vided value "maps" for typical university students from 21 cul-
tures on two dimensions and from 9 cultures on four dimen-
sions. These maps can be used to plan a priori selections of
cultural groups (and to ground
post hoc
explanations of result-
ing differences when no a priori selection is made).
So, for example, values loading on the first CVS factor (Social
Integration versus Cultural Inwardness) may well relate to the
making of weak versus strong discriminations between in-
group and out-groups. Likewise, endorsements of the compe-
tence versus security dimension may relate to risk-taking be-
havior. On the other hand, ratings along the Personal Morality
versus Success factor may relate to altruism. Cross-cultural
comparisons of these and other behaviors could be preceded by
a judicious selection of cultural samples so as to be maximally
informative about the theory being tested. Any theory so con-
firmed would have demonstrated universality in its application,
an outcome that would strongly support its validity.
The question remains as to whether the five independent di-
mensions identified in this study are exhaustive or not. Recent
criticism of the RVS and other instruments in this regard (e.g.,
Braithwaite & Law, 1985) reflects concerns that have in part
encouraged Schwartz's (1987) recent development of a more
comprehensive instrument to measure values. With the excep-
tion of his stimulation, hedonism, and perhaps spiritual clus-
ters, however, all of Schwartz's putative value domains appear
to have been tapped by the factors identified in the present re-
search.
The
Chinese
values appear to contribute a dimension that
complements those identified by the RVS. One pole, that of cul-
tural inwardness, involves the sense of valued tradition itself. It
is precisely these sorts of values that critics such as Sampson
(1981) would argue are invisible to Westerners, constrained as
they are by their individualistic cultural agendas. The other pole
of this factor, social integration, involves values that can be
broadly construed as prosocial, but that capture a decidedly
Chinese focus on harmony in interpersonal relations (Bond &
Hwang, 1986). Comparable values do not appear on the RVS.
The present research thus demonstrates the potential of alter-
native cultural realities to broaden and extend our conceptual
resources in psychology. It is one response to Sampson's (1985)
INDIVIDUAL VARIATION IN MULTICULTURAL STUDIES OF VALUES 1015
plea for "a body of empirical research that has been cast from
a different mold" (p. 1210) Other responses are forthcoming
(Yang & Bond, 1988). In sufficient number, such work will con-
tribute to a universalizing of psychology.
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Received November 9, 1987
Revision received April 26, 1988
Accepted May 10, 1988 a
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Chapter
The chapter discusses the contemporary situations in Chinese culture that relate to social structure, sociocultural change, and the relationship of these factors to the current state of mental health of the Chinese people. The chapter focuses on the issues of mind, body, and behavior. The cultural framework is of central concern to Chinese participants, whether they are social scientists, humanists, or clinical psychiatrists. Chinese culture appears to affect the state of body and health, parent–child interaction, social relationships, individual and group aspirations, models of health care services, and the patterns of disorders and methods of coping under the impact of migration, industrialization, and urbanization. The chapter focuses on the importance of the impact of cultural tradition upon perception, behavioral orientation, pathology, coping, and help-seeking. The mental health concerns that are relevant to the population of mainland China are related to the recent dramatic socialist revolution and particularly to the 10-year period of the Cultural Revolution.
Chapter
This chapter discusses the cultural ecology of social behavior. There appears to be a growing interest in relationships between social behavior and its sociocultural context, and in the cross-cultural generality of these relationships. The chapter attempts to illustrate how such studies are done (a methodological emphasis), what does such study reveals (a substantive emphasis), and finally, how such knowledge can be returned to the people (an applied emphasis). The chapter discusses an ecological-cultural-behavioral model. The model views the development of individual behavior as a function of membership in a cultural group; and cultural characteristics are viewed as a function of both the ecological setting of the group and the acculturative influences, which impinge upon the group. The chapter also focuses on social behaviors, charted cross-culturally, and on their group and individual distributions. The chapter attempts to show that both cultural and cross-cultural dimensions of social behavior are investigated. The aim of science is to make general statements, but the aim of social psychology is to make culturally universal statements about human social behavior.
Chapter
The fundamental fact of Confucianism is that it is a secular social theory, the purpose of which is to achieve a harmonious society. This chapter discusses the structural pattern of Chinese attitudes and behavior by analyzing the Confucian paradigm of man. There are different articulations of Confucian theory of society and the individual. Most of the literature depicts Confucianism as a social theory and a social force that tends to mold the Chinese into group-oriented or family-oriented and socially dependent beings. This view has a good deal of sociological truth and has been more or less borne out to date by empirical studies. The Confucian paradigm of man has the theoretical thrust as well as a built-in structural imperative to develop a person into a relation-oriented individual who is not only socially responsive and dependent but is also capable of asserting a self-directed role in constructing a social world. However, this feature of Confucianism has been relatively neglected in theoretical analyses and has been unexplored in empirical research.