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Regulating Emotions: Culture, Social Necessity, and Biological Inheritance

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Regulating Emotions: Culture, Social Necessity, and Biological Inheritance

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Regulating Emotions: Culture, Social Necessity, and Biological Inheritance brings together distinguished scholars from disciplines as diverse as psychology, sociology, anthropology, neuroscience, and psychotherapy to examine the science of regulating emotions. Contains 13 original articles written in an accessible style Examines how social and cultural aspects of emotion regulation interact with regulatory processes on the biological and psychological level Highlights the role of social and cultural requirements in the adaptive regulation of emotion Will stimulate further theorizing and research across many disciplines and will be essential reading for students, researchers, and scholars in the field.
Marie Vandekerckhove, Christian von Scheve,
Sven Ismer, Susanne Jung, and Stefanie Kronast
What seems so compelling about the regulation of emotions to research-
ers in many different disciplines is that within this theme, questions con-
cerning the alleged antipodes nature and nurture or biology and culture
are conflating in most obvious ways. We suspect that this is precisely the
reason why emotion regulation has recently attracted such an exceptional
attention in a scientific environment that is characterized by a growing
interest in bridging disciplinary boundaries. Without a doubt, the topic
of emotion regulation has experienced a boom at the beginning of the
21st century, with many important contributions coming from academic
disciplines as diverse as psychology, neuroscience, anthropology, psycho-
therapy, and sociology—not to mention the more popular writings and
counseling literature.
Research on emotions in the past 20 years has increasingly portrayed
emotions as highly functional phenomena of crucial evolutionary signifi-
cance and biological grounding—in individual as well as in social and
cultural terms. Clearly, this has not always been the case. From the Greek
philosophers to the Scottish moralists, emotions have often been consid-
ered as disturbing and irritating occurrences in human life, in particu-
lar in domains requiring calm analysis, deep thinking, or polite manners.
However, in other areas emotions have never ceased to be “that certain
something,” more or less legitimately serving as most compulsive means
and ends of human action.
Although emotions are ubiquitous in human affairs, it seems not too
bold to claim that what has separated “man” from “animal” in many so-
cieties and cultures till today is the potential and the ability to keep one’s
emotions under control. That is, to hide them from and adapt them to
these affairs, not to forget oneself when faced with indignity, to keep calm
Regulating Emotions:
Culture, Social Necessity, and
Biological Inheritance
even after 20 minutes on the telephone service line, or to be courteous at
another boring dinner party. This social necessity to keep emotions under
control seems to arise, for one thing, from emotions’ compelling nature
to direct peoples’ actions, either as an urging feeling to act (“action
tendency”) or as a strong motive in itself (e.g., getting relief from one’s
anger) (Baumeister, Vohs, DeWall, & Zhang, 2007; Frijda, 1986; Loewen-
stein & Lerner, 2003).
If this is true, then there must be something about emotions and emo-
tional behavior that is potentially dangerous or at least undesirable from a
social or societal point of view. This, in turn, would mean that emotions’
evolutionary founded “wisdom of the ages” (Lazarus, 1991, p. 820) is
not as timeless as it seems, and, indeed, emotions and emotion-based
actions are notoriously suspected to undermine the “wisdom” of social
order and cultural integrity and to promote deviant behavior—they are
thus supposed to be kept at bay in many different contexts and for many
different reasons (see Gross, Richards, & John, 2006). The same can be
said from an individual point of view: because emotions frequently occur
outside of conscious awareness (Barrett, Ochsner, & Gross, 2007; Wink-
ielman & Berridge, 2004) and are—at least in part—equally involuntarily
expressed to others (Kappas, 1997; Russell, Bachorowski, & Fernandez
Dols, 2003) they may well foil consciously pursued individual goals, for
example in a poker game, in concentrating on a difficult math exam, or
when trying to conceal a lie (Ekman, 2004).
Changing environmental demands change the contingencies of our
emotions. Not all emotional reactions are always adaptive and beneficial,
and this seems even more true for modern societies. Emotions are, so to
speak, evolutionary relics that may well go over the top in a number of
situations. They seem to “happen to us” and to have us in their grip; they
let us do things that we often enough come to regret at later times. But
emotions are not reflexes—they are more like an alarm bell that prompts
for action or further investigation of the cause of the alarm. Thus, they
are also subject to potential change and revision: the ability to regulate
emotions allows people to keep them in line with prevailing environmen-
tal conditions and socio-cultural demands.
This might lead to the impression that the social and individual func-
tions ascribed to emotions are somewhat restricted to primeval environ-
ments and ancestral challenges, that they are a mere biological inheritance,
rigid and increasingly useless in human affairs. But nothing could be more
misleading. Research on emotions has continuously emphasized that they
are indispensable components of many intraindividual functions, for exam-
ple, cognitive, physiological, phenomenological, or behavioral (Levenson,
1999). They are equally important in social encounters by contributing to
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2 Regulating Emotions
the formation or disruption of social relationships, the emergence of social
bonds, and the coordination of social action and interaction (Frank, 1988;
Frijda & Mesquita, 1994; Keltner & Haidt, 1999). Moreover, recent re-
search indicates that they are also involved in most complex societal func-
tions, such as the enforcement and maintenance of social norms and social
order (Fehr & Fischbacher, 2004; Thoits, 2004). Thus, the question seems
to be legitimate whether “emotions [are] ever to be regulated?” (Gross,
1999, p. 552).
How is it, then, that emotions are still considered somewhat awkward
at times—despite these well known individual and social functions? If
all emotions and emotion eliciting conditions were the same in all cul-
tures and societies, then there probably would be not much fuzz about
emotion regulation in cultural context. But research on emotions has not
only revealed different functions of emotions with respect to their bio-
logical foundations, but at the same time continuously highlighted their
variability, flexibility, and adaptability—in particular with respect to
these functions (e.g., decoupling stimulus from response and accentuat-
ing behavioral options rather than directly causing behavior, see Scherer,
1994, and Baumeister et al., 2007) but also in view of their elicitation and
experience (see Mesquita & Markus, 2004, and Turner & Stets, 2006,
for an overview). What is considered disgusting in one culture may be
highly appreciated in another, what is considered embarrassing at work
may be highly welcome in family life, and what evokes shame in one cul-
ture may elicit pride in another one.
The debate on whether emotions are evolutionary hard-wired reactions
to environmental challenges or outcomes of social and cultural practices
is almost as old as research on emotions. Whatever the ultimate answer to
this question might be, the fact seems to be that there is considerable cul-
tural and intrasocietal variability in the eliciting conditions of emotions,
their experience, and expression, in particular in view of self-conscious or
“higher social” emotions such as shame, guilt, embarrassment, and pride
(Mesquita & Karasawa, 2004; Tangney & Fischer, 1995).
One path to answering the above stated question might therefore be
found in the assumption that social and cultural representations of emo-
tions have evolved in many different ways, whereas their underlying bio-
logical architecture—the affect system—has largely remained unchanged
and thus universal, and that emotion regulation serves to adapt and fine-
tune this system to the respective socio-cultural contexts (cf. Ochsner &
Gross, 2007; Mesquita & Albert, 2007). In line with this reasoning is
a definition of emotion regulation as “the process by which individuals
influence which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they
experience and express these emotions” (Gross, 1998, p. 275).
Regulating Emotions 3
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And this is—roughly speaking—the path this volume is following. It
seems almost clear to us that in view of more or less disparately evolved
socio-cultural systems also the causes, occasions, techniques, and goals of
emotion regulation differ between and even within the distinct social and
cultural contexts. However, this is only one side of the coin. The other
side is that intercultural differences in emotions in turn beg the question
of how these variations are brought about and implemented in a specific
socio-cultural environment. A number of articles in the present volume
suggest that emotion regulation as such is a crucial factor in bringing
about intercultural and intrasocietal differences in emotions. In adopting
the idea that culture and society are fundamentally shaping and thereby
“regulating” emotions, one-factor models of emotion regulation are
providing answers to these questions in conceptualizing emotion regula-
tion as a process that is not limited to an actual emotion episode, but
rather extends to ontogenetic development and socio-cultural evolution
(Campos, Frankel, & Camras, 2004). According to this view, emotions
are already regulated prior to their actual elicitation in that they (and
their social representations) are simply more salient, more despised, more
sought after or more avoided in one culture than in another (cf. Mesquita
& Leu, in press).
There is a further intriguing aspect to the one-factor view: If we had
to constantly and consciously monitor our emotions in view of their ap-
propriateness and social adequacy, we would soon run out of cognitive
resources in everyday life. Therefore, not only do different cultures and
social environments set the stage for the regulation of emotion and provide
corresponding goals, but they also actively and purposefully engage in reg-
ulative developmental processes through social institutions, for example,
socialization practices, the corroboration of social and individual goals,
belief systems, habits, and rituals, knowledge, or specific norms, rules,
and codes of conduct. They entail what in this volume is dubbed “auto-
matic emotion regulation.”
It was precisely this twofold relationship between an evolutionary and
biologically rooted affect system on the one hand, and highly differen-
tiated social and cultural concepts and representations of emotions on
the other hand that had motivated us as editors to marshal this interdis-
ciplinary overview on the regulation of emotion. The incentive for this
volume goes back to a workshop at the Center for Interdisciplinary Re-
search (ZiF) at Bielefeld University in 2004 that was hosted by the cent-
er’s research group on “Emotions as Bio-Cultural Processes.” The year
long work of this research group had mainly concentrated on identifying
linkages between biological and socio-cultural determinants of emotions
(cf. Markowitsch, Röttger-Rössler, & the ZiF-Research-Group, in press).
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4 Regulating Emotions
It soon turned out that the many facets of emotion regulation are a major
factor in finding this linkage—from the point of view of almost all the
disciplines involved in the group: psychology, neuroscience, philosophy,
anthropology, sociology, and psychiatry.
However, the vivid discussions at the workshop have made it clear that
the distinct disciplines have considerable difficulties in mutually communi-
cating their concepts and approaches—if only on a semantic level in many
cases. For example, when psychologists talk about “emotion regulation”
(e.g., Gross & Thompson, 2007), sociologists are used to discuss “emo-
tion work” and “emotion management” (Hochschild, 1979; cf. Grandey,
2000); and when anthropologists refer to an emotional “ethos,” sociolo-
gists advance “social norms” and psychologists bring forward “represen-
tations” (cf. Mesquita & Leu, in press).
Thus, the aim of this volume ultimately is to bring together the different
disciplines involved in research on emotion regulation and to harbor an
interdisciplinary dialogue that sharpens each discipline’s understanding
and awareness of the respective paradigms. This dialogue is facilitated
by the main thread of the book, namely the question of how social and
cultural aspects of emotion regulation interact with regulatory processes
on the biological and psychological level. The contributors thereby deal
with the evolutionary assumptions implied by the volume’s title and at
the same time highlight the role of social and cultural requirements in the
adaptive regulation of emotion. Put in a nutshell: the articles in this col-
lection revolve around the basic question whether emotion “is ever not
regulated” (Gross, 1999, p. 565).
The volume is divided into four parts. The contributions in part one dis-
cuss conceptual and foundational issues of a bio-cultural perspective on
emotions. The articles in part two illustrate the role of culture and social
interaction in the development of emotion regulation. The chapters in part
three assess the consequences of potential conflicts between social and in-
dividual expectations, emotions, and emotion regulation from a psycho-
pathological perspective. Finally, the contributions in part four highlight
the socio-cultural environment as affecting and being affected by emotion
regulation.
The first part of the volume is introduced by Arvid Kappas who vividly
argues that emotion and emotion-control are part and parcel of the same
processes. According to Kappas, any scientifically viable theory of emo-
tion also has to be a theory of emotion-control, being able to predict for a
particular person in a particular event and context how he/she will react,
e.g., with regard to expressive behavior. Kappas criticizes current theories
for failing in this respect by merely invoking concepts such as display
rules, feeling rules, unknown social intentions, or idiosyncratic appraisals
Regulating Emotions 5
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as straw men. He goes on to show that as long as the display rules, feeling
rules, etc. are not included in the boundaries of the emotion theories, it
will not be possible to make any predictions that could be tested in the
real world.
Iris Mauss, Silvia Bunge, and James Gross in their chapter are concerned
with the question of how socio-cultural contexts affect individuals’ emo-
tion regulation. Their analysis rests upon the fact that most prior research
on emotion regulation has focused on deliberate rather than automatic
forms of emotion regulation. From a socio-cultural point of view, they
argue, this is particularly unfortunate, since they suspect socio-cultural
factors to have a pervasive effect on emotion regulation through automatic
processes. Mauss, Bunge, and Gross start their argument by distinguishing
two types of emotion regulation: response-focused (which takes place after
an emotion is initiated) and antecedent-focused (which takes place before
an emotion is fully initiated) emotion regulation. They subsequently
review how socio-cultural contexts engender response- and antecedent-
focused automatic emotion regulation and how these two types of regu-
lation in turn affect individuals’ emotional responding and well-being.
They suggest that automatic emotion regulation is shaped by cultural
contexts providing the individual with implicit norms and automatized
practices that can be either situationally or emotionally cued. Impor-
tantly, they find that antecedent-focused automatic regulation seems to
be relatively adaptive while response-focused automatic regulation seems
to be relatively maladaptive.
Claire Hofer and Nancy Eisenberg in their contribution review research
relevant to understanding the biological, that is, genetic and molecular,
bases of emotion regulation and the relations of emotion-related regula-
tion to socialization and developmental outcomes in several cultures. In
doing so, they give a concise overview of the biological makeup of effort-
ful control and self-regulation on the one hand, and the different envi-
ronmental influences on emotion regulation, in particular socialization
conditions, on the other hand. In addition, Hofer and Eisenberg focus
primarily, albeit not solely, on individual differences in measures of dispo-
sitional emotion-related self-regulation. Although they conclude in call-
ing for more efforts to be made to better measure emotion regulation and
related constructs, Hofer and Eisenberg emphasize that, although there
are differences among socialization beliefs and practices across cultures,
there is also some degree of universality in the processes involved in the
influence of socialization on emotion-related regulation.
Leading in the second part of this volume that shifts attention from
individual to interactional and developmental processes in emotion reg-
ulation, Gisela Trommsdorff and Fred Rothbaum seek to understand cul-
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6 Regulating Emotions
tural differences in emotional regulation by examining differences in the
development of the self. They assume that emotion regulation is related to
a person’s self-construal and to his/her goals and in their comprehensive
review integrate evidence on culture-specific construals of the self as well
as on cultural differences in goal orientation. The processes and outcomes
of emotion regulation, they argue, should strongly depend upon these dif-
ferent conceptions of self and goals. To corroborate their argument, they
consider extensive evidence of cultural differences in child-rearing con-
ditions and socialization practices. Trommsdorff and Rothbaum clearly
show that common assumptions and findings from Western research on
emotion regulation that are often treated as universal are not quite so and
that a thorough understanding of emotion regulation can only rest on a
culture-informed theory.
Phillip Shaver, Mario Mikulincer, and David S. Chun in their chapter
marshal an attachment theoretical approach to emotion regulation. At-
tachment theory (Bowlby, 1982) provides an understanding of the de-
velopmental origins of individual differences in emotion regulation, in
particular within close relationships. Originally based on studies con-
cerned with human infants’ emotional bonding with their mothers, at-
tachment theory has more recently moved towards analyzing emotional
attachments in adults and also to individual differences in emotion regu-
lation associated with different patterns of attachment styles. Shaver,
Mikulincer, and Chun outline attachment theory, review psychological
and neuropsychological research on attachment-related individual differ-
ences in emotion regulation, and show how security-related regulation
processes foster mental health and prosocial behavior. The theoretical
model they develop suggests that attachment security and the ability to
regulate emotion is closely associated with a variety of prosocial feelings
and caregiving behaviors: Secure attachments make it easier to focus and
meet others’ social needs, whereas insecure attachments interfere with
empathic perceptions of others’ needs and thus decrease the likelihood of
effective prosocial behavior.
Maria von Salisch in her contribution gives a detailed overview of the
developmental influences on the regulation of emotion, the socialization
of emotion regulation, and the development of interindividual differences.
Her analysis is based on a process model of emotion generation and de-
velops around four main themes that comprise the better part of devel-
opmental research on emotion regulation: the fundamental changes in
emotional development in childhood and adolescence; the multidimen-
sional development of emotion regulation; the shift from interpersonal
to intrapersonal emotion regulation; and the differential development of
emotion regulation. Her analysis of the available evidence culminates in
Regulating Emotions 7
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an original transactional model of emotional development that puts the
four themes of emotion regulation under one overarching and integrative
perspective.
The articles in part three of this volume focus on potential problems
and difficulties arising from the social expectations and individual needs
related to emotion regulation. They highlight probable consequences of
mismatches between socio-cultural expectations and individual emo-
tions and outline clinical and psychopathological implications. In doing
so, Pamela Cole, Tracy Dennis, Sarah Martin, and Sarah Hall take on
the developmental theme of the previous part and investigate the inter-
play of emotion regulation and the early development of psychological
competence and psychopathology. Because they assume emotional pro-
cesses to be inherently regulatory, Cole, Dennis, Martin, and Hall first
discuss conceptual challenges of defining and measuring emotion and dis-
tinguishing emotion regulation from emotion in regard to both typical
and atypical development in early childhood. They describe four specific
dimensions of emotion regulation that are pertinent to psychopathologi-
cal risk and can be inferred from behavioral observations. Referring to a
clinical case example of a young child with a major depressive disorder,
they present testable predictions about how children at risk for depres-
sion can be distinguished from typically developing children on the basis
of behavioral observations. Concluding, they provide a set of concepts
and suggest methods of measurement that can be used to test hypotheses
about individual differences in emotion regulation.
Pierre Philippot, Aurore Neumann, and Nathalie Vrielynck investigate
a dimension of emotional information processing that they deem relevant
for emotion regulation in general and for psychopathology in particular:
the specificity versus generality at which emotional information is pro-
cessed. Specificity in this model refers to the activation of detailed and
precise information about specific emotional experiences well circum-
scribed in episodes lasting less than a day. Generality in turn refers to the
activation of generic information about emotion, for example, features
that tend to be repeatedly experienced during a given emotion or abstract
information about more extended periods of time. Philippot, Neumann,
and Vrielynck start with a review of research showing that several emo-
tional disorders are characterized by an overgenerality bias in emotional
information processing. Subsequently, they question the validity of naïve
theories sustaining this bias by referring to a cognitive model of emotion
regulation that is based on multilevel theories of emotion. They then ex-
amine the regulatory consequences of processing emotional information
at a specific or overgeneral level and finally outline implications for psy-
chopathology and clinical intervention.
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8 Regulating Emotions
Martin Peper and Roland Vauth in their chapter then review the difficul-
ties in defining and assessing socio-emotional competencies that comprise
diverse functional domains related to emotion regulation, for example,
awareness of one’s own emotions, perception of emotions in others, and
coping and management skills. Peper and Vauth first inspect the basic con-
structs and functional components of emotions and discuss the structure
and typical definitions of socio-emotional abilities. They give a concise
overview of the assessment of emotion regulation by means of psycho-
metric tests and critically review the methodological difficulties involved.
Taking schizophrenia as an exemplary clinical application, Peper and
Vauth describe typical deficits of emotional processing in these patients
and present a rehabilitation program that is based on an original neuro-
psychological working model of emotion regulation and focuses on the
training of high-level socio-emotional skills.
Leslie Greenberg and Marie Vandekerckhove even more shift attention
from emotional self-regulation to the regulation of emotions by another
person by investigating in detail how emotion regulation and its disorders
can be approached from a psychotherapeutic perspective. In combining
affective neuroscience and one-factor models of emotion regulation they
explore the role of the client–therapist relationship in the treatment of
emotion related disorders. Based on the emotion-focused therapy approach
originally developed by Greenberg (2002), they assign a dual role to emo-
tion regulation in therapeutic relationships: First, the relationship is thera-
peutic in and of itself by serving an emotion regulation function which is
internalized over time. Second, the relationship functions as a means to an
end. The client–therapist relationship, they argue, should offer an opti-
mal environment for facilitating specific modes of emotional processing
because emotions are much more likely to be approached, tolerated, and
accepted in the context of a safe relationship. Greenberg and Vandeker-
ckhove articulate a number of principles of emotion assessment and
emotional change in therapy by referring to different aspects of emotion
generation and regulation. They conclude by presenting evidence and
techniques on how maladaptive emotions can be transformed into more
adaptive emotions in a therapeutic setting.
The articles in part four of the present volume highlight the socio-
cultural context as the primary object of inquiry, both as an immediate and
“one-factor” cause for emotion regulation, and as an object that is equally
affected by regulated emotions. Unni Wikan in her illuminating essay de-
scribes cases of honor killings in northern Europe in order to illustrate the
consequences of emotions that are regulated in ways that differ from those
prevailing in most Western cultures. By giving a detailed description of a
prominent case of honor killing in Denmark, Wikan gives an insight in
Regulating Emotions 9
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how the mechanisms underlying these acts are tied to the regulation of
emotion. She draws on her long-term empirical research on honor and
shame in the Middle East and thereby sheds light on what honor “is”
and how it needs to be understood to combat rising violence, in particu-
lar against women. Wikan in her chapter explores the intrapersonal and
interpersonal mechanisms involved and illustrates how honor is at once a
matter of pride and oppression.
Poul Poder makes explicit how a specific social environment—in this
case a particular organization—shapes the interpretation of feelings and
thus their regulation. Taking anger as an example, Poder illustrates how
certain types of emotional experiences are silenced rather than welcomed
in a specific environment. He presents evidence from a case study on pro-
cesses of organizational restructuring and shows how employees and exec-
utives handle anger in quite different ways. Poder in particular illustrates
how anger is not acknowledged in the relationship between management
and employees. The article explains how anger can be viewed as integral
to morality and that this approach can be considered an alternative to
the predominant research on the regulation of anger. Poder outlines how
emotion regulation can be understood as a phenomenon facilitated by
specific “politics of expression.” According to this view, the regulation
of anger is linked to issues of culture and social structure, and is thus not
simply a question of particularly ill-tempered personalities.
In a similar vein, Charlotte Bloch discusses the issue of how moods are
regulated by emotional cultures. In her contribution she presents evidence
on how “flow” and “stress” experiences as specific mood states are inter-
preted and handled in different contexts of everyday life in modern West-
ern societies. Bloch explicates the way in which emotional cultures play
an active, but often overlooked role in people’s everyday interpretations
and evaluations of pleasant and unpleasant moods; with the term “emo-
tional cultures”, she refers to different spheres of everyday life that are
found in many modern Western societies. In her study, she investigates
different strategies of handling flow and stress in work-life, family-life,
and leisure-time. Bloch concludes that emotional cultures act as interpre-
tive filters which not only shape and mediate, but also actively disturb or
suppress specific moods.
We are confident that we have been able to assemble a volume that on
the one hand reflects the lively debates and the extraordinary atmosphere
at the workshop out of which many contributions originated and informs
the different disciplines about neighboring paradigms, approaches, and
findings in research on emotion regulation. On the other hand, we be-
lieve that we have managed to solicit additional contributions that fit this
interdisciplinary exchange and further contribute to an understanding of
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10 Regulating Emotions
emotion regulation across disciplinary boundaries. In sum, we hope that
this volume is an important contribution to the field of emotion regula-
tion research and will stimulate further theorizing and empirical research
across many disciplines.
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12 Regulating Emotions
... Menurut Bowlby, (2005) konsep attachment adalah bentuk tingkah laku yang dapat mengekal, ataupun untuk mendapatkan individu lain. Sedangkan regulasi emosi merupakan pengalaman intrinsik yang menghasilkan emosi dan kemudian diinformasikan pada kemampuan kognitif sehingga memberikan pengaruh dan rasa emosi terhadap perilaku (Vandekerckhove et al., 2008). Regulasi emosi menjadi unsur yang menjadi penyebab banyak perilaku bermasalah, oleh sebab itu perlu dilakukan upaya identifikasi faktor penyebab rendahnya regulasi emosi siswa, yaitu attachment dan harga diri siswa. ...
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Emotion regulation is an important variable to support students’ optimal development. Students with high emotion regulation tend to minimize their aggressive behavior. However, some students have difficulty in regulating their emotions. Previous studies show that attachment and self-esteem influence emotion regulation. This study aims to examine the effect of the two variables on emotion regulation of students. 150 randomly selected students were involved in the study. Multiple linear regression was applied to analyze the research data. The results showed that there was a significant effect of attachments and self-esteem on emotion regulation. Attachment and self-esteem influence emotion regulation by 76.3% while other variables influence it by the remaining 23.7%. The result can be used as a basis for constructing guidance and counseling services that involve attachment and self-esteem to improve the emotion regulation of students. Abstrak: Regulasi emosi menjadi unsur penting bagi siswa untuk menunjang perkembangannya secara optimal. Akan tetapi, ada berbagai macam masalah terkait rendahnya tingkat regulasi emosi siswa, misalnya siswa menunjukkan berbagai tindakan kekerasan bahkan perilaku agresi. Beberapa variabel yang berpengaruh terhadap regulasi emosi adalah attachment dan harga diri siswa. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi pengaruh attachment, harga diri dengan regulasi emosi siswa. Penelitian ini melibatkan sampel sebanyak 150 siswa yang dipilih secara acak. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis regresi linier berganda. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat hubungan yang signifikan antara attachment dan harga diri dengan regulasi emosi. Attachment dan harga diri memengaruhi kemampuan regulasi emosi siswa sebesar 76,3% dan sisanya 23,7% dipengaruhi oleh variabel lain. Hasil penelitian ini dapat dijadikan sebagai bahan pertimbangan bagi konselor sekolah dalam memberikan layanan yang tepat bagi siswa untuk meningkatkan regulasi emosi siswa dengan melibatkan variabel attachment dan harga diri siswa.
... One's ability to control his own emotion is often referred to as self-regulation of emotion. Selfregulation of emotion is an intrinsic experience of managing emotion which then informed on cognitive abilities to provide an influence and emotional feelings over the behavior (Vandekerckhove, Von Scheve, Ismer, Jung, & Kronast, 2008). Emotions occur because there is a stimulus to a person and then reflected in his behavior. ...
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The purpose of this study was to identify whether there are differences in self-regulation of emotion skills of male and female students. This study is a comparative study with a sample of 796 students (452 males, 344 females). The sample selection is taken using simple random sampling technique. The instrument used is the scale of self-regulation of emotion. Data analysis used to identify differences in self-regulation of emotion skills of male and female students is independent samples test. The findings of the study indicate that there is a significant difference between the self-regulation of emotion skills of male and female students. This study recommends counseling service to improve self-regulation of emotion skills. Abstrak: Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi apakah terdapat perbedaan self-regulation of emotion antara siswa laki-laki dan perempuan. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian komparatif dengan sampel 796 siswa (452 laki-laki, 344 perempuan). Pemilihan sampel diambil menggunakan teknik cluster random sampling. Instrumen yang digunakan adalah skala self-regulation of emotion. Analisis data yang digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi perbedaan self-regulation of emotion siswa laki-laki dan perempuan adalah independent samples test. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan yang signifikan antara self-regulation of emotion siswa laki-laki dan perempuan. Studi ini merekomendasikan layanan konseling untuk meningkatkan self-regulation of emotion siswa.
... This conclusion is different from, but reinforces, two other approaches that are well known in the literature. One of these holds that acknowledgment and visibility of an emotion will vary between cultures on the basis of locally specific norms and linguistic practices which provide 'display' opportunities for some emotions but not others (Vandekerckhove et al, 2008;Fontaine et al, 2013). Second, Norbert Elias famously argued that the 'civilizing process' in Western Europe entails self-constraint in emotional expression because with increasing social complexity '[i]ndividuals are compelled to regulate their conduct in an increasingly differentiated, more even and stable manner' (Elias, 2000: 367; see also van Krieken, 2014). ...
Article
The purpose of this article is to specify the character of late modernity in terms of the emotional formations peculiar to it. Different approaches to late modernity are briefly surveyed and the argument is presented in three sections. In the first section late modernity is indicated as a social type that can be identified in terms of its particular emotional formation. The second section outlines the institutional framework of late modernity through which it is distinguished from modernity. This is to indicate the societal source of the emotional patterns of each type of these distinctive social formations. In the final section ego emotions are specified in contrast with those emotions that are not self-directed but outwardly directed.
... One of the human skills that sits at the foundation of how we integrate ourselves into society is empathy (Anderson & Keltner, 2002;Eisenberg & Miller, 1987). Empathy allows us to regulate our emotional states, to understand and interpret other's emotions and to respond appropriately (Vandekerckhove, von Scheve, Ismer, Jung, & Kronast, 2009). ...
Thesis
Empathy is a fundamental socio-emotional human ability. It allows us to regulate our emotions in reference to other's emotions, to understand and interpret others' emotional states, and to act accordingly. Recent studies show how levels of empathy, particularly across young populations in the United States, are on a steady decline (Konrath, O'Brien, & Hsing, 2011). Although numerous interventions to address this issue have been tested, to the best of my knowledge, no work to date has explored the potential of social robots to support behavior, understanding and expression of human empathy among children. In this thesis, I present the results of an experiment with children from two countries, exploring how social robots can help in further understand and support the development of empathy in this particular population. In light of the challenge of decreasing levels of empathy, I raised the question of how interactions with social robots can help foster empathic skills in children with aggressive tendencies. I also stressed the importance of cross-cultural studies in order to broaden our understanding of the potential this technology holds for this specific application. I developed a novel interaction using two social robots, geared towards tapping into children's empathic models; evoking empathy and capturing relevant information either through behavior, understanding or physiology metrics. I found that empathy interventions using robotic companions can be an efficient tool to engage children. I also found significant differences in a cross-cultural sample, showing the importance of this approach. I present results indicating how through interaction with social robots, behaviorally-challenged children can successfully perceive, act, reflect, and practice empathy. These findings are encouraging when considering the potential of this technology for future interventions.
... The basic assumption of this perspective is that emotions are almost never expressed in some "natural" or "unregulated" way, because social norms governing the experience and expression of emo-tion dictate when and how emotions are to be expressed. We are socialized to adapt our expressions to different social situations and expectations (for example implied in gender roles of power hierarchies) and this adaptation does not necessarily have to happen as a conscious and purposeful effort, but can well happen involuntarily and automatically (e.g., Vandekerckhove et al. 2008). ...
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In this chapter I discuss the ways in which a particular area of neuroscientific research, affective neuroscience, may inform sociological approaches to affect and emotion and social inquiry more generally. Taking a decidedly micro-sociological perspective, I argue that findings from affective neuroscience may shed light, in particular, on the bodily dimensions of affect and emotion that are often highlighted in sociology, yet hardly ever conceptualized in more detail. These dimensions are discussed in view of the generation of affect and emotion and their role in decision-making and social interaction. Finally, I contextualize these issues and the status of knowledge produced in the field of affective neuroscience in a broader biosocial perspective.
Thesis
Σκοπός της παρούσας έρευνας ήταν να διερευνήσει τη σχέση των χαρακτηριστικών προσωπικότητας των εκπαιδευτικών με το υποκειμενικό αίσθημα ευζωίας τους και το συναίσθημα στην εργασία. Επιπλέον, εκτιμήθηκε η προβλεπτική ικανότητα των χαρακτηριστικών προσωπικότητας για την υποκειμενική ευζωία και για το συναίσθημα στην εργασία, καθώς και ο διαμεσολαβητικός ρόλος της συναισθηματικής ρύθμισης στις παραπάνω σχέσεις. Στην έρευνα συμμετείχαν 310 εκπαιδευτικοί πρωτοβάθμιας και δευτεροβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης, ηλικίας 26 έως 66 ετών, οι οποίοι κλήθηκαν να απαντήσουν (α) στο ερωτηματολόγιο NEO Five Factor Inventory (NEO-FFI) των Costa και McCrae (1992) για την εκτίμηση της προσωπικότητας, (β) στη κλίμακα Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS) των Diener, Emmons, Larsen και Griffin (1985) για την διερεύνηση της ικανοποίησης από τη ζωή, (γ) στη κλίμακα Scale of Positive And Negative Experience (SPANE) των Diener, Wirtz, Biswas-Diener, Tov, Kim-Prieto, Choi και Oishi (2009) για την εκτίμηση του θετικού και του αρνητικού συναισθήματος, (δ) στη κλίμακα Job Affect Scale (JAS) των Brief, Burke, George, Robinson και Webster (1988) για τη διερεύνηση των συναισθημάτων στην εργασία και (ε) στο ερωτηματολόγιο Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ) των Gross και John (2003) για τη συναισθηματική ρύθμιση. Τα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας φανέρωσαν σημαντικές συσχετίσεις όλων των χαρακτηριστικών προσωπικότητας με την υποκειμενική ευζωία και με το συναίσθημα στην εργασία. Επιπλέον, διαφάνηκε ισχυρή προβλεπτική αξία των χαρακτηριστικών προσωπικότητας για την υποκειμενική ευζωία των εκπαιδευτικών και για τα συναισθήματα που βιώνουν στην εργασία τους. Ακόμη, βρέθηκε μερική διαμεσολάβηση της γνωστικής αναπλαισίωσης στις συσχετίσεις της εξωστρέφειας, της δεκτικότητας στην εμπειρία και της ευσυνειδησίας με το θετικό συναίσθημα και με το θετικό συναίσθημα στην εργασία. The purpose of the present investigation was to explore teachers' personality traits in relation to their subjective well-being and affect at work. Additionally, the predictive capacity of personality traits for subjective well-being and affect at work was assessed as well as the mediating role of emotion regulation in the above relationships. The survey involved 310 primary and secondary school teachers, aged 26 to 66, who were asked to answer (a) the NEO Five Factor Inventory (NEO-FFI) by Costa and McCrae (1992) on personality assessment, (b) the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS) by Diener, Emmons, Larsen and Griffin (1985) for exploring life satisfaction, (c) the Scale of Positive And Negative Experience (SPANE) by Diener, Wirtz, Biswas-Diener, Tov, Kim-Prieto, Choi and Oishi (2009) for the evaluation of positive and negative affect, (d) the Job Affect Scale (JAS) by Brief, Burke, George, Robinson and Webster (1988) for the investigation of affect at work and (e) the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ) by Gross and John (2003) for emotion regulation. The results revealed important correlations of all personality traits with subjective well-being and affect at work. In addition, a strong predictive value of personality traits for teachers' subjective well- being and the emotions they experience at work was revealed. Furthermore, partial mediation of cognitive reappraisal was found in the associations of extraversion, openness to experience and conscientiousness with positive affect and with positive affect at work.
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Self-esteem is an important element for students to support their development optimally. However, students performed various problems related to the students’ self-esteem level. For instance, students posted their activities and problems on social media. One variable affected self-esteem was students’ emotional control. This study aimed to identify the effect of emotional control on students’ self-esteem. This study involved 612 students as sample who were randomly selected in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. Data analysis technique in this research was regression analysis. Results indicated that there was a significant effect of emotional control on students’ self-esteem. This study recommended a counseling service to increase students’ self-esteem by involving emotional control variable. Abstrak: Harga diri merupakan unsur penting bagi siswa agar dapat berkembang secara optimal. Akan tetapi, siswa kerap kali mengalami masalah yang berkaitan dengan rendahnya harga diri mereka, misalnya siswa menunjukkan berbagai kegiatan dan masalahnya di media sosial. Salah satu variabel yang berpengaruh terhadap harga diri adalah regulasi emosi siswa. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi pengaruh regulasi emosi terhadap harga diri siswa. Penelitian ini melibatkan sampel sebanyak 612 siswa sekolah menengah atas (SMA) yang dipilih secara acak di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis regresi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat pengaruh yang signifikan antara regulasi emosi terhadap harga diri siswa. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan sebuah program layanan konseling untuk meningkatkan harga diri siswa dengan melibatkan variabel regulasi emosi.
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Grounded in self-determination theory's (SDT; Ryan & Deci, 2017) organismic perspective, we present a process view of integrative emotion regulation. SDT describes three general types of emotion regulation: integrative emotion regulation, which focuses on emotions as carrying information that is brought to awareness; controlled emotion regulation, which is focused on diminishing emotions through avoidance, suppression, or enforced expression or reappraisal; and amotivated emotion regulation, in which emotions are uncontrolled or dysregulated. We review survey and experimental research contrasting these emotion regulation styles, providing evidence for the benefits of integrative emotion regulation for volitional functioning, personal well-being, and high-quality relationships, and for the costs of controlled emotion regulation and dysregulation. The development of emotion regulation styles is discussed, especially the role of autonomy-supportive parenting in fostering more integrative emotion regulation, and the role of controlling parenting in contributing to controlled or dysregulated emotion processing. Overall, integrative emotion regulation represents a beneficial style of processing emotions, which develops most effectively in a nonjudgmental and autonomy-supportive environment, an issue relevant to both development and psychotherapy.
Chapter
Is emotion a judicial vice or a judicial virtue? While Western post-Enlightenment norms insist on the former, contemporary psychology suggests the latter—or perhaps it suggests that either could be true. This view is illuminated and given texture by the Aristotelian tradition. This chapter explores historical, philosophical and scientific perspectives that converge around the view that emotion is a vital source of judicial wisdom. At the same time, judicial emotion can sometimes operate as a vice. The chapter situates this more nuanced position on judicial emotion within the broader frame of law and emotion studies, demonstrates how most scholars within that movement either explicitly or implicitly adopt an Aristotelian philosophy, and uses the case of anger to demonstrate the value of an Aristotelian virtue approach to the emotional element of judicial behavior and decision-making.
Article
This article discusses the role of culture in children's emotional development and learning. Cultural orientation regarding self and relationships with others shapes cultural models of emotion regulation and expression. While independent cultures support open expression of emotions, interdependent cultures value the modulation of emotions. Children learn culture-appropriate ways of emotion regulation through socialisation in the family, acquisition of language, exposure to cultural products (e.g., children's books), and school activities. This article offers recommendations on how to design culture-grounded socio-emotional programs that take into account cultural values, indigenous content, and emotion regulation strategies contingent with culture-specific adaptive goals.
Book
Emotions have emerged as a topic of interest across the disciplines, yet studies and findings on emotions tend to fall into two camps: body versus brain, nature versus nurture. Emotions as Bio-cultural Processes offers a unique collaboration across the biological/social divide from psychology and neuroscience to cultural anthropology and sociology-as 15 noted researchers develop a common language, theoretical basis, and methodology for examining this most sociocognitive aspect of our lives. Starting with our evolutionary past and continuing into our modern world of social classes and norms, these multidisciplinary perspectives reveal the complex interplay of biological, social, cultural, and personal factors at work in emotions, with particular emphasis on the nuances involved in pride and shame. A sampling of the topics: The roles of the brain in emotional processing. Emotional development milestones in childhood. Social feeling rules and the experience of loss. Emotions as commodities? The management of feelings and the self-help industry. Honor and dishonor: societal and gender manifestations of pride and shame. Emotion regulation and youth culture. Pride and shame in the classroom. A volume of such wide and integrative scope as Emotions as Bio-cultural Processes should attract a large cohort of readers on both sides of the debate, among them emotion researchers, social and developmental psychologists, sociologists, social anthropologists, and others who analyze the links between humans that on the one hand differentiate us as individuals but on the other hand tie us to our socio-cultural worlds. © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009 All rights reserved.