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The seeds of Chinatown. Chinese Entrepreneurship in Spain
... Han diversificado sus inversiones hacia otras actividades comerciales: tiendas de ropa, de regalos, de calzado, colmados, fruterías. También han aumentado los negocios de servicios destinados a satisfacer sus necesidades, es decir, para una clientela propia: supermercados de comida china, locutorios, estudios de fotografía, joyerías, cibercafés, asesorías, autoescuelas, etc. Y finalmente se han insertado en sectores del mercado laboral general como en la construcción, industria agroalimentaria, de embalajes, etc. donde los empleadores son españoles y no chinos (Beltrán, 2005b;Sáiz 2005aSáiz , 2005b. ...
... También en el caso de la primera generación china se constata algunas de estas características como la dificultad para expresarse en las lenguas oficiales del país después de muchos años de residencia en el mismo, lo cual no supone necesariamente ni su falta de éxito económico, ni la ausencia de movilidad social ascendente. Los nichos económicos chinos proporcionan vías de éxito dentro de la propia comunidad lo que puede reducir el contacto con el resto de la población al mínimo (Beltrán, 2005b). ...
... The 2008 Beijing Olympic opened avenues for foreign investment in China and changed China's international image. China's global rise has slowed the migration of unskilled Chinese workers to Europe, who were mostly rural residents from Zhejiang and Fujian provinces attracted by economic opportunities within ethnic niches or enclaves such as catering, trade and manufacturing in Europe (Beltrán Antolín 2005;Ceccagno 2017;Cologna 2005;Ma Mung 1992). Meanwhile, migration from China to Europe has diversified in terms of education levels, social class backgrounds, and the geographic origins of Chinese migrants. ...
Under the changing demographic effects of Chinese migratory waves in Europe and in the global context of the Covid-19 pandemic, Chinese migratory patterns to Europe as well as the lives of migrants and their descendants in European countries have been renewed since the 2010s, both in material and symbolic or emotional ways. This special issue includes five articles shedding new light on the patterns of Chinese migration to Europe, and on the dynamics of their everyday lives in and beyond the European countries. As the special issue editor, I first argue that Chinese overseas, as an important part of global China, offer a privileged site of study for understanding Chinese society from inside and outside. Then, based on the literature review on Chinese migration to and within Europe from the 1980s to post-2020, I introduce specificities of contemporary Chinese migration to Europe and the Chinese presence in European countries, and highlight four main demographic features: the growth in the population of descendants, the aging of the first-generation migrants, the massive arrival of students and skilled migrants, and the feminization of migration. Thirdly, I provide an overview of the five articles included in this special issue. Finally, I conclude the introduction by underlying the contributions of this volume, the theoretical frameworks that they borrow and consolidate, and new avenues for research opened up by this special issue.
... On the other side of the transnational space, the open-door policy in China and the liberalization of emigration law in 1985 allowed the emigration of large numbers of Chinese workers to Europe, resulting in the development of a Chinese immigrant economy in various European countries. In Southern and Eastern Europe, studies have documented an increase in Chinese migration and a boom in Chinese immigrant business in around the same period, largely attributed to favorable opportunity structures in the specific country (Beltrán Antolín 2005;Ceccagno 2003;Nyiri 2007). For example, it is argued that the success of Chinese entrepreneurship in the garment and leather sectors in Italy resulted from the industrial crisis in Italy, especially in the area around Prato. ...
This paper aims to explore firstly, the distribution of economic opportunities in the Chinese immigrant economy, and, secondly, how opportunities have gradually diverged among Chinese migrants against the backdrop of increased globalization and Chinese transnationalization. Conceptually, it departs from the literature of immigrant economy as well as transnationalism, in particular, Chinese transnationalism. Methodologically, qualitative and inductive methods including in-depth interviews and participant observation are employed. By revealing that some Chinese migrants enjoy economic opportunities induced by transnationalization process while some others are deprived of them, this paper questions the much-celebrated effects of the social mobility of immigrant economy. This paper sheds light on how unequal opportunities can be exported from China channeled by transnationalization, as unequal pathways of Chinese migrants in Vienna, among other cases in Europe, appear to extend the divergent experiences of winners and losers of the late-socialist economic reform in China.
... Por su parte, en origen se fue extendiendo progresivamente la zona de emigración de forma paralela al desarrollo de la polarización social que dividía a la población entre los que tenían parientes emigrantes y los que no. La llegada de remesas de divisas marcaba la diferencia de nivel de vida y de consumo, de modo que cada vez eran más numerosas las personas dispuestas a emigrar (Beltrán, 2003(Beltrán, , 2005Li, 1999). De hecho, la emigración desde el distrito de Qingtian y de sus aledaños de Wenzhou, afecta a todas las clases sociales. ...
Asociar la idea de empresariado a la de modo de vida puede resultar extraño a primera vista. El objetivo de este capítulo es reflexionar sobre la articulación de ambos conceptos, para lo cual se utilizará el caso de los migrantes chinos. Una definición mínima de empresario –y por extensión empresariado– es la de aquellas per-sonas –o grupos sociales como la familia, cooperativas, e incluso institucionales como el Estado y sus diferentes organismos, etc.– que poseen sus propios medios de producción y, por lo tanto el trabajo que realizan no es asalariado. La idea de empresario conlleva la de independencia y autonomía –conceptos siempre relativos– en cuanto a la toma de decisiones para producir –organizar la producción, las inversiones– con el objetivo primario de subsistir y secundario de obtener beneficios. Los empresarios están presentes en todos los sectores de la economía –agricultura, industria, servicios– y pueden incluir desde los así denominados autoempleados a las pequeñas empresas familiares hasta alcanzar las grandes multinacionales. Un vendedor ambulan-te que obtenga unos ingresos mínimos para subsistir es un empresario, es decir, no trabaja a cam-bio de un salario ni está sometido a ninguna disciplina laboral impuesta por el empleador, es libre, en definitiva, de tomar las decisiones que crea oportunas para llevar a cabo su trabajo indepen-diente: qué comprar, dónde vender, a qué hora, se atenga o no a las regulaciones administrativas que regulan la venta. De cualquier modo, dispone de un capital inicial, por muy pequeño que este sea, lo invierte en la compra de una serie de productos que distribuirá vendiéndolos por un pre-cio mayor al de su coste con el objetivo de obtener beneficios que le permitan subsistir en primer término, o acumular capital, en segundo. En definitiva, ser empresario consiste en poseer los medios de producción y gestionarlos, decidir qué hacer con ellos, ser autónomo e independiente.
... Existe una tendencia a considerar los vínculos transnacionales de un modo exclusivamente bidireccional. El motivo es la influencia de los primeros análisis realizados en Estados Unidos que sacaron a la luz y utilizaron la perspectiva del transnacionalismo a partir, sobre todo, del caso de la emigración mexicana (Portes, 1997; Portes et al., 2001 Portes et al., , 2002 Guarnizo, 2003) En ocasiones la dispersión familiar y empresarial china en Europa puede llegar a incluir más de dos países, además de a origen (Beltrán, 2005 Beltrán y Sáiz, 2007). Otro caso paradigmático de pluridirecionalidad y multilocalización es el de los sindhis (indios) 5 insertos en unas redes comerciales que abarcan a gran parte del mundo: ...
Una parte significativa de las actividades económicas de las principales comunidades asiáticas en España (china, india, pakistaní, filipina, japonesa, coreana y taiwanesa) cuenta con un marcado carácter transnacional. El nodo español de las distintas diásporas asiáticas supera la perspectiva bidireccional de origen-destino dominante en los estudios del transnacionalismo desde sus orígenes, dado que se inserta y participa activamente en redes transnacionales multipolares y multilocalizadas. La biculturalidad o pluriculturalidad característica de la mayoría de los asiáticos establecidos en España constituye una ventaja comparativa en la dinámica de la globalización de nuestros días. La salida de los asiáticos de la economía étnica y su apertura hacia nuevas iniciativas empresariales que cruzan las fronteras étnicas introduce directamente en la esfera transnacional asiática, sólida y bien establecida, a nuevos actores ajenos a la misma que encuentran en su estrecha colaboración nuevas oportunidades. El transnacionalismo asiático participa directamente en la globalización e internacionalización de la economía española y posee un gran potencial futuro. Abstract (English version) An important part of the main Asian communities' economic activities in Spain (Chinese, Indian, Pakistani, Filipin, Japanese, Korean and Taiwanese) have a marked transnacional character. The Spanish node of the different Asian diasporas overcome the dominant bi-directional perspective of origin-destination in the transnacional studies from the very beginnig, because they are embedded, and they actively participate, in multi-nodal and multi-localized transnational networks. The bi-culturality and/or pluri- culturality is a characteristic of many Asian people settled in Spain., and it is a comparative advantage in the dinamic of the present globalization. The Asian way out of the ethnic economy and the opening to new entrepreneurial initiatives that cross the ethnic boundaries have the consequences of introducing in the strong and well-established Asian transnacional field, new actors beyond it. These new Spaniards actors find in their close colaboration with Asians new opportunities. The Asian transnationalism contribute directly to the globalization and the internationalization of the Spanish economy and has a big potencial future.
In a period marked by profound social and economic changes resulting from the crisis that has affected the European economy since the end of the 2000s, Portugal has experienced significant changes in the framework of labour relations, availability of employment, wage values and levels of employment and social protection provided to its citizens.
Immigrant workers, often included in the "secondary labour market", were hard hit by these structural transformations, systematically presenting unemployment rates higher than those of the nationals and lower levels of remuneration. The huge dependence on income from work as a way of life assumes, in a context of diminishing jobs, reduction of wages and more flexible contractual relationship, an even more important character whose conditions of fragility and exclusion are important to know.
Not neglecting existing studies on the economic crisis and migration, this research sought to contribute to a better understanding of the effects of the economic crisis of 2007-2008 on the living conditions of immigrants, as well as on the strategies adopted and on the resources mobilized by families to meet the challenges and ensure their survival. In territorial terms, the analysis is focused on the southern region of the country, ie Lisbon, Alentejo, with the case study of Odemira, and Algarve. Due to the nature of the financing that sponsored the project, it was necessary to restrict the analysis to third-country nationals. The fieldwork for collection of information ran between February and June 2015.
The study consists of three major chapters, ending with some conclusions and recommendations. In the first chapter the object of study and the research questions are presented, the objectives of the research are defined and the territories under study are presented. The methodology is also clarified and the limitations associated with the work are presented. In the second chapter, and in order to understand Portugal's position in the context of international migrations in times of crisis, a brief discussion, evolution and characterization of immigration is included, as well as the effects of the crisis on migratory flows and recent changes in migration’s legal framework for foreign residents.
Chapter three of the study takes place around immigrant work, beginning with a more general overview and then focusing on an extensive analysis of immigrant labour incorporation according to the main geographical origins. Here, the study also analyses the effects of the crisis on the conditions of economic activity in the three territories under study, analysing some statistical indicators provided by the various official sources and exploring in detail the answers of the immigrants directly interviewed. Institutional responses to mitigate the effects of the crisis and the strategies adopted by immigrants, as well as the resources mobilized by them, complete this chapter.
One of the consequences of the economic crisis was the decrease in the stock of foreign nationals residing in Portugal through the reduction of inflows, but also the increase in the number of outflows for workers seeking, in other countries, a labour market insertion more consistent with their qualifications, or at least that enables them to earn a living.
As for the consequences of the labour insertion and living conditions of immigrants, the crisis had a considerable impact on the population. While most of the foreign citizens surveyed in the study live on their wages, often in a subordinated position in the labour market, with many of them included in sectors particularly affected by economic contraction, unemployment rates (calculated on the basis of the INE Employment Survey) show that foreign workers have much higher percentages compared to national workers, even in the period before the crisis (2003: 13.5% and 6.1%, 2014: 22.3% and 13.7%). Among the respondents in the study, unemployment rates are high, with older workers having the highest rates compared to the most recent ones: 33.3% among the arrivals between 1966 and 1990 and 16.3% among those who came between 2009 and 2015. As for nationalities, Asian (6.3%) and Ukrainian (7.9%) citizens have the lowest unemployment rates, while the Portuguese-speaking African countries have the highest unemployment rate (43.2%).
Another aspect affected by the crisis refers to the labour trajectory and it is very differentiated according to the regions. The opinion of the surveyed population in the Algarve is more positive, with 66.3% affirming that they have always worked when considering the period of one year after their arrival in Portugal and the moment of responding to the survey, compared to the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon (46.9%) and Odemira (35.4%). In parallel, just over half of the respondents (53.2%) consider that it is not so easy to find work today, with worth-mentioning differences. Regarding the improvement of the professional situation, 71.3% of respondents in the Algarve respond favourably, whereas in the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon this figure is 46.9%. Regarding the increase in income, in the Algarve, 88.8% responded positively, while in the Metropolitan Area of Lisbon this figure is 46%. At the same time, there is a much higher percentage of Metropolitan Area of Lisbon residents among those who reported having been without work (23.5% vs. 2.5% in the Algarve and 13.8% in Odemira).
Among the strategies undertaken by immigrants to overcome the negative impact of the crisis, the use of their own savings is the most frequent (64%), followed by the support of social networks, in national territory (19.8%) or in the respondents’ origin country (5.6%), as well as the change in consumption patterns, not acquiring some goods (4.1%) or informal work (2%). There are significant differences between nationalities and related to length of stay in Portugal. The majority of the citizens of the Portuguese-speaking African countries have recourse to the help of family members in the national territory (28.4%), while 93.9% of Moldovans use individual resources (namely savings), and 19.6% of the Asians receive help from family members in the country of origin. Regarding the creation of their own employment, several community leaders, and even representatives of local authorities, emphasized the entrepreneurial nature of many immigrants who lost their jobs, decided to stay in Portugal and open their own business (eg Brazilians in the areas food and beauty parlours).
Remigration is not a choice for all immigrants living in Portugal and facing the challenges of daily life in a crisis context, but some have chosen to leave. Among the immigrants surveyed, 5.6% had already worked at least once in another country and 4.0% several times. This strategy is assumed to be essentially male and the main destinations have been Spain and France, with labour insertion in the civil construction sector.
Recommendations at the labour market level: a) Extend the network of the Professional Insertion Offices (GIP) by linking the work of the Institute of Employment and Vocational Training (IEFP) with the immigrant associations, NGOs and other entities that host GIPs; (b) to organize more effectively the contracting of non-Community workers, in particular for activities of a temporary nature, guaranteeing expeditious but solid bureaucratic procedures which respect social rights; c) Implementing experimental strategies to support the development of places of origin involving employers and sectoral associations and involving temporary migrants who are interested (co-development); (d) to promote networking between companies requiring seasonal labour; (e) Maintain, if not reinforcing, the monitoring and combating of discriminatory and racist attitudes and practices, implicit and explicit, in the workplace; f) Streamline the process of academic and professional recognition in order to avoid the professional deskilling of foreign workers; g) To make a global summary of the evaluations of retraining, adjustment and professional updating initiatives specifically aimed at qualified immigrants.
Recommendations at the level of public services: a) To adequate training of civil servants in the area of employment, entrepreneurship and social security; b) To reinforce supervision - which implies providing the supervisory body with more resources - of the contractual practices used by companies in relation to foreign workers; (c) To strengthen the monitoring of contractual practices and the conditions of employment and accommodation used (or "stimulated") by temporary employment contractors and by intermediaries working in this field; d) To continue the itinerant CLAIIs in order to reach citizens who do not have the means to go to the services.
Recommendations regarding the regularization of immigrants and their conditions: a) To ensure that unemployed immigrant workers are not excluded from the social security system; b) To ensure that foreign workers who lose their jobs are not "pushed" into an unavoidable condition of irregularity.
Recommendations at the specific level of the Portuguese language: a) To reinforce the promotion of Portuguese language learning; b) To provide information in several languages on the labour market and labour legislation.
Recommendations at the level of international cooperation and representations of countries of origin: a) To stimulate the work of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) in the area of immigration; b) To evaluate the role of the diplomatic representations of the main countries of origin in the protection of the labour and social rights of its citizens immigrated to Portugal.
In cross-cutting terms, it is important to ensure that immigrants have access to programs to support and encourage their own employment and SMEs, and also that, within the ideal framework for expanding the mechanisms for supporting the employability of young people, young people from countries and descendants of immigrants of these origins are duly covered by these measures.
Asian communities in Spain are not very well known in spite of their long settlement and growing population in the country. Spain's transition as a destination for economic migrants has attracted various Asian groups. However, within the growing number of migration studies in Spain, Asians are rarely the focus of inquiry. This article presents an overview of the origin, evolution and current characteristics of the main Asian communities in Spain. The diverse origins of Asian immigrants on the one hand, and the development of migration policies and the economic structure of Spain on the other, are part of the general context within which to understand the settlement of Asian immigrants.
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