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Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
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rallying or criticizing? the media’s coverage of the
authorities’ reaction to terror attacks targeting sport
events
Moran Yarchi, Ilan Tamir & Yair Galily
Accepted author version posted online: 29 Jul 2015.
To cite this article: Moran Yarchi, Ilan Tamir & Yair Galily (2015): rallying or criticizing? the media’s coverage
of the authorities’ reaction to terror attacks targeting sport events, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, DOI:
10.1080/1057610X.2015.1076644
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2015.1076644
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1
RALLYING OR CRITICIZING? THE MEDIA’S COVERAGE OF THE
AUTHORITIES’ REACTION TO TERROR ATTACKS TARGETING SPORT EVENTS
Moran Yarchi, Ilan Tamir and Yair Galily
(moran.yarchi@gmail.com)
The reaction of the authorities to terror attacks or threats is an issue that has a potential to
attract both support and criticism. The current study aims to examine the international media’s
discourse surrounding the authorities’ reaction to sports events suffering from terror attacks or
terror threats – comparing between events cancelled and events taking place as planned despite
the attack or threat. Findings indicate no significant differences between the coverage of events
cancelled and those that went on as planned. Interestingly, evidence exhibit greater levels of
support rather than criticism toward the authorities, in the international media’s coverage.
Key words: Terror, Sport, Media coverage, Authorities‟ reaction, Support, Criticism.
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Sport is usually being perceived as a unifying arena, which promote peace between different
people and nations
1
. On the other hand it is not surprising that it is a favourable target for terror
attacks, since sport events attract a lot of attention, and as such, attacking those types of events
serves the terrorists‟ goals – compatible with the notion of the „theatre of terror‟. While targeting
sport events, terrorist enhance the chances of receiving worldwide media coverage to their
actions (as in the terror attack of the Munich Olympic games in 1972), and publicizing their
political objectives
2
.
The current study deals with terror attacks or threats
3
targeting sport events, focusing on
the media‟s coverage of the way the authorities had handled the situation. Taking into
consideration the fact that terrorism has become a global threat in the last few decades, the study
wishes to get a better understanding of the way the international media cover the authorities‟
actions while dealing with terror attacks or threats; does the media expresses support and rally
around the country which is the target of the attack (as expressed in a supportive coverage of the
authorities, regardless of the decision to cancel the sport event or go on with it as planned), or
does the media tend to criticize the authorities for the way they had handled the situation. In
order to get a wider understanding of the way the media covers the authorities‟ reaction to the
events, we examined two types of reactions: the first is sport events that kept on going as planned
despite the terror attack or threat, and the second is events that were cancelled or postponed as a
result of terrorism. The examination of terror attacks or threat targeting sport events enable us to
get a better understanding of the amount of support or criticism the authorities‟ actions receive in
the media‟s coverage. While dealing with well-planned sport events we can get an insight to the
authorities‟ decision making process in terms of moving on with the event as planned or
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3
cancelling it as a result of terrorism, unlike terror attacks that target public places (and not
specific occurrences).
The theoretical logic leading to the studies research question stems from the
understanding that while dealing with terror the media tends to be supportive of the suffering
country on one hand
4
, and the knowledge that both actions: cancelling the events (which can be
perceived as surrendering to terrorism) or going on with them as planned (while endangering
civilian lives), contradict the narrative of states dealing with terrorism
5
. The study examines
whether the international media is more supportive or criticizing the authorities‟ actions, and
whether there are differences in the coverage trends between events that were cancelled and
those that kept on going as planned. Before examining those differences, the topic of terror and
the media needs to be presented.
Terrorism and the Media
Much has been written about terrorism, yet there is a great deal of variation among the
definitions used
6
. Even with in the academic world there is a wide variation while defining the
phenomenon. In a study conducted in 1988, Alex Schmid, and Albert Jongman examined more
than 100 different definitions, identifying four components that appear much more frequently
than others
7
. Those components will help us define terror in the current study: Terror is a type of
violent struggle that purposely utilizes or threatens to utilize violence against civilians, in order
to create fear and anxiety for the sake of political goals. These criteria will define terror in the
current study
8
. It is important to note that one of the main goals of terrorists is to cause fear (the
source of the term „terror‟ is the Latin verb „terrere‟ which means causing fear). According to the
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definition presented above, a threat to use violence is considered to be an act of terrorism.
Compatible to that understanding, the current study will examine terror attacks and terror threats
targeting sport events.
One important goal for most terrorists is to attract attention for their cause (Schmid and
Jongman found that the notion of publicity appeared frequently in many of the definition to
terrorism they had examined
9
). Several terror events that won enormous international media
coverage in the 1970s and 80s led researchers to investigate the relationship between media and
terror. Brian Jenkins
10
and Gabriel Weimann
11
referred to “the theatre of terror” to emphasize the
use of drama in an almost theatrical and well planned production, whose aim is not the
immediate casualties but the exposure on the world stage – while using the media. The battle
over the media is an integral element of contemporary terror, it serves as one of four arenas in
which asymmetric conflicts (between states and non-state actors) take place, together with the
military, the legal and the diplomatic fronts
12
.
Most terrorists are interested in media coverage and their activities are designed to
promote their existence and their goals. Many terror organizations understand the media‟s crucial
role and take media considerations into account when planning their activities. For example, the
decision to conduct their attacks in events that usually receive wide international media
coverage, such as sport events, assist the terrorist in attracting more attention to their actions and
political objectives. Some terror organizations also use a sophisticated public-relations system to
disseminate material to the media, hold negotiations via the media, and even survey their
appearances in the media
13
. Non-State actors, among them are terror organizations make wide
use of the Internet to distribute their positions to the public, similar to countries. The Information
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revolution created a situation in which terror organizations, like other network forms of
organizations, could have an advantage in transmitting information via the internet, over state
and other hierarchical political actors. Transmitting ideology over the Internet is convenient
because, in contrast to other media sources, the information is not supervised, filtered, or
censored
14
.
Terror has become a global threat, which many states around the world face, thus
elevating the media value of stories on the topic. Information pertaining to terror organizations
and terror attacks has become internationally newsworthy, as those types of events tend to fit the
journalistic norms
15
. Terror events usually meet the criteria of news value used by mainstream
media as found in Johan Galtung and Mary Ruge seminal study from 1965 dealing with criteria
for predicting the news value of events as foreign new, and its follow up study by Tony Harcup
and Deirdre O‟Neill from 2001:
16
the events are unexpected, negative, and pass the test of
newsworthiness because they are dramatic and often result in casualties. In many cases, terrorism
meets the criteria of continuity, cultural relevance, and proximity. The media‟s intensive
involvement with drama is expressed in its deepest impact on all concerned when reporting terror
events and conflicts
17
. Accordingly, terrorism receive extensive media coverage both in the local
and the foreign media
18
.
Support versus Criticism in the media’s coverage.
One of the topics being covered by the news media, while reporting on terror attacks, has to do
with the way the situation was handled, or more specifically the authorities‟ reaction to the
attacks or threats. The media‟s coverage of the authorities can be supportive of their actions,
informative (without expression of support or criticism), or criticizing. Hegemony theories,
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among them Lance Bennett‟s „Index theory‟, claims that in most cases the media‟s coverage
tends to reflect the authorities‟ position on the issue at hand, thus expressing support for their
actions
19
. That is especially true for situations of crisis, such as conflicts or terror attacks, in
which the local media tends to „rally round the flag‟, and cover the occurrences while expressing
extensive support for the authorities and their actions
20
. Taking into consideration that terror had
become a global threat in the last few decades, and many nations take part in the „global war
against terrorism‟, we can expect that the rally effect would have an influence on the media‟s
coverage of foreign news outlets as well. Compatible with that understanding, previous studies
had found that the coverage of terror attacks by the foreign news is usually framed in a way that
promotes the messages of the victimized country (which suffers from terrorism)
21
. On the other
hand, the media is not always supportive of the authorities and their actions, and in many cases
we receive a lot of criticism in the media‟s coverage. Theories of political cynicism, among them
Joseph Cappella and Kathleen Jamieson‟s „spiral of cynicism‟, claims that in recent decades the
media tends to cover the authorities and the political life while focusing mainly on their negative
aspects, and passing criticism in the coverage
22
. If so, we can expect the coverage dealing with
the authorities‟ handling of terror attacks or threat, to express criticism.
While examining the way the authorities handle terror attacks or threats, when it target
public events such as sport events, two reactions appear as frequent: in some cases the authorities
choose the cancel (or postponed) the events – ensuring the safety of their citizens, in others they
decide to move on with the events as planned – claiming that they should not surrender to
terrorism. Both types of reactions contradict, to some extent, the narrative promoted by states
facing terror attacks. Studying the narratives and frames promoted by political actors while
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dealing with terrorism (among them nations suffering from terror attacks), Moran Yarchi had
found that maintaining their values and way of life and not surrendering to terrorism is a
prominent message promoted by countries facing terrorism. Another salient message has to do
with the countries‟ need to do all in their power to protect the lives of their citizens
23
. Studies in
the field of public diplomacy, that deal with political actors ability to successfully promote their
preferred frames through the foreign media, claim that a political actor is less successful in
situations in which there is a contradiction between their statements and behaviour
24
. That
understanding, together with the countries narratives while facing terrorism, provide farther
support for the possibility that the media‟s coverage will criticize the authorities‟ reaction to
terrorism, whether they cancel the event or go on with it as planned.
According to the contradiction presented above – the expectation of the media to rally
around the country that is dealing with terrorism and express support towards the way the
authorities had handled the situation on one hand, and the understanding that in many of those
situations the media tends to pass judgment and criticize the authorities for the reaction, the
following research questions are presented:
RQ1: Will the international media‟s coverage express support or criticism towards the
authorities‟ reaction while dealing with terror attacks or threats targeting sport events?
RQ2: Are there differences in the amount and nature of support or criticism expressed in
the media‟s coverage, between sport events that were cancelled (or postponed) as a result of a
terror attack or terror threat and those that went on as planned despite it?
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Differences between the various countries where the media operates.
The current study examines the way the press in three countries covers the authorities‟ reaction
to terror attacks or threats targeting sport events: the United States, the United Kingdom and
Australia. In order to better examine the coverage in those countries, we need to understand the
cultural context in which the media operates in, for each country. Culture can be defined by the
shared interpretations of its members and their actual behaviour
25
. Geert Hofstede referred to
culture as “collective programming of the mind” that is developed in the minds of the different
members of the society throughout their lives; we begin the learning process about our culture in
the family in early childhood and this knowledge is reinforced in schools and other organizations
of our society. These mental programs contain a component of national culture and are expressed
in the values that predominate among people from different cultures
26
. Therefore, values can be
seen as the basis for conceptualizing culture
27
. Scholars who wish to learn about cultures of
different societies usually focus on examining their cultural values
28
.
Geert Hofstede had studied the cultural values of different societies. He defines five value
dimensions that can predict the way in which individuals and institutions in a given society think,
feel and act. The five values are
29
:
Power distance is the degree of inequality that is considered to be normal by the members of
the society. Low values indicate a relative equality among people, while high values indicate
a situation of extreme inequality.
Uncertainty avoidance is the degree to which the members of a society prefer structured
situations over unstructured situations. People in societies with high levels of uncertainty
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avoidance tend to be stressed, while those in societies with low levels are calmer and more
flexible.
Individualism is the degree to which members of a society prefer to act as individuals rather
than as part of a group. In collective societies, the members learn to respect their society and
are expected to show their loyalty. In individual societies, on the other hand, the members
learn to see themselves as individuals and are expected to act independently.
Masculinity/femininity is the degree to which values associated in most societies as being the
male role (such as assertiveness, performance, and competition) prevail over values more
associated with the female roles in society (such as warm personal relationships and caring
for the weak).
Long-term orientation relates to society‟s search for virtue. Societies with a short-term
orientation are normative in their thinking and generally have a strong concern with
establishing the „absolute truth‟. They exhibit great respect for traditions, a relatively small
propensity to save for the future, and a focus on achieving quick results. People in societies
with a long-term orientation believe that truth depends on situation, context, and time. These
people demonstrate an ability to adapt traditions to changed conditions, a strong propensity to
save and invest, thriftiness, and perseverance in achieving results.
[Figure 1 about here]
When comparing between the cultural values of the three countries whose media‟s
coverage is examined in the study, Hofstede‟s findings does not exhibit great differences
between the cultural values of the United States, The United Kingdom and Australia
30
. Those
three countries are English speaking western democracies, which are similar in many criteria,
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including their cultural values. If so, the cultural values of those countries are similar, and we
should not expect differences in their news coverage regarding the authorities‟ handling of terror
attacks or threat while targeting sport events. The following hypothesis is presented, in
accordance to Hofstede cultural values findings:
H1: No differences will be found in the supportive and criticizing coverage of the
authorities‟ handling of terror attacks or threat targeting sport events, between the American,
British and Australian media.
Method
In order to get a better understanding of the discourse regarding the authorities‟ reaction to terror
attacks or threats, the study focuses on the international media coverage of terror attacks or
threats targeting sport events. Four sport events that were the target of a terror attack or threat
were analysed; in two of which the sport event continued as planned: 1. The terror attack at the
Olympic park at the 1996 Olympic games in Atlanta, and 2. The car bomb explosion next to
Madrid‟s main stadium a few hours before the Champions League semi-final soccer game
between Real Madrid and Barcelona in 2002. Two additional events, in which the sport event
was cancelled or postponed were measured as well: 1. the Grand National horse race in 1997 was
postponed due to a bomb threat, and 2. The Paris Dakar rally in 2008, which was cancelled due
to terror threat. Table 1 includes a description of the events studied and information regarding the
articles examined dealing with each event.
[Table 1 about here]
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In line with the study‟s goal and strategy, a content analysis of the coverage of the events
studied in six international newspapers was conducted. The analysis included both qualitative
and quantitative measurements, with the aim of achieving a broader understanding of the media‟s
discourse surrounding the events. The coverage from the day of each event and on for a week
was measured. All together 239 articles in six newspapers were analysed; 113 articles from
American newspapers (the New York Times and the Washington Post), 77 from British
newspapers (the Times and the Guardian), and 49 from Australian newspapers (the Daily
Telegraph and the Herald Sun). The articles were analysed by two coders, which underwent
training. A reliability test based on a sample of 15 percent of the messages showed high levels of
agreement between the coders (reliability between the coders, for each category, did not drop
from 90 percent of agreement).
The analysis focuses on the supporting and criticizing coverage of the authorities‟
reaction to terror events or threats. In each article, expressions of support and criticism were
measured, as well as the number of supporting and criticizing figures being quoted in the article.
In addition to the quantitative measurements, a qualitative content analysis were conducted, in
order to get a more in-depth understanding of the coverage. While analyzing the news articles, an
attempt was made to identify patterns in the coverage in terms of how the media relates to the
authorities‟ reaction to terror attacks or threats – which topics are being covered while the
authorities receive support for their actions, which issues are being emphasized while the press is
criticizing their actions?
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In addition, the analysis will examine whether there are differences in the amount of
support and criticism toward the authorities‟ reaction to the terror attacks or threats, expressed in
the coverage between the American, British and Australian media.
Results and Discussion
Compatible with the study‟s research questions, this section will deal with the support and
criticism regarding the authorities‟ reaction to terror attacks or threats, focusing on terrorism
which targets sport events, beginning with the analysis of the supportive statements followed by
the criticizing ones. We will also make a distinction between events that were cancelled due to
terror attack or threat, and events that kept on going despite it.
Supporting the authorities
Support for the authorities‟ actions was expressed in 43.9% of the articles examined. While
analysing differences between events cancelled and those that had continued as planned, finding
exhibits greater support in cases in which the sport events were not cancelled; 46.4% of the
articles expressed support, compared to only 37% in articles dealing with event that were
cancelled, although those differences were not found to be significant ( In
terms of the topics presented when support is being expressed, we find similarities between the
two types of events studied.
The most salient topic in the coverage is the way the authorities had handled the situation
(a topic that had received both support and criticism, as presented below). Many of the articles
congratulate the security forces for handling the situation and preventing a greater disaster:
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Mr. Clinton praised the security arrangements at the Games in general, and
congratulated security officers who he said had detected the bomb before it went off (New
York Times, July 28 1996); AT&T security guard, had helped to clear 75 to 100 people
out of the area when the bomb exploded, blowing him through the air (New York Times,
July 28 1996); Police were dealing with one of Britain's biggest peacetime evacuations
last night as they struggled to cope with the aftermath of the IRA bid… police
implemented an emergency plan and mobilised bus companies to run special services and
local councils to supply bedding (Times, April 6 1997).
In some of the article the satisfaction from the forces‟ conduct was expressed in
statements presenting a sense of security despite the attacks or threats:
…confident in the security in Atlanta (New York Times, July 28 1996).
Another issue that had received a supportive coverage is anti-terrorism legislation:
President Clinton and Congressional leaders agreed today to work quickly to pass
additional measures to combat terrorism (New York Times, July 30 1996); … appealed to
Congress to approve expanded wiretapping authority and other counterterrorism
measures (New York Times, August 2 1996).
An additional topic that is being covered and is presenting a supportive sentiment
towards the authorities is the international struggle against terrorism that is compatible with the
reality in which many nations face terror attacks and threats.
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The world's leading powers issued a “declaration of war'' (Times, July 31 1996);
Leaders of the big powers yesterday promised to co-operate in an international
crackdown on terrorism; Foreign and interior ministers of the Group of Seven countries,
plus Russia, agreed in Paris to 25 measures to fight terrorism; Other measures agreed
yesterday include a call to the G7 countries and others to use national legislation to limit
the use of the Internet by terrorists. They agreed the need for a new United Nations
convention preventing asylum for anyone planning or funding terrorism (Guardian, July
31 1996).
In terms of differences between events that were cancelled due to the attacks or threats
versus events that kept on going as planned, on top of the findings (presented above) that the
coverage tends to be somewhat more supportive in events that were not cancelled (although the
differences were not significant), we can see that in those events the fact that the authorities
decision to kept on going we the events as planned is one of the issues that had received the
supportive coverage. In some of the articles the coverage emphasizes the fact that they are not
surrendering to terror.
Francois Carrard, the deputy general of the International Olympic Committee,
proclaimed that "the Games will go on. I repeat, the Games will go on . . . the Games will
go on." (New York Times, July 28 1996); It's a terrible thing, but the police will do their
job and find whoever is responsible and we've got to get on with the job of being athletes
at the Olympics Games (Daily Telegraph, July 29 1996).
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On the other hand, when an event is cancelled due to an attack or threat, the coverage
emphasizes the issue of keeping everybody safe:
As long as everybody is safe that is the main thing (Times, April 6 1997).
Criticizing the authorities
Criticism is less frequent than support in the international coverage of terror attacks or threats of
sport events. Criticism appeared only in 13% of the articles studied, but is more frequent in
events not cancelled due to the attacks or threats (14% of the articles contained criticism) in
comparison to events cancelled (only 9.3% of the articles had presented criticism). While
examining those differences, similar to the trends of the support expressed in the coverage, the
differences in the amount of criticizing articles between events cancelled and those that went on
as planned were not significant ( In terms of the topic being covered, here
too, the most salient topic in the coverage is the way the authorities had handled the situation –
or most specifically, the fact that they did not prevented the attacks.
A lot of security measures they're putting in now should have been in for Day One
(Washington Post, July 28 1996); Even with tight security, someone slipped through
(New York Times, July 28 1996); In a disturbing lack of communication, details of the
warning call were not passed on to officers at the park (Daily Telegraph, July 29 1996);
There was also trouble during the match and police fired rubber bullets at trouble-
makers outside the stadium (Daily Telegraph, May 2 2002).
Another topic that is unique to sporting events that were cancelled due to the terror attack
or threat has to do with the cancellation. In some cases the fact that the events were cancelled is
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criticized, claiming that the authorities could have done more in order to let the event go on as
planned.
Racers, sponsors, teams and vehicle manufacturers expressed disappointment… ''While
cancelling is obviously the right thing to do for safety and security reasons, there's no
reason why we couldn't have raced a few stages in Morocco or Portugal where there
wasn't the same risk,'' Robby Gordon, the Nascar driver who was planning to compete,
said in a statement (New York Times, January 5 2008).
[Table 2 about here]
Another measurement used for the examination of the supportive and criticizing coverage
was the number of supporting and criticizing figures being quoted in each article. Interestingly,
as presented in table 2, no significant differences were found in the number of supporting and
criticizing figures being quoted between events cancelled and those that went on as planned. But
while looking at differences between the numbers of supportive and criticizing figures being
quoted in each article (table 2), finding reveals that the amount of quotes of supportive figures is
higher than the amount of quotes of criticism presented in the coverage. Here too, the evidence
exhibit greater support than criticism in the coverage.
In regards to the first research question: will the international media‟s coverage express
support or criticism towards the authorities‟ reaction while dealing with terror attacks or threats
targeting sport events - finding indicate that the media tends to present more support than
criticism while dealing with the way in which the authorities had handled terror attacks or threat
targeting sport events. Evidence suggests that the „rally round the flag effect‟
31
applies to the
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international media as well, and not just the local media, while dealing with international
challenges such as terrorism.
As for the second research question: Are there differences in the amount and nature of
support or criticism expressed in the media‟s coverage, between sport events that were cancelled
(or postponed) as a result of a terror attack or terror threat and those that went on as planned
despite it - no differences were found in the coverage of the authorities‟ reaction to terror attacks
or threat targeting sport events, between events that were cancelled due to terrorism and those
that went as planned despite it. Since both conducts are reasonable reaction to terrorism on one
hand, and contradict the official messages of states confronting terrorism on the other
32
, it is not
surprising that the media tends to cover them in a similar manner. It appears that the rally effect,
in which the media support the authorities‟ actions in times of crisis
33
works, regardless of the
way the authorities choose to handle the situation.
[Table 3 about here]
The examination of the amount of support and criticism toward the authorities‟ reaction
to the terror attacks or threats, expressed in the coverage between the American, British and
Australian media reveals, in accordance with the study‟s first hypothesis, that no significant
differences were found in the coverage of the various countries studied. As presented in table 3,
there were no significant differences between the countries in the amount of support or criticism
expressed in the coverage, and in the number of supportive and criticizing figures cited in the
coverage. As expected (H1), the media operating in countries that hold similar cultural values
34
,
tends to cover events in a similar manner.
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Conclusions
The studies goal was to widen our understanding regarding the media‟s coverage of the
authorities‟ way of handling terror attacks or threats targeting sport events, in terms of the
support and criticism presented in the coverage. The study compared between events cancelled
as a result of the terror attack or threat and events that went on as planned despite it. The findings
indicate that the international media tends to be more supporting than criticizing while discussing
the authorities‟ reaction to terror attacks or threats. The evidence suggests that the foreign media,
similar to the conduct of the national media in times of crisis, greatly supports countries dealing
with terrorism (in accordance to the „rally round the flag‟ phenomena)
35
, as expressed in their
support towards the authorities and the way they had handled the terror attacks or threats. The
qualitative content analysis reveals that the most salient topic, in both the supportive and
criticizing coverage, deals with the way the authorities had handled the situation (there activities
on the ground). In addition, the supportive discourse in the media‟s coverage presents anti
terrorism legislation and the international struggle against terrorism.
In regards to differences in the coverage in events cancelled as a result of the terror
attacks or threats and those that went on as planned despite it, no differences were found in the
supportive or criticizing coverage between the two types of authorities‟ reactions. Both of those
reactions contradict, to some extent, the official narrative expressed by a country facing
terrorism
36
; if the event was cancelled, it can be perceived as if the nation is surrendering to
terror – in contradiction to their statements of not letting terror change their way of life and
values. If, on the other hand, the authorities decide to go on with the event as planned, they are
endangering their civilians – an action that can be seen as contradicting their claims about doing
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all in their power to defend their citizens‟ lives. Regardless of those contradictions between
words and actions, the findings show that in those two types of authorities‟ reactions
(cancellation or going on with the event as planned), the media tends to present greater levels of
support than criticism in their coverage of the way the authorities had handled the situation.
Since the study examined the coverage in three different countries, differences in the
amount of support and criticism toward the authorities‟ reaction in the American, British and
Australian media were measured as well. No significant differences were found in the coverage
between those three states. This finding correlates with the notion that a nation‟s media and its
coverage reflects the cultural of the society in which the media operates
37
. The cultural values of
the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia are similar
38
, hence the way they cover the
authorities‟ reaction to terrorism tends to be similar as well.
The coverage of the authorities‟ way of handling terror attacks or threats is a less studied
aspect in the widely studied topic of the media coverage of terrorism. The focus on terrorism
targeting sport events serves as an opportunity to study this topic, since on one hand sport events
usually receive a lot of media coverage and serve as a comfortable target for terror organizations
seeking for worldwide media coverage
39
, and on the other hand sport events are well-planned
events which enable us to get an insight to the authorities‟ decision making process in terms of
moving on with the event as planned or cancelling it as a result of terrorism, unlike terror attacks
that target public places (and not specific occurrences), and the way the media covers them.
Terrorism in the twenty first century serves as an international challenge. It is no longer a
phenomena facing a few individual states, but a problem many nations have to deal with
40
. It
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appears that this fact have an impact on the way the international media covers terrorism, not just
in terms of the amount of coverage it receives
41
, but also in the framing of the actors
42
. The
findings of the current study widen our understanding about the international coverage of terror
attacks or threat, since the evidence suggests that while facing an international challenge the
international media tends to express support towards the nation facing the challenge and its
authorities‟ actions (regardless of their reaction), in accordance to the „rally round the flag‟ effect
on the national level. It appears that in the global age we live in, while dealing with problems and
challenges that are shared by many nations, the media serves as a unifying arena and tends to
rally around the political actors facing those challenges.
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21
Figure 1: Hofstede‟s cultural values of the countries examined in the study
40
46
91
62
29
35 35
89
66
25
36
51
90
61
21
Power Distance Uncertainty avoidance Individualism Masculinity/femininity Long-term orientation
United States United Kingdom Australia
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Table 1: description of the events studied
Event description
Cancelled or
went on as
planned
Number of
article
examined
The 1996 Olympic
games in Atlanta
On July 27th 1996, while the
Olympic games were taking place,
a bomb was discovered in the
Centennial Olympic Park in
Atlanta, Georgia. A security guard
discovered the bomb before
detonation and cleared most of the
spectators out of the park. One
person was killed and 111 injured.
Went on
172
The 1997 Grand
National horse race
The 1997 Grand National held at
Aintree near Liverpool, England,
which was scheduled for April 5th,
was postponed as a result of an
IRA bomb threat. The race took
place two days later, on April 7th.
Postponed
52
The 2002
Champions League
semi-final soccer
game
On May 1st 2002, a few hours
before the Champions League
semi-final soccer game between
Real Madrid and Barcelona, a car
bomb explosion next to Madrid‟s
main stadium. The attack was
conducted by the Basque
separatist group ETA.
Went on
12
The 2008 Paris
Dakar rally
The rally was supposed to start in
Lisbon, Portugal on 5th January
2008, running through Europe and
Africa until the finish in Dakar,
Senegal on 20th January. The rally
was cancelled a day before the
intended start date, due to
concerns over a possible terrorist
attack aimed at the competitors.
Cancelled
3
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Table 2: Differences in number of supportive and criticizing figures presented in the coverage
T
M
N
Country
Variables
-.365
.426
54
Events cancelled
Number of supportive figures
quoted
.467
184
Events going on as
planned
-1.437
.056
54
Events cancelled
Number of criticizing figures quoted
.114
184
Events going on as
planned
7.001***
.456
239
Number of supportive
figures
Figures presented in each article
.100
239
Number of criticizing
figures
*P<0.05; ** P<0.01; *** P<0.001. The differences were measured using T tests (an independent
samples T test for measuring differences between sport events that were cancelled and those that
went on as planned, and a paired samples T test to measure differences between the number of
supporting figures and criticizing figures presented in each article).
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Table 3: Differences in support and criticism expressed in the coverage between the countries
studied
F
M
N
Country
Variables
2.765
.451
113
United States
Support in coverage
.350
77
United Kingdom
.562
49
Australia
2.038
.115
113
United States
Criticism in coverage
.181
77
United Kingdom
.062
49
Australia
2.268
.442
113
United States
Number of supportive figures quoted
.364
77
United Kingdom
.646
49
Australia
.632
.097
113
United States
Number of criticizing figures quoted
.130
77
United Kingdom
.063
49
Australia
*P<0.05; ** P<0.01; *** P<0.001. The differences were measured using a one-way ANOVA
(including Scheffe post hoc analysis).
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1
( ריאי– םולש םדקמו דחאמכ טרופס לע תורוקמ ףיסוהל ךירצ ןאכ )
2
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3
Terror threats are part of the definition of terrorism, as presented below, since they serve the
terrorists goal – causing fear.
4
Moran Yarchi, Gadi Wolfsfeld, Tamir Sheafer, and Shaul R. Shenhav, “Promoting Stories
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8
In 2004, Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur and Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler had examined more than
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9
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13
Weimann and Winn, The Theater of Terror.
14
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16
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17
Gadi Wolfsfeld, Making Sense of Media and Politics: Five Principles in Political
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18
Gadi Wolfsfeld, Media and Political Conflict: News from the Middle East (Cambridge, UK:
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19
Lance W. Bennett, "Toward a theory of pressstate relations in the United States." Journal of
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20
Matthew A. Baum and Philip B.K. Potter, “The Relationship between Mass Media, Public
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21
Yarchi et al. “Promoting Stories about Terrorism to the International News Media”.
22
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23
Yarchi, "'Badtime' stories”.
24
Lina Khatib, William Dutton, and Michael Thelwall, "public Diplomacy 2.0: A Case Study of
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25
Peter B. Smith, Mark F. Peterson, and Shalom H. Schwartz. "Cultural Values, Sources of
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26
Geert H. Hofstede, Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and
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27
Smith et al., "Cultural Values, Sources of Guidance, and their Relevance to Managerial
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28
Geert H. Hofstede, Culture’s Consequences. (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1980); Geert H.
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29
Hofstede, Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions and
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30
Hofstede, Culture’s Consequences (1980); Hofstede, "Management Scientists are Human";
Hofstede, Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and
Organizations across Nations (2001).
31
Baum and Potter, “The Relationship between Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign
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32
Yarchi, "'Badtime' stories”.
33
Baum & Potter, “The Relationship between Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy”.
34
Hofstede, Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions and
organizations across nations (2001).
35
Baum & Potter, “The Relationship between Mass Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy”.
36
Yarchi, "'Badtime' stories”.
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37
Moran Yarchi, “The Effect of Female Suicide Attacks on Foreign Media Framing of Conflicts:
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38
Hofstede, Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions and
organizations across nations (2001); Hofstede, Culture’s Consequences (1980); Hofstede,
"Management Scientists are Human".
39
Galily, Tamir and Yarchi, XXX
40
Nancy Snow, "Rethinking Public Diplomacy". In Nancy Snow and Philip M. Taylor Eds.
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Tamar Liebes, “Television‟s Disaster Marathons”. In Tamar Liebes & James Curran Eds.
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42
Yarchi et al. “Promoting Stories about Terrorism to the International News Media”.
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