ArticlePDF Available

"Fresh Off the Boat?" Racial Microaggressions That Target South Asian Canadian Students

September 2014
Journal of Diversity in Higher Education 7(3):194-210

DOI:10.1037/a0037285

Project: Microaggressions

Authors:

Lisa B. Spanierman

Arizona State University, Tempe, United States

Sela Kleiman

University of Toronto

Sara Houshmand

McGill University

The present study sought to examine South Asian Canadian undergraduate students' (N = 7) experiences with racial microaggressions at a research-intensive Canadian university. Participants ranged in age from 19-23 years and comprised various ethnic groups (e.g., Indian, Bangladeshi, Sri Lankan, and Tamil). Data were collected during a semistructured focus group interview and were analyzed using the consensual qualitative research method (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). Eight themes emerged. Novel themes included the following: perceived as fresh off the boat, excluded from social life, notion that being Brown is a liability, assumption of ties to terrorism, and compelled to be a cultural expert. Three additional themes were consistent with prior research on Asian Americans (Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007): ascription of intelligence in stereotypical domains, invalidation of interethnic and racial differences, and treated as invisible. Implications for research and campus interventions are discussed. © 2014 National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education.

Racial Microaggressions Experienced by South Asian Canadian Undergraduates Theme Definition

…

Figures - uploaded by Lisa B. Spanierman

Content may be subject to copyright.

Content uploaded by Lisa B. Spanierman

Content may be subject to copyright.

“Fresh Off the Boat?” Racial Microaggressions That Target South

Asian Canadian Students

Gauthamie Poolokasingham

McGill University Lisa B. Spanierman

Arizona State University

Sela Kleiman

University of Toronto Sara Houshmand

McGill University

The present study sought to examine South Asian Canadian undergraduate students’ (N⫽7)

experiences with racial microaggressions at a research-intensive Canadian university. Partici-

pants ranged in age from 19–23 years and comprised various ethnic groups (e.g., Indian,

Bangladeshi, Sri Lankan, and Tamil). Data were collected during a semistructured focus group

interview and were analyzed using the consensual qualitative research method (Hill, Thompson,

& Williams, 1997). Eight themes emerged. Novel themes included the following: perceived as

fresh off the boat, excluded from social life, notion that being Brown is a liability,assumption

of ties to terrorism, and compelled to be a cultural expert. Three additional themes were

consistent with prior research on Asian Americans (Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007):

ascription of intelligence in stereotypical domains, invalidation of interethnic and racial differ-

ences, and treated as invisible. Implications for research and campus interventions are discussed.

Keywords: racial microaggressions, South Asian Canadians, racism in higher education

Espousing a multiculturally inclusive policy, Can-

ada endeavors to create a welcoming environment

for all members of its society (Canadian Multicul-

turalism Act, 1985, c. 24). Accordingly, Canadians

tend to pride themselves on embracing cultural dif-

ferences (Beharry & Crozier, 2008;Esses & Gard-

ner, 1996). Despite these apparent commitments to

multiculturalism, contemporary forms of racism tar-

get visible minorities

on both macro- and microlev-

els (Carr, 2008;Lund, 2006;Lund & Carr, 2010;

Samuel & Burney, 2003;Waldron, 2010). On a

macrolevel, racism is an inherent part of Canadian

society and its institutions (Lund & Carr, 2010).

Institutional racism is embedded in the discourses,

policies, and practices that maintain White superior-

ity (Henry & Tator, 2009) and perpetuate inequalities

between Whites and visible minorities (Waldron,

2010). On a microlevel, visible minorities continue

to be the targets of racial discrimination (Kawakami,

Dunn, Karmali, & Dovidio, 2009;Lee, 2008;

Moore, 2009).

Although a rich body of research in the

United States demonstrates that racism has neg-

ative effects on targets’ psychological and so-

cial well-being (Pascoe & Smart Richman,

Deﬁned by the Employment Equity Act as “persons,

other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in

race or non-White in colour” (1995, c. 44, p. 22).

Gauthamie Poolokasingham, Department of Educational

and Counselling Psychology, McGill University; Lisa B.

Spanierman, Faculty of Counseling and Counseling Psy-

chology, Arizona State University; Sela Kleiman, Applied

Psychology and Human Development, University of To-

ronto; Sara Houshmand, Department of Educational and

Counselling Psychology; McGill University.

This publication is based on the master’s thesis equiva-

lence project completed by the ﬁrst author under the direc-

tion of Lisa B. Spanierman. This research was partially

funded by the McGill University Ofﬁce of Deputy Provost

(Student Life and Learning) and supported by the Social

Equity and Diversity Education (SEDE) Ofﬁce. We would

like to sincerely thank D. Anthony Clark for his thoughtful

feedback on earlier drafts of the manuscript and Lily Han

for her co-facilitation assistance. We also appreciate the

recruitment assistance provided by the Student’s Society of

McGill University (SSMU).

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed

to Gauthamie Poolokasingham, Department of Educational

and Counselling Psychology, McGill University, Education

Building–Suite B136, 3700 McTavish Street, Montréal, QC, H3A

1Y2. E-mail: gpoolo3@gmail.com

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

2014, Vol. 7, No. 3, 194–210 1938-8926/14/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037285

194

2009;Utsey, Ponterotto, Reynolds, & Cancelli,

2000;Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003),

polite conversation in Canada constructs racism

as taboo (Lund & Carr, 2010). Because many

White Canadians are averse to acknowledging

their racial privilege and the existence of racism

(Lund & Carr, 2010), discussing racism openly

has been controversial, constricted, and difﬁcult

(Lund, 2006). Discussions about race often-

times are avoided because such dialogue can

result in hurt feelings, anger, or discomfort (Sil-

ver, 2002). In the current study, we employ the

racial microaggressions framework (Sue, Capo-

dilupo, et al., 2007), which through its focus on

subtle and unintentional forms of racism may

provide a less threatening approach to the study

of racism in Canadian universities. Speciﬁcally,

because racial microaggressions are framed as

subtle, commonplace, and often unintentional

(Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007), they may be

easier to discuss than more overt forms of rac-

ism.

South Asian Canadians

South Asian Canadians are one of the most

heterogeneous groups in Canada. They com-

prise wide-ranging ethnic, religious, and lin-

guistic diversity (e.g., Sri Lankans may identify

as Tamil, Singhalese, and/or Burhger; Tran,

Kaddatz, & Allard, 2005). Notably, South

Asians living in Canada are more likely than

their White counterparts to hold a bachelor’s

(16.54% vs. 10.72%) or postbachelor’s degree

(13.16% vs. 6.00%; Statistics Canada, 2006).

Despite higher levels of education, they experi-

ence greater unemployment (8.7% vs. 5.9%)

than their White counterparts and earn less av-

erage employment income than White individ-

uals ($31,102 vs. $37,752; Statistics Canada,

2006). Because educational attainment and in-

come are important indicators of well-being and

opportunity (Lewis & Burd-Sharps, 2013),

these apparent discrepancies between education

and employment levels suggest South Asians

are the targets of systemic discrimination. Insti-

tutional racism manifests in spaces where

“structural correlates—inequality, disadvantage

and subordination—are still fashioned along ra-

cial lines” (Fenton, 1982, p. 59). Furthermore, if

institutional racism is deﬁned by its conse-

quences (i.e., racial inequalities), discrepancies

in income and unemployment are indicative of

its existence (Williams, 1985). Indeed, substan-

tiating this notion many South Asians in Canada

have reported facing racism in social, employ-

ment, and education settings (Beharry & Cro-

zier, 2008). Given their high levels of postsec-

ondary attainment and the notion that university

constitutes a critical developmental period, ex-

periences with racism at this time can have

signiﬁcant, negative effects on undergraduates’

social and cognitive growth (Pushkin & Colon-

Gonzalez, 1998). To this end, understanding

South Asian Canadian students’ experiences

with racial microaggressions at Canadian uni-

versities is warranted.

Predominantly White universities do not re-

ﬂect the diversity of Canada’s growing multi-

cultural population and may not be afﬁrming for

South Asian students (Samuel & Burney, 2003).

The core curriculum, for example, privileges

Eurocentric experiences, which may leave

South Asian students feeling excluded and trivi-

alized (Henry & Tator, 2009;Samuel & Burney,

2003). In one qualitative study of leisure activ-

ities among South Asian Canadian students, Ti-

rone (1999) found that they experienced taunt-

ing and teasing when wearing distinct clothing,

encountered racist remarks pertaining to their

skin color, and reported that their cultural tra-

ditions were not appreciated. Similarly, in a

qualitative study examining interactions be-

tween White faculty and South Asian students,

Samuel and Burney (2003) found that South

Asian students were the targets of racist com-

ments, belittling, and humiliation. To better

capture students’ nuanced interpersonal experi-

ences with subtle racism on campus, we employ

the racial microaggressions framework in the

current study.

The Racial Microaggressions Framework

Drawing on Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez,

and Willis’s (1978) initial conceptualization of

racial microaggressions, Sue, Capodilupo, and

colleagues (2007) developed the tripartite racial

microaggressions model. They described racial

microaggressions as “brief and commonplace

daily verbal, behavioral, and environmental in-

dignities, whether intentional or unintentional,

that communicate hostile, derogatory, or nega-

tive racial slights and insults to the target person

or group” (p. 273). They delineated between

three types of racial microaggressions, which

195FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

range from subtle communications that margin-

alize the perspectives and experiences of people

of color (i.e., microinvalidations) and display

inconsiderateness or disrespect (i.e., microin-

sults) to more overt racial attacks (i.e., microas-

saults). Examples of racial microaggressions in-

clude jokes that ridicule visible minorities or

statements that are grounded in stereotypical

assumptions about a target’s race. While seem-

ingly harmless, racial microaggressions result in

cumulative, detrimental psychological effects

(Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007).

Empirical research has sought to understand

how racial microaggressions function, how they

are perpetuated in society, and how they might

be ameliorated. Thus far, a preponderance of the

racial microaggressions literature has focused

on Black Americans (Allen, 2010;Constantine,

Smith, Redington, & Owens, 2008;Constantine

& Sue, 2007;McCabe, 2009;Sue, Capodilupo,

& Holder, 2008;Sue, Nadal et al., 2008;Torres,

Driscoll, & Burrow, 2010), Asian Americans

(Alvarez, Juang, & Liang, 2006;Lin, 2011;

Nadal, 2008;Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, &

Torino, 2007), Latino/a Americans (Yosso,

Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009), American In-

dians (Clark, Spanierman, Reed, Soble, & Ca-

bana, 2011), and multiracial Americans (Nadal

et al., 2011). Most relevant to the current inves-

tigation, quantitative research has documented

the prevalence of racial microaggressions that

target Asian American undergraduates (Alvarez

et al., 2006). Speciﬁcally, Alvarez and col-

leagues (2006) documented that among 254

participants, 98% had experienced at least one

racial microaggression in past year. Likewise, in

a focus group study among Asian American

students and employed adults, Sue, Bucceri, and

colleagues (2007) found that participants re-

ported being typecast as foreigners (i.e., alien in

own land) and naturally intelligent (i.e., ascrip-

tion of intelligence), as well as being treated as

a model minority for whom racial discrimina-

tion and inequity does not exist (i.e., denial of

racial reality;Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007). Sue

(2010) argued that among the most powerful

racial microaggressions that target Asian Amer-

icans are their characterizations as perpetual

foreigners and a model minority.

With notable exceptions (Alvarez et al.,

2006;Nadal, 2008), few studies have explored

within-group differences among Asian Ameri-

cans. Given their unique ancestral heritage tied

to British colonial rule, resulting in greater ex-

posure to Western values and familiarity with

the English language (Farver, Narang, &

Bhadha, 2002), racial microaggressions may be

different for South Asians when compared with

other Asian populations. In addition, given

South Asians’ unique culture (e.g., food, cloth-

ing, and languages) and phenotypic resem-

blance to Arab Americans (see Ahluwalia,

2011;Bhatia, 2008), racial microaggressions

may manifest in unique ways. To our knowl-

edge, only two studies of racial microaggres-

sions have included South Asian Americans in

their sample; however, they accounted for 10%

or less of the sample and were combined with

other Asian Americans (Alvarez et al., 2006;

Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). As such, the distinct

racialized experiences of South Asians living in

North America with racial microaggressions are

in need of empirical investigation.

We are aware of few studies that examined

racial microaggressions in the Canadian con-

text, and this research focused on international

students (Houshmand, Spanierman, & Tafarodi,

in press), Aboriginal students (Clark, Kleiman,

Spanierman, Isaac, & Poolokasingham, 2014),

and mental health professionals (Hernández,

Carranza, & Almeida, 2010). Most relevant to

the current investigation, Houshmand and col-

leagues (in press) found that Asian international

students reported themes of exclusion, avoid-

ance, ridicule, and structural inequalities at a

Canadian university. Overall, East Asian stu-

dents reported more microaggression themes

than their South Asian counterparts, which the

authors posited might be because of English

language facility. South Asian international stu-

dents’ experiences with racial microaggressions

on campus may not be transferable to South

Asian Canadian students’ experiences. Thus,

the current investigation explores how racial

microaggressions operate in the lives of South

Asian Canadian students to identify the unique

experiences of these participants.

Purpose and Rationale of the

Present Investigation

Visible minority students attending Canadian

universities experience racial discrimination on

campus (Dei, Mazzuca, McIsaac, & Zine, 1997;

Henry & Tator, 2009;McGill Ofﬁce of the

Deputy Provost for Student Life and Learning

196 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

2009;Samuel & Burney, 2003). As the largest

and fastest growing visible minority group in

Canada (Human Resources and Skills Develop-

ment Canada, 2006), South Asian Canadians’

encounters with racism in educational settings

are of critical concern because university marks

an important developmental period (Pushkin &

Colon-Gonzalez, 1998). Despite a policy-based

commitment to equity, university personnel of-

ten are ill-equipped to deal with diversity issues;

they lack the knowledge, skills, and resources to

anticipate and respond to critical incidents

(Henry & Tator, 2009). The extant literature has

not yet thoroughly explored the subtle, dynamic,

and variable nature of racism encountered by

South Asian Canadian undergraduates—knowl-

edge that is crucial to create more inclusive cam-

pus environments. Because the racial microag-

gressions model addresses subtle and

unintentional forms of racism (Sue, Capodilupo,

et al., 2007), which are more likely to be found in

polite society (Lund & Carr, 2010), it offers a

valuable framework for understanding how rac-

ism operates in the lives of South Asian Canadian

students. Thus, in the current investigation we

explore South Asian Canadian students’ experi-

ences with racial microaggressions.

Method

Qualitative methods are appropriate because

they allow researchers to develop a nuanced and

in-depth understanding of phenomena (Morrow,

2007), such as those pertaining to race (Pon-

terotto, 2010). We used a focus group approach,

because group discussions offer a social context

in which participants can share multiple per-

spectives, build upon each other’s ideas, and

facilitate the formulation of a nuanced under-

standing of the phenomenon of interest

(Krueger & Casey, 2009). We used a modiﬁed

version of the consensual qualitative research

method (CQR), which relies on consensus

among researchers to reduce bias (Hill et al.,

2005;Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997).

CQR can be used to examine complex informa-

tion through the eyes of participants while de-

scribing the process, outcome, and context of

participants’ experiences with phenomena (Hill

et al., 1997). CQR has been utilized effectively

in prior racial microaggressions research (e.g.,

Clark et al., 2011;Sue, Lin, Torino, Capodi-

lupo, & Rivera, 2009). Among published racial

microaggressions research, CQR has been used

in studies where data have been collected

through one (e.g., Nadal et al., 2011)ortwo

focus groups (e.g., Sue, Buccerri, et al., 2007;

Sue, Capodilupo, & Holder, 2008).

Participants and Recruitment

Participants (5 women and 2 men) were full-

time undergraduate students attending a pre-

dominantly White, research-intensive Canadian

university. The English-language institution is a

large university located in a major metropolitan

area. Using purposive sampling (Ritchie, Lewis,

& Elam, 2003), the researchers selected partic-

ipants based on a speciﬁc set of inclusion crite-

ria: self-identiﬁcation as South Asian Canadian,

Canadian citizens, enrollment in full-time un-

dergraduate academic studies, and availability

to attend the focus group. To ensure a purposive

sample, participants were aware at the time of

recruitment that researchers were interested in

their experiences with racial discrimination on

campus. Participants were recruited through

cultural clubs, departmental listservs, and refer-

rals from students and professors. Their ages

ranged from 19–23 years. We relied on partic-

ipants’ verbatim descriptions of their own race

and ethnicity to remain true to their voices

(Townsend, Markus, & Bergsieker, 2009) rather

than imposing the researchers’ view of their

backgrounds. Speciﬁcally, participants were

asked to identify their “racial background” and

their “primary ethnic background.” They self-

identiﬁed as “Tamil” (n⫽2), “Bengdeshi

(South Asian)” (n⫽1), “Sri Lankan” (n⫽1),

“Sri Lanka ⫹France” (n⫽1), “Sri Lankan

Tamil” (n⫽1), and “Indian” (n⫽1). The

biracial student (i.e., “Sri Lanka ⫹France”) ex-

plained that she did racially self-identify as South

Asian. All participants were Canadian citizens

who lived in Canada for 4–23 years. See Table 1

for participants’ self-selected pseudonyms and ad-

ditional demographic information.

Researchers

The primary research team consisted of a South

Asian, Tamil-Sri Lankan, female master’s student

in counseling psychology (i.e., ﬁrst author); a

White, Jewish-American, female associate profes-

sor of counseling psychology with expertise in

racial attitudes (i.e., second author); a White, Jew-

ish-Canadian, male master’s student in counseling

197FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

psychology (i.e., third author); and an Iranian-

Canadian, female doctoral student in counseling

psychology (i.e., fourth author). The graduate stu-

dent researchers had prior research experience

with diversity issues broadly and racial microag-

gressions in particular. All had previous experi-

ence using the CQR method.

The research team acknowledged their beliefs

that South Asian students experience covert and

overt forms of racial discrimination on campus

and may not always attribute more subtle experi-

ences to racism. To minimize biases and assump-

tions, members of the research team remained

mindful of these issues through continual, open

discussions (Hill et al., 1997). Following sugges-

tions of qualitative methodologists, the research-

ers consciously bracketed (i.e., mindfully identi-

ﬁed and set aside; Fischer, 2009) their

assumptions and beliefs during the data analysis

stages. This process fostered researcher reﬂexivity

(Hill et al., 1997;Morrow, 2005) and assisted in

capturing participants’ authentic experiences (Cre-

swell, 2007;Ponterotto, 2005). Finally, the re-

search team openly discussed power issues

throughout the investigation; speciﬁcally, they

pledged to create a climate in which all research-

ers had an equal voice (Ponterotto, 2010). All

researchers were encouraged to share their per-

spectives and challenge those of team members.

Data Source

In contrast to traditional CQR, we exam-

ined focus group data rather than individual

interviews. Focus groups offer a social con-

text in which participants can share multiple

perspectives and co-construct meaning from

their experiences, hence facilitating candid

discussion and nuanced understanding

(Krueger, 1998;Sue et al., 2008). To elicit

discussion about participants’ experiences

with racial discrimination on campus, we de-

veloped our interview protocol through a re-

view of the extant literature on racial micro-

aggressions (Alvarez et al., 2006;Lin, 2011;

Nadal, 2008;Solórzano, Allen, & Carroll,

2002;Sue, 2010;Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007;

Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007;Sue et al.,

2008). Interview prompts asked participants

to reﬂect on their: (a) general experiences on

campus, (b) encounters with people who ex-

pressed stereotypical beliefs about their racial

group (e.g., “Think of some of the stereotypes

that exist about your racial group. Have oth-

ers on campus ever expressed their stereotyp-

ical beliefs about you?”), and (c) daily expe-

riences with racial discrimination (e.g.,

“Thinking about your daily experiences at

[University Name], could any of you describe

a situation in which you were discriminated

against because of your race?”). As suggested

by Hill and colleagues (1997,2005), ques-

tions were open-ended to allow freedom of

response. The interview protocol followed a

semistructured format with follow-up probes

(available from the ﬁrst author upon request).

In addition, a brief demographic question-

naire was used to gather descriptive data

about the participants, such as age, gender,

racial and ethnic self-identiﬁcation, and reli-

gion.

Procedure

An expert in focus group facilitation from the

institution’s equity ofﬁce trained both facilita-

Table 1

Participant Information

Pseudonym Age Gender Ethnicity Religion Year in

university Years spent

in Canada

Sarah 22 F “Bengladeshi (South Asian)” Islam 4 4

Maria 21 F “Indian” Christianity 3 6

Jessminder (Jess) 21 F “Tamil” Hinduism 2 21

Praba 23 M “Tamil” Hinduism 5 23

Maya 20 F “Sri Lankan” Hinduism 2 20

Seven 21 M “Sri Lankan Tamil” Hinduism 3 “18⫹”

Sophie 19 F “Sri Lanka ⫹France” “N/A” 2 9

Note. Participants selected their own pseudonyms and all self-identiﬁed as being Canadian citizens. The use of quotations

(e.g., “N/A” and “Tamil”) indicates the direct transcription of participants’ responses as they appear on the demographic

form.

198 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

tors. The ﬁrst author served as the primary

facilitator, and an East-Asian Canadian female

doctoral student from the Faculty of Education

was the secondary facilitator. Per Krueger and

Casey’s (2009) recommendation, the primary

facilitator guided the discussion while the sec-

ondary facilitator served as note-taker and re-

sponded to unexpected interruptions. Both fa-

cilitators consciously bracketed their

assumptions throughout the focus group to pre-

vent them from inﬂuencing student responses

(Stewart, Shamdasani, & Rook, 2007). The fo-

cus group lasted approximately 110 minutes

and was audio recorded. The primary facilitator

transcribed the audio recording verbatim and

reviewed the transcript for accuracy. Partici-

pants received $20 and a pizza dinner as com-

pensation for their time.

Data Analysis

During the initial phase of the modiﬁed CQR

method, procedures followed those outlined by

Hill et al. (1997,2005) and Sue, Bucceri, et al.

(2007). In the current study, the ﬁrst and second

author independently reviewed the focus group

transcript, listened to the audio recording, and

compiled a list of potential microaggressive

themes. Then, they discussed their individual

compilations and through the consensus process

developed a list of potential themes, descrip-

tions, and examples from the data. The ﬁrst

author then reviewed the transcript for data that

may have been overlooked in the initial phase of

the analysis; she created a table of themes,

deﬁnitions, and illustrative data. This table

comprised 12 themes, preliminary deﬁnitions,

and multiple transcript excerpts for each theme.

Following the CQR method (Hill et al., 1997,

2005) the ﬁrst and second author engaged in

several discussions to reﬁne the preliminary re-

sults until they reached consensus on nine

themes. They also reﬁned theme deﬁnitions and

illustrative quotations for each theme.

Next, the third and fourth authors and a peer-

debriefer reviewed the ﬁndings independently

to minimize researcher bias, reduce the effects

of groupthink

, and draw attention to data that

may have been overlooked (Hill et al., 1997,

2005). The role of the research team in this step,

referred to as triangulation by investigators

(Hays & Singh, 2012), enhanced the trustwor-

thiness of our ﬁndings. More speciﬁcally, this

internal audit resulted in the synthesis of two

themes (i.e., incorporating a theme on English

proﬁciency into the theme perceived as fresh off

the boat). This process further streamlined the

ﬁndings and resulted in eight themes. After in-

corporating changes from the third author, the

fourth author reviewed the focus group tran-

script and provided feedback on the results.

This step resulted in: (a) clarifying the theme

name for ascription of intelligence in stereotyp-

ical domains, (b) elaborating on the meaning of

particular terminology (i.e., Bindi and liability),

and (c) including an additional example for the

fresh off the boat theme. Eight ﬁnal themes

remained. Researchers then consulted with a

biracial male interdisciplinary studies professor,

that is, a peer de-briefer (Hill et al., 2005,1997),

with experience in racial microaggressions re-

search. No major theme changes were requested

or advised.

Maintaining Trustworthiness

Throughout data collection and analysis the

researchers took steps to ensure trustworthiness

by upholding the standards of credibility, trans-

ferability, dependability, and conﬁrmability

(Lincoln & Guba, 1985). To maintain credibil-

ity, they engaged in a process of continual ques-

tioning and peer debrieﬁng as stipulated by the

CQR method. Consistent with Morrow (2005),

the researchers attempted to provide sufﬁcient

information about participants, the research pro-

cess, the context, and the researchers to bolster

the transferability of the ﬁndings. To enhance

dependability, the researchers documented their

process of data collection and analysis (Mor-

row, 2005). To address conﬁrmability, facilita-

tors conducted in vivo member checks with

participants at various points during the focus

group to ensure accuracy of interpretation. Spe-

ciﬁcally, facilitators paraphrased and summa-

rized participant comments throughout the fo-

cus group as an in vivo member check. These

interventions helped to ensure participants’

points were understood accurately; they also

provided opportunities for participants to elab-

Groupthink refers to “a mode of thinking that people

engage in when they are deeply involved in a cohesive

in-group, when the members’ strivings for unanimity over-

ride their motivation to realistically appraise alternative

courses of action” (Janis, 1982,p.9).

199FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

orate or alter their responses. As noted earlier,

researchers bracketed their own assumptions to

minimize bias and incorporated direct quota-

tions (Morrow, 2005).

Findings

In the present study, we identiﬁed eight racial

microaggressions themes targeting South Asian

Canadian undergraduate students: perceived as

fresh off the boat (FOB),excluded from social

life,notion that being Brown is a liability,as-

sumption of ties to terrorism,compelled to be a

cultural expert,ascription of intelligence in ste-

reotypical domains,invalidation of interethnic

and racial differences, and treated as invisible

(see Table 2 for theme deﬁnitions). Five themes,

which were novel to the literature on racial

microaggressions in North America, emerged.

Consistent with the extant research on Asian

Americans, South Asian Canadian participants

experienced ascription of intelligence,invisibil-

ity, and invalidation of interethnic differences

(Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). Notably, in the

current investigation there was some variation

in how these themes manifested, which is de-

scribed later. We outline the ﬁve novel themes

followed by the three themes consistent with

previous literature. For each theme, we provide

illustrative quotations that exemplify partici-

pants’ experiences; the length of the description

is proportionate to the frequency and intensity

of discussion on the theme.

Theme 1: Perceived as

Fresh Off the Boat (FOB)

All participants expressed the theme titled,

perceived as FOB, referring to the assumption

that South Asian Canadian undergraduates do

not ﬁt in Canadian society. Speciﬁcally, partic-

ipants reported being perceived as immigrants

who were too “culturally oriented,” not assim-

ilated to Canadian society, lacking English pro-

ﬁciency, and having low social class status.

Being perceived as a FOB on campus denoted

that they did not “belong in mainstream culture”

and were part of an “external group.” Partici-

pants described these experiences as “very sub-

tle,” “really hard,” and causing “pressure over-

load.” Describing her experience, Maya stated:

People often can categorize people as FOBs...It

makes you stand out more and it makes the overall

experience just harder. People judge you more. People

Table 2

Racial Microaggressions Experienced by South Asian Canadian Undergraduates

Theme Deﬁnition

Perceived as Fresh Off the Boat (FOB) Enduring the assumption that South Asian Canadians do not ﬁt

in Canadian society, are too culturally oriented, and/or lack

English proﬁciency.

Excluded from social life Enduring the assumption that South Asian Canadians do not

like to engage in social activities (e.g., partying and drinking

alcohol) and/or are restricted from doing so by tight parental

control.

Notion that being Brown is a liability Instances where South Asian Canadians feel that their racial

group identiﬁcation and/or skin color serves as a liability.

Assumption of ties to terrorism Enduring the assertion that South Asian Canadians are

terrorists and pose a threat to society.

Compelled to be a cultural expert The expectation that South Asian Canadians are cultural

experts, can inform others about their culture, and/or should

speak on racial issues.

Ascription of intelligence in stereotypical domains The assertion that South Asian Canadians are skilled in the

disciplines of engineering, ﬁnance, science, accounting,

commerce, math, and computer science by virtue of their

race.

Invalidation of interethnic and racial differences Minimization of ethnic differences amongst South Asian

Canadians and racial differences between South Asian

Canadians and other visible minority groups.

Treated as invisible Instances in which South Asian Canadians are overlooked and/

or ignored by White perpetrators.

200 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

think you can’t integrate. People think you don’t have

anything in common with every—with main society,

and that you’re too attached to your cultural back-

ground and that you haven’t found the perfect medium

of being attached to your cultural background and

accepting your Canadian [background]. Personally,

I’m very patriotic about Canada. So, when someone

calls me a FOB...it’s like I was born here...[and,

I] like to embrace my [culture], the culture of my

parents, but that doesn’t mean I’m a FOB.

Similarly, Jess recollected her experience with

an academic advisor who spoke to her as if she

had difﬁculty understanding English. Jess de-

scribed the advisor as talking to her as if she

were “really slow,” which made her feel like a

“two-year-old.”

Three women, but no men, articulated the

importance of physical appearance in being re-

garded as a FOB. For these women, the inter-

section of race and social class indicators ap-

peared to play a role in being perceived as a

FOB. They disclosed that if they were to neglect

dressing nicely they would be at greater risk for

being regarded as a FOB. Maya explained, “If

you don’t dress well it’s because you’re a FOB

...Itcan’t be because you’re in exams, it can’t

be because you woke up at 8:25 and your class

was at 8:30! No, it’s ’cause you’re a FOB that

you dress bad.” Consequently, participants felt

pressure to “dress the part” and “dress well

every day.”

Theme 2: Excluded From Social Life

This theme describes participants’ experi-

ences with White peers who held stereotypes

about South Asian Canadian students’ interest

and ability to socialize. In several cases, par-

ticipants reported that White peers had as-

sumed that South Asian Canadian students

did not like to socialize, which often connoted

partying and drinking alcohol. One partici-

pant, Sophie explained, “[Peers] just sort of

assume that you don’t go out as much or

you’re not allowed to like do those certain

things as much.”

Participants also reported enduring as-

sumptions by White peers that they were re-

stricted from socializing because of tight pa-

rental control. Jess recollected comments

such as, “We can’t go drinking ’cause she

doesn’t drink” and reported that White peers

were “so shocked” to learn otherwise. Simi-

larly, Maya reported being stereotyped as be-

ing “stuck home all day.” Consequently, some

South Asian Canadian students would go out

of their way to attend more social events than

they felt comfortable doing and make party-

type comments (e.g., “Ooh I have to go to

[university pub]”) to dispel racist stereotypes

about being asocial because of “strict” paren-

tal control. Jess also disclosed that she was

often met with the following questions: “Your

parents let you out?” “You’re allowed to stay

out late?” and “You’re allowed to drink?”

Participants stated that peers often were

shocked and surprised to ﬁnd that South

Asian Canadian students engaged in social

activities and were not constrained by strict

parental controls.

Theme 3: Notion That

Being Brown Is a Liability

This theme describes participants’ experi-

ences of their racial group identiﬁcation

and/or skin color being regarded as an imped-

iment to overcome. Two students, for exam-

ple, recollected experiences in which they

were made to feel insecure about their appear-

ance. Sarah described losing an election and

being told by her friends, “You lost but you

have to remember you have a lot of layers.

Like, you look different....”Similarly,

Praba described a difﬁcult experience that had

taken place in a small classroom setting:

We were talking about how adolescents grow up and

they have certain kind of...insecurities. And then,

jokingly, [the small group leader] had said, which one

of you people never had an insecurity? And, just out of

like a joke, I said “me.” And then, he just looked at me

and said, “Ok everybody. Find him an insecurity.”

[Laughs]. And then everyone [began] shouting, “Oohh

yo-you’re dark.” “Ohhh you’re short...”Ok,butthen

this one person who knows me well goes, “You’re

Brown!”

This outburst seemed to have made the small

group leader “very uncomfortable,” and he re-

quested that the class change the topic of discus-

sion. While Praba could not speak on behalf of the

group leader, he explained that the leader ap-

peared as if he “wanted to avoid it altogether.”

Theme 4: Assumption of Ties to Terrorism

Similar to prior research delineating the as-

sumption of criminality, (see Solórzano et al.,

2002;Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007), this theme

201FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

describes the assumption that South Asian Ca-

nadian men are terrorists and pose a threat to

society. For instance, in the current study two

men disclosed being called “very vulgar stereo-

types” like “terrorist.” As a consequence of this

stereotype, student cultural organizations to

which these men belonged were misrepresented

and referred to as a “front” for terrorism. De-

scribing his experience as a member of a student

cultural organization Praba recalled:

We would be called that [terrorist] or...the[student

cultural] group supporting terrorism...wegotreally

angry you know...we’ve been trying to like ﬁght it

off. But it keeps coming back and I know a lot of

people that lost jobs over that. Same thing like “Oh you

must be a terrorist. Ha ha.” And then, axe you’re done

...Sowe’ve been really careful in kind of like...

avoiding the entire stereotype altogether.

Among our sample, South Asian Canadian men

felt pressure to avoid being stereotyped as terror-

ists and were afraid of the potential consequences

should they be seen as such. Although none of the

women in the study explicitly shared similar ex-

periences, they corroborated the men’s experi-

ences (i.e., nodding in acknowledgment and

agreeing with the men during the focus group).

Theme 5: Compelled to Be a

Cultural Expert

This theme describes the unfair expectations

and pressures placed on students’ to speak on

racial issues in classes and to inform peers about

their culture. Participants were expected to be

knowledgeable about cultural issues and topics by

virtue of their racial group background. For exam-

ple, Maya reported receiving “many” questions

about “Bindis”

from peers and having to explain,

“I only wear that at cultural things.” Similarly,

Jess recounted her experience of being expected to

adopt the role of a cultural expert because she was

the “only Brown girl” in class:

I’m in Education and we talk a lot about like these

racial issues and stuff. I could see it. Everybody feels

uneasy. We had this [multicultural] course where that

was kind of the main focus and anytime the professor

would say something or ask for class opinion, they’d

kind of look at me like, “Aren’t you going to say

something?”

Jess and other South Asian Canadian students

felt responsible for explaining their culture and

correcting any misgivings held by their peers.

Students also reported that in their efforts to

act as cultural educators they expended “effort”

to “break” and “to prove otherwise,” stereo-

types. Praba explained, “I can only assume that

a small clique of people will then realize ‘ohh

it’s just a stereotype’ you know and inform

more people...stereotypes are just stereotypes

and you know are just based on make believe or

something . . .” Although students experienced

pressure to act as cultural educators, they re-

mained hopeful that their efforts would help to

ameliorate stereotypes.

Theme 6: Ascription of Intelligence in

Stereotypical Domains

This theme refers to the ascription of intelli-

gence in disciplines related to science, technol-

ogy, engineering, and math (i.e., STEM), as

well as business. Participants were perceived as

skilled in engineering, ﬁnance, science, ac-

counting, commerce, math, and computer sci-

ence. While similar to Sue, Bucceri, et al.’s

(2007) ascription of intelligence theme for

Asian Americans, this theme is different in that

in addition to math and science, participants in

this study were seen as proﬁcient in information

technology. In the current study, this theme also

addressed professional pigeonholing and stu-

dents’ experiences of feeling exploited for ste-

reotypical skills.

All participants reported that South Asian

students were stereotyped on campus as being

“smart” and proﬁcient in “brainy mathematical

courses.” They reported that they often heard

comments such as, “Oh, you must be good in

math.” Maria, for instance, explained that while

these stereotypes might be thought of as posi-

tive, they have negative implications. She re-

ported that because she is “awful” at math, this

resulted in discomfort when peers would jok-

ingly exclaim, “What? You’re not good at

math? But, you’re Brown!”

South Asian Canadian students described how

ascription of intelligence sometimes resulted in

professional pigeon-holing (e.g., into IT positions

Bindi (Sanskrit term for “dot”) is a mark worn by many

South Asian women on their forehead for religious, orna-

mental, and/or social purposes (Tewary & Ahmed, 2006).

Traditionally, Hindu women wore it to signify marital sta-

tus; however, it is now used as a common fashion accessory

(Tewary & Ahmed, 2006).

202 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

or as Vice President of Finance) and being cutoff

from alternatives. Seven, explained:

People stereotype that we are good at certain things

just because of our skin color...[Inmystudent

organization] everyone that keeps walking in, because

of what I do they’re like you know...that Brown

person. Because I do the website...they’re like yeah

that makes sense...It’s like they’re expecting it...

I’m not sure that they ever directly tell me but you can

tell from the way that they speak...they think that you

might not be suited for other positions.

Echoing this sentiment, Sophie reported being

“frustrated” with student organizations on cam-

pus. She reported that in many of these organi-

zations “everyone is basically Caucasian except

the VP Finance” and that “it’s around the same

stereotype that we’re good at math and ﬁnance.”

The ascription of intelligence in stereotypical

domains also resulted in feeling exploited for

skillsets. Jess, shared:

I had to take a math course—everybody was my friend

just in that class. I didn’t know like people knew my

name. And, they’d be like “Oh Jess . . . did you did you

do this question?”...Butthat’s the only time like I

feel like in math they all interacted with me . . . They

never said “You’re Brown you’re good in math,” but I

felt it...Especially during the exam time [when] they

wanted to study with me...nowwewalk by like we

don’t even know each other.

Despite the seemingly positive connotation of

this stereotype, it had negative effects on South

Asian Canadian students.

Theme 7: Invalidation of Interethnic and

Racial Differences

Similar to Sue, Bucceri, and colleagues’

(2007) invalidation of interethnic differences,

participants in the current study described

instances in which they felt that White indi-

viduals rejected or minimized differences

among various Asian ethnic groups. Two par-

ticipants recollected experiences of being ste-

reotyped as belonging to another South Asian

Canadian ethnic group (i.e., Indian or Paki-

stani) based on their physical appearance. A

participant, Seven, explained, “[People] as-

sume I’m not from where I’m actually from.

Somehow they think I’m either Indian or Pak-

istani.” Moreover, when he disclosed his Sri

Lankan Tamil background they did not be-

lieve him. Sophie’s testimony reﬂects how

she, a “Sri Lanka ⫹France” individual, was

stereotyped at a campus bar:

[At the] engineering pub...this guy approached me

with his friend who’s Brown. And, he approached

me and was like, “Hey have you met my friend?”

And, I was like, “Are you serious?”...Andthis guy

who was talking to me was Caucasian and I could

tell [and] sense that he wasn’t even looking at me as

a person. It was like, “You’re a Brown girl. This is

a Brown guy. Go!”...Theﬁrst question [this White

student] asked me was, “Are you from India?”...I

was just like, “No” and I just left...Itjust made me

feel so offended...IfIwasWhite [he] wouldn’t

have approached me.

Extending Sue, Bucceri, and colleagues’ (2007)

work, in the current study we include instances in

which racial differences between South Asians

and other racial groups (e.g., Arabs) were invali-

dated. Sarah, for example, recounted an experi-

ence in class in which an anecdotal story was told

about an Arab, Muslim girl who had been locked

up in a room. Because of Sarah’s Muslim back-

ground and despite her South Asian heritage, her

peer commented “Ohhh...that probably hap-

pened to you too, right?”

Theme 8: Treated as Invisible

Similar to Sue, Bucceri, and colleagues’

(2007) theme of invisibility among Asian Amer-

icans, in the present study treated as invisible

referred to a noteworthy instance in which a

South Asian Canadian woman experienced be-

ing overlooked. Sarah recounted her experience

on the ﬁrst day of a small comparative religions

class in which every student, except the partic-

ipant, was asked to introduce him or herself and

share their religion:

Did [the professor] just miss me or did he intention-

ally miss me?...You’re sitting there and he

managed to get every single person and it’s not a big

class right? But how did he, did [he] intentionally

not mention me...And, I’m like the most different

one there...I’mtheonewearing a Hijab. I’m the

one who visibly catches your eye. I’m sorry but like

you...have to try hard to miss me....That

actually impacted the way I participated in that class

....Iwould listen and I would engage but I

wouldn’t put up my hand.

Being treated as invisible resulted in discomfort

that hindered Sarah’s subsequent academic par-

ticipation.

Discussion

Findings from the current study identify, docu-

ment, and thus enhance understanding of South

203FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Asian Canadian undergraduates’ experiences with

racial microaggressions. Indeed, participants en-

countered a host of discriminatory experiences

that could be classiﬁed as racial microaggressions

(Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007). In a country that

considers racism to be taboo (Lund & Carr, 2010),

the present ﬁndings detail subtle and unintentional

racism encountered by members of Canada’s larg-

est and fastest growing visible minority group

(Human Resources and Skills Development Can-

ada, 2006). Moreover, because only a few studies

have included South Asian participants in prior

investigation of Asian Americans’ experiences

with racial microaggressions, our study is the ﬁrst

to our knowledge to examine exclusively the ex-

periences of South Asians Canadians. Accord-

ingly, this investigation provides insight on simi-

larities and differences that exist among the vastly

heterogeneous Asian subgroups. While our inten-

tion is not to treat South Asian Canadians as a

homogenous group, this speciﬁcity is warranted

given the unique ancestral heritage, culture, and

phenotypic attributes among individuals of South

Asian descent. Among the eight racial microag-

gression themes that emerged, some were similar

to prior research on racial microaggressions or the

broader racism literature, while others were spe-

ciﬁc to the current study.

Supporting Themes From Prior Research

Reﬂecting consistency with prior racial mi-

croaggressions research among heterogeneous

samples of Asian Americans (e.g., Sue, Bucceri,

et al., 2007), we found support for three themes.

Like the invalidation of interethnic differences

theme articulated by Sue, Bucceri, and col-

leagues (2007), participants in the current study

felt that their White peers viewed them as be-

longing to a homogenous group based on their

racialized appearance. Moreover, given racial

and cultural similarities between South Asians

and Arabs, one participant had been conﬂated

with an Arab woman.

The treated as invisible theme in the present

study also mirrors prior research (Samuel, 2004;

Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007). This theme, like Sue,

Bucceri, and colleagues’ (2007) invisibility, de-

scribes instances in which a target is overlooked

or ignored. In the current study, being treated as

invisible by a professor resulted in feelings of

confusion and discomfort for the target, contrib-

uted to feeling isolated, and resulted in disen-

gagement from class participation. Although

only one instance of treated as invisible

emerged in the current study, this ﬁnding has

been documented in the literature and extends

beyond interactions with faculty (Houshmand et

al., in press;Samuel, 2004). More speciﬁcally,

Samuel (2004) found that South Asian under-

graduates reported being ignored by White

peers.

Similar to the accounts of Asian Americans

(Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007), South Asian partic-

ipants in the current study reported experienc-

ing ascription of intelligence, particularly in the

domains of math and science. Notably, in the

present investigation, participants also experi-

enced ascription of intelligence in the domain of

information technology, such as computer sci-

ence, suggesting this may be more prevalent

among South Asians speciﬁcally than Asian

Americans in general. Another interesting fea-

ture of this theme in the current study is that

participants reported feeling exploited for these

perceived skills. One woman, for instance,

shared that White peers acted as friends to gain

assistance in math class. Despite the seemingly

positive nature of these ascriptions, experiences

with this stereotype had a negative impact on

participants.

Novel Themes: Extending Racial

Microaggressions Theory

We identiﬁed ﬁve themes that are speciﬁc to

the experience of South Asian Canadian under-

graduates extending prior racial microaggres-

sions research. Perceived as fresh off the boat

(FOB) refers to South Asian Canadian students’

experiences with subtle slights that implied they

did not ﬁt into Canadian society. While similar

to a blend between Sue, Bucceri, and col-

leagues’ (2007) themes of alien in own land and

pathologizing of cultural values (i.e., percep-

tions that participants were perpetual foreigners

and from inferior cultures, respectively), our

theme is important with respect to the Canadian

context. The term “fresh off the boat” is salient

in Canada because of its long history of indi-

viduals of color immigrating vis-a`-vis boats. It

is also indicative of the perception that all South

Asians Canadians are recent immigrants. For

South Asian Canadians, the history of boat im-

migration has been turbulent since the 1914

Komagata Meru, which attempted to come to

204 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Canada but was turned away by the Canadian

Government (Fernandez, 2002). More recently

the 2010 MV Sun Sea, containing 492 refugees

from Sri Lanka, was accepted after much con-

troversy and postacceptance “racialization,

criminalization and detention” of refugees (di

Tomasso, 2012, p. 331). Perceived as FOB also

extends previous work given its emphasis on

physical appearance, which may be linked to

perceptions of social class status. Speciﬁcally,

female participants felt judged on the basis of

their appearance (i.e., hairstyle, attire, and

make-up) and engaged in efforts to ﬁt into mid-

dle to upper-middle class Canadian society.

George and Rail (2005) indicated that focusing

on physical appearance and “looking good”

may be strategies used by South Asian Cana-

dian women to “ward off discrimination” (p.

62). In addition, while the focus of this study

was not lateral violence, it should be noted that

the term “fresh off the boat” has been docu-

mented among Asian Americans, when refer-

ring to coethnic others as “too ethnic” or not

having acculturated (for a detailed discussion,

see Pyke & Dang, 2003, p. 149).

Excluded from social life represents South

Asian Canadian students’ experiences of being

perceived as asocial or limited socially by strict

parents. Although similar to Houshmand and

colleagues’ (in press) excluded and avoided

theme, wherein Asian international students re-

ported being passively ignored to deliberately

excluded from campus life, the experiences of

participants in our study excluded difﬁculties in

comprehending White peers’ Western cultural

references (e.g., to TV shows, sports, and mu-

sic), understanding peers’ jokes, or communi-

cating in English. Furthermore, many were

viewed as asocial by majority group peers and

consequently bore the burden of proving them

otherwise. This ﬁnding also corroborates Sam-

uel’s (2004) ﬁndings, which documented South

Asian students’ experiences of being excluded

from social events, such as parties and study

groups. Although the present study was not

designed to focus on intersecting identities, we

observed that the women in the focus group

were more likely to feel excluded from social

life. This supports prior scholarship that argues

that South Asian culture has been stereotyped as

inherently sexist (Patel, 2007). Similarly, the

perception that parental controls are stricter for

South Asian women than for South Asian men

also may reﬂect this misconception.

The assumption of ties to terrorism theme

was another ﬁnding unique to the current study.

This theme, particularly salient among the men

in the group, reﬂects the perception that South

Asians are viewed as terrorists who pose a

threat to society. While recent investigations of

microaggressions have unearthed similar ﬁnd-

ings among Muslim Americans (Nadal et al.,

2012) and British Asian Muslim cricketers

(Burdsey, 2011), our study extends this theme

to South Asian Canadians. To date, our ﬁndings

are consistent with research that showed a sharp

increase in hate crimes targeting not only Arab

Americans and Muslim Americans but also

South Asian Americans post 9/11 (Finn, 2011;

Wang, Siy, & Cheryan, 2011). South Asians

living in North America may be targeted given

their phenotypic similarities to Arabs and given

the involvement of South Asian countries (e.g.,

Pakistan and Afghanistan) with respect to the

war on terror. For Canadian Tamils, these ac-

cusations may also extend from stereotypes

about the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam,

which was designated a terrorist organization in

2006 by Canada (Public Safety Canada, 2013)

and 1997 by the United States (U.S. Department

of State, Bureau of Counterterrorism, 2012).

Although it was the South Asian men in our

study who reported assumptions of ties to ter-

rorism, other scholars have articulated that

some South Asian women experienced a similar

stereotype (Finn, 2011;Samuel, 2004).

The notion that being Brown is a liability was

another novel racial microaggressions theme

that emerged in the current study. South Asian

Canadian students reported that their White

peers understand brown skin color and South

Asian racial group identiﬁcation as impedi-

ments to success. Notably, both perpetrators

and targets, referred to individuals of South

Asian descent as “Brown.” While commonly

used in colloquial Canadian discourse (e.g.,

George & Rail, 2005), Sundar (2006) deﬁned

“Brown” as a broad term used to categorize a

unique racial group encompassing all South

Asian people of various religious and cultural

backgrounds. This categorization of South

Asians as a distinct racial group is particularly

important as it highlights the differentiation of

South Asians from other Asians.

205FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Finally, as one of the few visible minorities

on campus, participants often felt compelled to

be cultural experts. In this study, the position-

ing of participants as cultural experts may be

seen as serving to invalidate their sense of be-

longing in Canadian society by stereotyping

their perspectives and culture as a special case.

Moreover, it tended to place unfair pressure on

these students. While Sue and colleagues (2009)

articulated similar ﬁndings among students of

color wherein the perpetrators were professors,

our ﬁndings identiﬁed the primary perpetrators

of this racial microaggression as dominant

group peers. Additionally, participants’ qualita-

tive descriptions of feeling exploited and cut off

from alternatives in the current study go beyond

feeling pressure to conform and trapped, which

has been described in prior research (Sue, Buc-

ceri et al., 2007). Notably, in a study of South

Asian students’ peer interactions in Canadian

academe, Samuel (2004) also found that partic-

ipants experienced ignorant questions from

White peers and felt obligated to dispel stereo-

types (e.g., that all South Asians live in huts).

Similar to our ﬁndings, these participants also

reported feeling annoyed by such questions and

were concerned that their White peers would

overgeneralize their views to reﬂect that of all

South Asians.

Limitations of the Current Study

Although our ﬁndings contribute distinc-

tively to the literature on South Asian Canadian

experiences with racial microaggressions, sev-

eral limitations should be noted. Because our

investigation focused on the experiences of a

select number of undergraduates from one,

large, predominantly White Canadian univer-

sity, racial microaggressions may manifest dif-

ferently in other universities. Several Canadian

universities (e.g., University of Toronto and

University of British Columbia; Findlay &

Köhler, 2010) have been characterized as hav-

ing a large Asian Canadian student population,

which might contribute to differences in the

frequency and nature of racial microaggressions

experienced at these institutions. Another limi-

tation pertains to our overrepresentation of

Tamil and Sri Lankan students. Because South

Asians are considered to be one of the most

heterogeneous groups in Canada (Tran et al.,

2005), the themes described in this study may

not be representative of experiences encoun-

tered by students from other South Asian groups

(e.g., Afghani and Pakistani Canadians).

Directions for Future Research

Our ﬁndings suggest several directions for

future research. First, research should be con-

ducted across various universities in different

Canadian provinces to determine whether ra-

cial microaggressions manifest differently in

different contexts. Second, future research

should include ethnic groups that were not

represented in this study (e.g., Afghani and

Pakistani Canadians); this will help uncover

additional nuances in experiences with racial

microaggressions. To this end, future research

also might collect more nuanced information

about participants’ backgrounds, beyond eth-

nic self-identiﬁcation, such as information on

linguistic heritage and ancestral national ori-

gin. They may also wish to examine the rela-

tions between ethnic identiﬁcation and the

differential experiences of racial microag-

gressions. Third, future research might exam-

ine explicitly the relations between level of

acculturation, time spent in Canada, genera-

tional status, language proﬁciency, and expe-

riences with racial microaggressions. Despite

variation in time spent in Canada among our

participants, no differences were apparent.

Fourth, given that our study included only

two men and suggested varying experiences

with racial microaggressions by gender, fu-

ture research could examine gendered racial

microaggressions among South Asian Cana-

dians to gain a deeper understanding of

unique experiences. Finally, as researchers

have begun to examine coping with racial

microaggressions (e.g., Hernández et al.,

2010;Houshmand et al., in press;Lewis,

Mendenhall, Harwood, & Browne Huntt,

2012), it would be useful to do so among

South Asian Canadian students. Such re-

search could be used to facilitate the devel-

opment of healthy coping strategies, thereby

increasing resilience.

Implications for University Personnel

The ﬁndings from the current investigation

point to several implications for Canadian univer-

sities. As documented in previous literature (e.g.,

Sue, Bucceri et al., 2007) and supported in our

206 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

study, there are psychological and social costs to

experiencing racial microaggressions. Feeling

marginalized and alienated by dominant group

members, some participants disengaged from so-

cial life on campus, whereas others disengaged

from class participation. Given that universities

are spaces that inﬂuence the social and intellectual

growth of students (Pushkin & Colon-Gonzalez,

1998), administrators have an obligation to create

more inclusive environments and enhance campus

racial climates. We know that racism toward vis-

ible minorities exists across various Canadian in-

stitutions of education (e.g., see Henry & Tator,

2009 and Samuel & Burney, 2003). Thus, while

our study was conducted only at one Canadian

university, it is likely that the ﬁndings are relevant

for other predominantly White, research-intensive

Canadian institutions of higher learning.

We propose three approaches to aid univer-

sities in fostering more inclusive environ-

ments for South Asian (and potentially other

visible minority students). First, universities

should take initiatives to increase awareness

of racial microaggressions and cultivate cul-

tural sensitivity among peers, faculty, teach-

ing assistants, and staff. This may include

mandatory training programs for university

personnel (Sue et al., 2009) and workshops

for students during orientation or in residence

hall programming. Second, universities

should create opportunities for continued in-

tergroup dialogue on issues pertaining to

race-based privilege, power, and oppression,

as this has the potential to promote healthy

race relations among students (Watt, 2007).

Scholarship by Spanierman, Neville, Liao,

Hammer, and Wang (2008) has indicated that

although participation in both formal (e.g.,

classroom activities) and informal diversity

experiences (e.g., cross-racial friendships)

can positively inﬂuence diversity attitudes

among White students, formal experiences

may be more pertinent for students of color.

Third, university administrators must provide

resources to enhance internal and external

support and coping mechanisms for South

Asian Canadian students, as well as students

from other visible minority and Aboriginal

groups. This might include providing re-

sources to campus cultural clubs, developing

campus support networks, establishing con-

crete procedures to deal with student griev-

ances, and offering coping skills training for

South Asian Canadian students. In sum, Ca-

nadian institutions of higher learning have a

pivotal role to play in drawing attention to the

negative effects of racial microaggressions

and fostering greater sensitivity and justice

among staff, faculty, and students.

References

Ahluwalia, M. K. (2011). Holding my breath: The

experience of being Sikh after 9–11. Traumatol-

ogy, 17, 41–46. doi:10.1177/1534765611421962

Allen, Q. (2010). Racial microaggressions: The

schooling experiences of Black middle-class males

in Arizona’s secondary schools. Journal of African

American Males in Education, 1, 125–143.

Alvarez, A. N., Juang, L., & Liang, C. T. H. (2006).

Asian Americans and racism: When bad things

happen to “model minorities.” Cultural Diversity

& Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12, 477–492. doi:

10.1037/1099-9809.12.3.477

Beharry, P., & Crozier, S. (2008). Using phenome-

nology to understand experiences of racism for

second-generation South Asian women. Canadian

Journal of Counselling and Psychotherapy, 42,

262–277.

Bhatia, S. (2008). 9/11 and the Indian diaspora: Nar-

ratives of race, place and immigrant identity. Jour-

nal of Intercultural Studies, 29, 21–39. doi:

10.1080/07256860701759923

Burdsey, D. (2011). That joke isn’t funny anymore:

Racial microaggressions, color-blind ideology and

the mitigation of racism in English men’s ﬁrst-

class cricket. Sociology of Sport Journal, 28, 261–

283.

Canadian Multiculturalism Act 4th Supplement, Re-

vised Statute of Canada. (1985, c. 24). Retrieved

from the http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/c-

18.7/p.-1.html

Carr, P. R. (2008). The “equity waltz” in Canada:

Whiteness and the informal realities of racism in

education. Journal of Contemporary Issues in Ed-

ucation, 3, 4–23.

Clark, D. A., Kleiman, S., Spanierman, L. B., Isaac,

P., & Poolokasingham, G. (2014). “Do you live in

a tee pee?” Aboriginal students’ experiences with

racial microaggressions in Canada. Journal of Di-

versity in Higher Education, 7, 112–125. doi:

10.1037/a0036573

Clark, D. A., Spanierman, L. B., Reed, T. D., Soble,

J. R., & Cabana, S. (2011). Documenting weblog

expressions of racial microaggressions that target

American Indians. Journal of Diversity in Higher

Education, 4, 39–50. doi:10.1037/a0021762

Constantine, M. G., Smith, L., Redington, R. M., &

Owens, D. (2008). Racial microaggressions

against Black counseling and counseling psychol-

207FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

ogy faculty: A central challenge in the multicul-

tural counseling movement. Journal of Counseling

& Development, 86, 348–355. doi:10.1002/j.1556-

6678.2008.tb00519.x

Constantine, M. G., & Sue, D. W. (2007). Percep-

tions of racial microaggressions among black su-

pervisees in cross-racial dyads. Journal of Coun-

seling Psychology, 54, 142–153. doi:10.1037/

0022-0167.54.2.142

Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and re-

search design: Choosing among ﬁve approaches.

(2nd ed.) Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Dei, G., Mazzuca, J., McIsaac, E., & Zine, J. (1997).

Reconstructing “drop-out”: A critical ethnogra-

phy of the dynamics of Black students’ disengage-

ment from school. Toronto, ON: University of To-

ronto Press.

di Tomasso, L. (2012). More equal than others: The

discursive construction of migrant children and

families in Canada. International Journal of Child,

Youth, and Family Studies, 3, 331–348.

Employment Equity Act, Statute of Canada. (1995, c.

44). Retrieved from http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/

eng/acts/E-5.401/p.-1.html

Esses, V. M., & Gardner, R. C. (1996). Multicultur-

alism in Canada: Context and current status. Geo-

graphical identities of ethnic America: Race,

space, and place (pp. 64–74). Reno, NV: Univer-

sity of Nevada Press.

Farver, J. A. M., Narang, S. K., & Bhadha, B. R.

(2002). East meets West: Ethnic identity, accultur-

ation, and conﬂict in Asian Indian families. Jour-

nal of Family Psychology, 16, 338–350. doi:

10.1037/0893-3200.16.3.338

Fenton, S. (1982). “Multi-something” education.

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 10, 57–

63. doi:10.1080/1369183X.1982.9975738

Fernandez, P. (2002). Asian Indian immigration to

Canada. In C. Pierce (Ed.), Television and educa-

tion (pp. 62–88). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Findlay, S., & Köhler, N. (2010, November 10). The

enrollment controversy. Maclean’s. Retrieved

from http://www.2.macleans.ca/2010/11/10/too-

asian/

Finn, R. L. (2011). Surveillant staring: Race and the

everyday surveillance of South Asian women after

9/11. Surveillance & Society, 8, 413–426.

Fischer, C. T. (2009). Bracketing in qualitative re-

search: Conceptual and practical matters. Psycho-

therapy Research, 19, 583–590. doi:10.1080/

10503300902798375

George, T., & Rail, G. (2005). Barbie meets the

bindi: Discursive constructions of health among

young South-Asian Canadian women. Women’s

Health and Urban Life, 4, 44–66.

Hays, D. G., & Singh, A. A. (2012). Qualitative

inquiry in clinical and educational settings. New

York, NY: Guilford Press.

Henry, F., & Tator, C. (2009). Racism in the Cana-

dian university: Demanding social justice, inclu-

sion, and equity. Toronto, ON: University of To-

ronto Press.

Hernández, P., Carranza, M., & Almeida, R. (2010).

Mental health professionals’ adaptive responses to

racial microaggressions: An exploratory study.

Professional Psychology: Research and Practice,

41, 202–209. doi:10.1037/a0018445

Hill, C. E., Knox, S., Thompson, B. J., Williams,

E. N., Hess, S. A., & Ladany, N. (2005). Consen-

sual qualitative research: An update. Journal of

Counseling Psychology, 52, 196–205. doi:

10.1037/0022-0167.52.2.196

Hill, C. E., Thompson, B. J., & Williams, E. N.

(1997). A guide to conducting consensual qualita-

tive research. The Counseling Psychologist, 25,

517–572. doi:10.1177/0011000097254001

Houshmand, S., Spanierman, L. B., & Tafarodi, R.

(in press). Excluded and avoided: Racial microag-

gressions targeting Asian international students in

Canada. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psy-

chology.

Human Resources and Skills Development Canada.

(HRSDC). (2006). Archived 2006 Designated Group

Proﬁles. Retrieved from http://www.hrsdc.gc.ca/eng/

labour/equality/employment_equity/tools/eedr/2006/

data_proﬁles/page06.shtml#sa

Janis, I. L. (1982). Groupthink: Psychological studies

of policy decisions and ﬁascoes. Boston, MA:

Wadsworth.

Kawakami, K., Dunn, E., Karmali, F., & Dovidio,

J. F. (2009). Mispredicting affective and behav-

ioral responses to racism. Science, 323, 276–278.

doi:10.1126/science.1164951

Krueger, R. A. (1998). Analyzing and reporting focus

group results. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. doi:

10.4135/9781483328157

Krueger, R. A., & Casey, M. A. (2009). Focus

groups: A practical guide for applied research,

Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Lee, K. V. (2008). White whispers. Qualitative Inquiry,

14, 896–900. doi:10.1177/1077800408321581

Lewis, J. A., Mendenhall, R., Harwood, S. A., &

Browne Huntt, M. (2012). Coping with gendered

racial microaggressions among Black women col-

lege students. Journal of African American Stud-

ies, 17, 1–23. doi:10.1007/s12111-012-9219-0

Lewis, K., & Burd-Sharps, S. (2013). American hu-

man development report: The measure of America

2013–2014. Retrieved from http://www.measureo

famerica.org/measure_of_america2013-2014/

Lin, A. I. (2011). Development and initial validation

of the Asian American racial microaggressions

scale (AARMS): Exploring Asian American expe-

rience with racial microaggressions (Doctoral dis-

sertation). Retrieved from http://academ

iccommons.columbia.edu/item/ac:141931

208 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic

inquiry. Beverly Hills, CA: Wadsworth Publishing

Company, Inc.

Lund, D. E. (2006). Rocking the racism boat: School-

based activists speak out on denial and avoidance.

Race Ethnicity and Education, 9, 203–221. doi:

10.1080/13613320600696813

Lund, D. E., & Carr, P. R. (2010). Exposing privilege

and racism in the great White North: Tackling

Whiteness and identity issues in Canadian educa-

tion. Multicultural Perspectives, 12, 229–234. doi:

10.1080/15210960.2010.527594

McCabe, J. (2009). Racial and gender microaggres-

sions on a predominantly White campus: Experi-

ences of Black, Latino/a, and White undergradu-

ates. Race, Gender & Class, 16, 133–151.

McGill Ofﬁce of the Deputy Provost for Student Life

and Learning. (2009). McGill University Student

Demographic Survey: Final Data. Retrieved from

http://www.mcgill.ca/studentlifeandlearning/

diversitysurvey

Moore, M. (2009). Everyday racism & racialized

ex-inmates: Obstacles to achieving anti-racist cor-

rectional social work practice (Master’s thesis).

Available from Open Access Dissertations and

Theses database. (Access No. 4357).

Morrow, S. L. (2005). Quality and trustworthiness in

qualitative research in counseling psychology.

Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 250–260.

doi:10.1037/0022-0167.52.2.250

Morrow, S. L. (2007). Qualitative research in coun-

seling psychology: Conceptual foundations. The

Counseling Psychologist, 35, 209–235. doi:

10.1177/0011000006286990

Nadal, K. L. (2008). Ethnic group membership, phe-

notype, and perceptions of racial discrimination

for Filipino and Chinese Americans| implications

for mental health. (Doctoral dissertation). Avail-

able from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses da-

tabase. (UMI No. 3333413).

Nadal, K. L., Grifﬁn, K. E., Hamit, S., Leon, J.,

Tobio, M., & Rivera, D. P. (2012). Subtle and

Overt Forms of Islamophobia: Microaggressions

toward Muslim Americans. Journal of Muslim

Mental Health, 6, 15–37. doi:10.3998/jmmh

.10381607.0006.203

Nadal, K. L., Wong, Y., Grifﬁn, K., Sriken, J., Var-

gas, V., Wideman, M., & Kolawole, A. (2011).

Microaggressions and the multiracial experience.

International Journal of Humanities and Social

Sciences, 1, 36–44x.

Pascoe, E. A., & Smart Richman, L. (2009). Per-

ceived discrimination and health: A meta-analytic

review. Psychological Bulletin, 135, 531–554. doi:

10.1037/a0016059

Patel, N. R. (2007). The construction of South-Asian-

American womanhood: Implications for counseling

and psychotherapy. Women & Therapy, 30, 51–61.

Pierce, C., Carew, J., Pierce-Gonzalez, D., & Willis,

D. (1978). An experiment in racism: TV commer-

cials. In C. Pierce (Ed.), Television and education

(pp. 62–88). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Ponterotto, J. G. (2005). Qualitative research in coun-

seling psychology: A primer on research para-

digms and philosophy of science. Journal of Coun-

seling Psychology, 52, 126–136. doi:10.1037/

0022-0167.52.2.126

Ponterotto, J. G. (2010). Qualitative research in mul-

ticultural psychology: Underpinnings, popular ap-

proaches, and ethical considerations. Cultural Di-

versity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 16, 581–

589. doi:10.1037/a0012051

Public Safety Canada. (2013, May 5). Currently

listed entities. Retrieved from http://www

.publicsafety.gc.ca/prg/ns/le/cle-eng.aspx#LTTE

Pushkin, D. B., & Colon-Gonzalez, M. H. (1998,

April). Access to knowledge and critical thinking

in general chemistry via social constructivism:

Pedagogical and curricular opportunities for mi-

nority science majors. Paper presented in the an-

nual meeting of the American Educational Re-

search Association, San Diego, CA.

Pyke, K., & Dang, T. (2003). “FOB” and “white-

washed”: Identity and internalized racism among

second generation Asian Americans. Qualitative

Sociology, 26, 147–172. doi:10.1023/A:10229

57011866

Ritchie, J., Lewis, J., & Elam, G. (2003). Designing

and selecting samples. In J. Ritchie & J. Lewis

(Eds.), Qualitative research practice: A guide for

social science students and researchers (pp. 77–

108). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Samuel, E. (2004). Racism in peer-group interac-

tions: South Asian students’ experiences in Cana-

dian academe. Journal of College Student Devel-

opment, 45, 407–424. doi:10.1353/csd.2004.0053

Samuel, E., & Burney, S. (2003). Racism, eh? Interac-

tions of South Asian students with mainstream fac-

ulty in a predominantly White Canadian university.

Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 33, 81–114.

Silver, M. A. (2002). Emotional competence, multi-

cultural lawyering and race. Florida Costal Law

Journal, 3, 219–244.

Solórzano, D., Allen, W. R., & Carroll, G. (2002).

Keeping race in place: Racial microaggressions and

campus racial climate at the university of California,

Berkeley. Chicano-Latino Law Review, 23, 15–111.

Spanierman, L. B., Neville, H., Liao, H., Hammer, J.,

& Wang, Y. F. (2008). Participation in formal and

informal campus diversity experiences: Effects on

students’ racial democratic beliefs. Journal of Di-

versity in Higher Education, 1, 108–125. doi:

10.1037/1938-8926.1.2.108

Statistics Canada. (2006). Population groups (28),

age groups (8), sex (3) and selected demographic,

cultural, labour force, educational and income

209FRESH OFF THE BOAT?

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

characteristics (309), for the total population of

Canada, provinces, territories, census metropoli-

tan areas and census agglomerations, 2006 Cen-

sus–20% sample data. (Catalogue No. 97–564-

XCB2006009). Retrieved from http://www.12

.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/

tbt/Rp-eng.cfm?LANG⫽E&APATH⫽3&DETAIL⫽

0&DIM⫽0&FL⫽A&FREE⫽0&GC⫽0&GID⫽

0&GK⫽0&GRP⫽0&PID⫽97615&PRID⫽0&

PTYPE⫽88971,97154&S⫽0&SHOWALL⫽0&

SUB⫽0&Temporal⫽2006&THEME⫽80&VID⫽

0&VNAMEE⫽&VNAMEF⫽

Stewart, D. W., Shamdasani, P. N., & Rook, D. W.

(2007). Focus groups: Theory and practice (2nd

ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Sue, D. W. (Ed.). (2010). Microaggressions in every-

day life: Race, gender, and sexual orientation.

Hoboken, NJ: Wiley and Sons.

Sue, D. W., Bucceri, J., Lin, A. I., Nadal, K. L., &

Torino, G. C. (2007). Racial microaggressions and

the Asian American experience. Cultural Diversity

& Ethnic Minority Psychology, 13, 72–81. doi:

10.1037/1099-9809.13.1.72

Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., & Holder, A. (2008).

Racial microaggressions in the life experience of

Black Americans. Professional Psychology: Re-

search and Practice, 39, 329–336. doi:10.1037/

0735-7028.39.3.329

Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Buc-

ceri, J. M., Holder, A., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin,

M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday

life: Implications for clinical practice. American

Psychologist, 62, 271–286. doi:10.1037/0003-

066X.62.4.271

Sue, D. W., Lin, A. I., Torino, G. C., Capodilupo,

C. M., & Rivera, D. P. (2009). Racial microag-

gressions and difﬁcult dialogues on race in the

classroom. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority

Psychology, 15, 183–190. doi:10.1037/a0014191

Sue, D. W., Nadal, K. L., Capodilupo, C. M., Lin,

A. I., Torino, G. C., & Rivera, D. P. (2008). Racial

microaggressions against Black Americans: Impli-

cations for counseling. Journal of Counseling &

Development, 86, 330–338. doi:10.1002/j.1556-

6678.2008.tb00517.x

Sundar, P. (2006). “To Brown it up” or “Brown it

down:” Identity Strategy in second generation,

South-Asian Canadian youth. (Doctoral disserta-

tion). Available from Theses and Dissertations

(Comprehensive) database. (Access No. 242).

Tewary, M., & Ahmed, I. (2006). Bindi dermatitis to

“chandan” bindi. Contact Dermatitis, 55, 372–374.

doi:10.1111/j.1600-0536.2006.00925.x

Tirone, S. (1999). Racism, indifference, and the lei-

sure experiences of South Asian Canadian teens.

Leisure, 24, 89–114. doi:10.1080/14927713.1999

.9651260

Torres, L., Driscoll, M. W., & Burrow, A. L. (2010).

Racial microaggressions and psychological func-

tioning among highly achieving African-Ameri-

cans: A mixed-methods approach. Journal of So-

cial and Clinical Psychology, 29, 1074–1099. doi:

10.1521/jscp.2010.29.10.1074

Townsend, S. S., Markus, H. R., & Bergsieker, H. B.

(2009). My choice, your categories: The denial of

multiracial identities. Journal of Social Issues, 65,

185–204. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.2008.01594.x

Tran, K., Kaddatz, J., & Allard, P. (2005). South

Asians in Canada: Unity through diversity. Cana-

dian Social Trends, 11, 20–25.

U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Counterterror-

ism. (2012, September 28). Foreign terrorist or-

ganizations. Retrieved from http://www.state.gov/

j/ct/rls/other/des/123085.htm

Utsey, S. O., Ponterotto, J. G., Reynolds, A. L., &

Cancelli, A. A. (2000). Racial discrimination, cop-

ing, life satisfaction, and self-esteem among Afri-

can Americans. Journal of Counseling & Devel-

opment, 78, 72–80. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.2000

.tb02562.x

Waldron, I. R. G. (2010). The impact of inequality on

health in Canada: A multi-dimensional framework.

Diversity in Health and Care, 7, 261–270.

Wang, J., Siy, J. O., & Cheryan, S. (2011). Racial

discrimination and mental health among Asian

American youth. In F. Leong, D. B. Qui, & H. E.

Fitzgerald (Eds.), Asian American and Paciﬁc Is-

lander children and mental health (Vol. 1, pp.

219–242). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.

Watt, S. K. (2007). Difﬁcult dialogues, privilege and

social justice: Uses of the Privileged Identity Ex-

ploration (PIE) model in student affairs practice.

College Student Affairs Journal, 26, 114–126.

Williams, D. R., Neighbors, H. W., & Jackson, J. S.

(2003). Racial/ethnic discrimination and health:

Findings from community studies. Academic Jour-

nal of Public Health, 93, 200–208. doi:10.2105/

AJPH.93.2.200

Williams, J. (1985). Redeﬁning institutional racism.

Ethnic and Racial Studies, 8, 323–348. doi:

10.1080/01419870.1985.9993490

Yosso, T. J., Smith, W. A., Ceja, M., & Solórzano,

D. G. (2009). Critical race theory, racial microag-

gressions, and campus racial climate for Latina/o

undergraduates. Harvard Educational Review, 79,

659–691.

Received July 26, 2013

Revision received February 3, 2014

Accepted May 27, 2014 䡲

210 POOLOKASINGHAM, SPANIERMAN, KLEIMAN, AND HOUSHMAND

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

The Traumatizing Impact of Racism in Canadians of Colour

Article

Full-text available

Jun 2022

Purpose of Review While research has identified racial trauma in other contexts, it is often overlooked amongst Canadian society. Racial trauma occurs as a result of an event of racism or cumulative events over time whereby an individual experiences stress and consequent mental health sequelae. Given that the BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and/or Person of Colour) population in Canada is increasing, it is imperative to identify racial discrimination and the subsequent stress and trauma associated with being racialized in Canada, which subjects BIPOC Canadians to various forms of racism, including microaggressions. Recent Findings This paper reviews the published literature on racism and racial discrimination that identifies or infers racial trauma as the source of the mental health implications for various groups (e.g., Indigenous people, Black Canadians, Asian Canadians, immigrants, and refugees). In addition, intersectionality of racialized persons is prominent to their psychological well-being as their psychosocial and socioeconomic position are complex. Therefore, this paper both provides insight into the Canadian experience as a person of colour and signifies the need for further research on racial trauma in a Canadian context. Summary Despite Canada’s emphasis on multiculturalism, racialized individuals are at risk for racial trauma due to prejudice and discrimination. The politicization of multiculturalism has permitted Canada to deny claims of racism, yet the historical basis of established institutions results in irrefutable systemic and systematic barriers for Canadian people of colour.

After Pierce and Sue: A Revised Racial Microaggressions Taxonomy

Article

Full-text available

Sep 2021

Harvard psychiatrist Chester Pierce’s conception of “subtle and stunning” daily racial offenses, or microaggressions, remains salient even 50 years after it was introduced. Microaggressions were defined further by Sue and colleagues in 2007, and this construct has found growing utility as the deleterious effects of microaggressions on the health of people of color continues to mount. Many studies seek to frame microaggressions in terms of a taxonomic analysis of offender behavior to inform the assessment of and interventions for the reduction of racial microaggressions. This article proposes an expansion and refinement of Sue et al.’s taxonomy to better inform such efforts. We conducted a review of published articles that focused on qualitative and quantitative findings of microaggressions taxonomies ( N = 32). Sixteen categories of racial microaggressions were identified, largely consistent with the original taxonomy of Sue et al. but expanded in several notable ways. Building on our prior research, other researchers supported such new categories as tokenism, connecting via stereotypes, exoticization and eroticization, and avoidance and distancing. The least studied categories included the denial of individual racism from Sue et al., and newer categories included reverse-racism hostility, connecting via stereotypes, and environmental attacks. A unified language of microaggressions may improve understanding and measurement of this important construct.

Reviewing Racial Microaggressions Research: Documenting Targets’ Experiences, Harmful Sequelae, and Resistance Strategies

Article

Sep 2021

In this article, we review the theoretical and empirical literature on racial microaggressions from 2007 to 2020 ( N = 138 articles). First, we refine racial microaggressions theory and update the definition to address mischaracterizations in the literature and clarify the term (i.e., “micro” refers to microlevel interactions rather than degree of harm). Next, we used four superordinate categories (i.e., pathologizing differences, denigrating and pigeonholing, excluding or rendering invisible, and perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes) in which to situate racial microaggression themes from the extant literature. Moreover, we consolidated and renamed existing themes to privilege targets’ perspectives (e.g., facing assumptions of inferior status and enduring exoticization). We then synthesized qualitative and quantitative research that shows harmful sequelae of racial microaggressions (i.e., psychological and physiological symptoms). Extending prior research on coping with gendered racial microaggressions, we describe empirical findings on collective, resistance, and self-protective strategies to mitigate the harmful impact of racial microaggressions. We conclude with directions for future research.

Outsiders-insiders-in between: Punjabi international students in Canada navigating identity amid intraethnic tensions

Article

Feb 2021

Marom Lilach

This study explores the experiences of Punjabi international undergraduate students (PIS) at a Canadian university (KPU). Many PIS choose to study at KPU because of its proximity to one of the largest Punjabi communities in the Indian diaspora. By drawing on the concept of ‘intraethnic othering’, the article demonstrates that while the proximity of an ethnic community of the same origin was an important source of support, the large influx of PIS created new tensions with the older, more established community. It highlights the need for universities to move beyond business models when recruiting international students in order to consider the ways in which international students’ intraethnic relations might impact their academic trajectory and adjustment to the host country.

Gendered racial microaggressions, internalized racism, and suicidal ideation among emerging adult Asian American women

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2022
INT J SOC PSYCHIATR

Background: Despite suicide being the leading cause of death among emerging adult Asian American women (AAW), little is known about the risk factors. Aim: We tested whether gendered racial microaggressions stress (GRMS) would be associated with AAW’s suicidal ideation, and whether internalized racism (self-negativity, IRSN; weakness stereotypes, IRWS; and appearance bias, IRAB) would exacerbate this link based on self-devaluating implications of internalized racism. Method: Using a sample of 309 AAW (Mage = 20.00, SD = 6.26), we conducted a moderated logistic regression with GRMS predicting suicidal ideation (endorsement or no endorsement) and the three internalized racism factors (IRSN, IRWS, and IRAB) as moderators. Results: GRMS significantly predicted suicidal ideation with a threefold increase in the odds of suicidal ideation. Only IRSN significantly exacerbated this link at low to mean levels. Conclusion: Gendered racial microaggressions is likely a risk factor for suicidal ideation among AAW, particularly for those who internalize negative images of themselves as Asian individuals.

Stereotypes and Intercultural Relations: Interdisciplinary Integration, New Approaches, and New Contexts

Book

Full-text available

Nov 2021

With increasing interconnectedness of the world, intensifying migration flows and the rise of the right-wing populism in many countries, the topic of intercultural relations has become more and more relevant. Cultural and linguistic diversity brings both opportunities and challenges by, on the one hand, enriching human communication and enhancing societies’ creative potential, and on the other hand, bringing rapid change, threatening the status quo and demanding adaptation to the new circumstances from all members of multilingual and multicultural societies.At the heart of these intercultural relations are stereotypes. Stereotyping is a cognitive mechanism that underlies all aspects of intercultural processes: the way we perceive members of other groups shapes our attitudes and behavior towards them. This position stereotypes at the beginning of a sequence of psychological processes: cognition (stereotypes); affect (attitudes); and actions (discrimination). The fundamental role that stereotypes play in attitude formation and discrimination makes them an important target for scientific inquiry.Stereotypes are complex in nature. They are affected by psychological, sociocultural, sociolinguistic and geopolitical processes, which makes the study of stereotypes relevant to researchers from various disciplinary backgrounds. A vast body of literature accumulated so far illuminates the processes of stereotype formation and activation, their content and functions, their antecedents and consequences. However, the studies of stereotypes are scattered across various research areas: social, (cross-)cultural and cognitive psychology, ethnic studies, sociology, intercultural communication and management, social neuroscience, and others. Researchers working within these areas often use different terminology and diverging theoretical and methodological approaches. The lack of integration and interdisciplinary debate hinders the development of this field of research.The current book aims to bring together researchers from different disciplinary, theoretical and methodological backgrounds to create a space for exchange and integration of ideas. We welcomed contributions on the role of stereotypes in intercultural relations, including on cultural-ecological variations in stereotyping, how ethnic stereotypes are formed and maintained, how they change and what role they play in intergroup relations, intercultural communication, and acculturation processes. We believe this collection will contribute to the convergence of these research streams and will set directions for the further development of these fields separately.

The India Face Set: International and Cultural Boundaries Impact Face Impressions and Perceptions of Category Membership

Article

Full-text available

Feb 2021

This paper serves three specific goals. First, it reports the development of an Indian Asian face set, to serve as a free resource for psychological research. Second, it examines whether the use of pre-tested U.S.-specific norms for stimulus selection or weighting may introduce experimental confounds in studies involving non-U.S. face stimuli and/or non-U.S. participants. Specifically, it examines whether subjective impressions of the face stimuli are culturally dependent, and the extent to which these impressions reflect social stereotypes and ingroup favoritism. Third, the paper investigates whether differences in face familiarity impact accuracy in identifying face ethnicity. To this end, face images drawn from volunteers in India as well as a subset of Caucasian face images from the Chicago Face Database were presented to Indian and U.S. participants, and rated on a range of measures, such as perceived attractiveness, warmth, and social status. Results show significant differences in the overall valence of ratings of ingroup and outgroup faces. In addition, the impression ratings show minor differentiation along two basic stereotype dimensions, competence and trustworthiness, but not warmth. We also find participants to show significantly greater accuracy in correctly identifying the ethnicity of ingroup faces, relative to outgroup faces. This effect is found to be mediated by ingroup-outgroup differences in perceived group typicality of the target faces. Implications for research on intergroup relations in a cross-cultural context are discussed.

Photo Documentation While Brown: Fear and Data Collection in (white male) USA

Article

Jun 2022
CRIME DELINQUENCY

Rita Shah

In late summer of 2018, I embarked on a project that involved analyzing probation and parole offices. The original purpose was to understand how architectural features of these offices keep them hidden from the public. As no such data set existed, I created my own by driving to offices and photographing them. This paper discusses the challenges of conducting this photo documentation project, paying special attention to how concerns of fear and safety impacted the data-generation process. I provide an embodied account of how my personhood relates to a social science research question and offer a methodological intervention on the risks of conducting visual criminological studies. I conclude by discussing the broader implications for qualitative criminological research and the field.

Daily self-compassion protects Asian Americans/Canadians after experiences of COVID-19 discrimination: Implications for subjective well-being and health behaviors

Article

Dec 2021

Asians are not immune to racial discrimination and discrimination against Asians has heightened during the COVID-19 pandemic because they were blamed as the origin of the virus. A pre-registered 14-day diary explored if self-compassion was associated with subjective well-being and protective behaviors for Asians (U.S. & Canada) who faced COVID-19 discriminations (N = 82 & ndiaries =711). Participants reported discriminations experience for 28% (U.S.) and 25% (Canada) of their days. Daily self-compassion predicted daily subjective well-being despite COVID-19 discrimination experience. Daily self-compassion predicted increased COVID-19 protective behaviors on days Asian Americans experienced COVID-19 discrimination. Daily acceptance, but not daily reappraisal, explained the link between daily self-compassion and daily subjective well-being. These findings could not be accounted for by daily self-esteem.

Mitigating racial microaggressions on campus: Documenting targets’ responses

Article

Dec 2021
NEW IDEAS PSYCHOL

In this qualitative study, the authors examined responses to racial microaggressions among undergraduate Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) (N = 36) at a large Canadian university. To this end, we employed the consensual qualitative research method (CQR; Hill et al., 2005; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997; Hill, 2012) among seven focus groups. Canadian undergraduate student participants, who self-identified as East Asian (n = 7), South Asian (n = 7), Arab (n = 9), Black (n = 7), and Indigenous (n = 6), expressed four strategic responses to racial microaggressions: using humor to mitigate tension, seeking community and solidarity for support, avoiding or withdrawing for protection and confronting perpetrators and challenging stereotypes. Findings demonstrated the dialectic between avoiding and confronting racial microaggressions, the nuanced role of using humor as a response strategy, and the importance of social support for BIPOC students. Findings are consistent with and extend current proposals of microinterventions. Social identity markers and power dynamics influenced students’ response strategies. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.

The Measure of America: American Human Development Report, 2008-2009

Book

Jul 2008

Reconstructing 'Dropout': A Critical Ethnography of the Dynamics of Black Students' Disengagement from School

Book

Jan 1997

Surveillant staring: Race and the everyday surveillance of South Asian women after 9/11

Article

Apr 2011

Rachel L. Finn

This article explores young South Asian women’s accounts of being subject to surveillance within a post-September 11th United States political framework, using a combination of surveillance studies and a postcolonial studies attention to practices of racialization and belonging. It looks at non-technological practices of person-to-person surveillance of South Asian women by non-authoritative white Americans. The article discusses young women’s accounts of feeling ‘stared at’ by other Americans in public space, and examines how the effects of this surveillance relates to young women’s identities as South Asians in America. The article argues that citizen surveillance practices have racialized outcomes for young women of South Asian descent that sometimes consolidates a South Asian racial subjectivity within the US. The fieldwork also uncovers an extension of arguments about racialized surveillance to consider cultural bodily practices and clothing artifacts alongside racial identity.

Naturalistic inquiry

Book

Jan 1985

Qualitative inquiry & research design: Choosing among five approaches

Book

Jan 2007

John W. Creswell

Qualitative research practice: A guide for social science students and researchers

Article

Jan 2003

Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied Research

Book

Jan 2000

The Construction of South-Asian-American Womanhood:: Implications for Counseling and Psychotherapy

Article

Jun 2007
WOMEN THER

Neesha Patel

Keeping race in place: Racial microaggressions and campus racial climate at the University of California, Berkeley

Article

Jan 2002

Racism in the Canadian university: Demanding social justice, inclusion, and equity

Book

Jan 2009

The mission statements and recruitment campaigns for modern Canadian universities promote diverse and enlightened communities. Racism in the Canadian University questions this idea by examining the ways in which the institutional culture of the academy privileges Whiteness and Anglo-Eurocentric ways of knowing. Often denied and dismissed in practice as well as policy, the various forms of racism still persist in the academy. This collection, informed by critical theory, personal experience, and empirical research, scrutinizes both historical and contemporary manifestations of racism in Canadian academic institutions, finding in these communities a deep rift between how racism is imagined and how it is lived. With equal emphasis on scholarship and personal perspectives, Racism in the Canadian University is an important look at how racial minority faculty and students continue to engage in a daily struggle for safe, inclusive spaces in classrooms and among peers, colleagues, and administrators.

"Fresh Off the Boat?" Racial Microaggressions That Target South Asian Canadian Students

Abstract and Figures

Recommendations

White racial justice allies

Illinois Longitudinal Diversity Project

Emotions of White Racism

Microaggressions

South Pacific (review)

When Positive Stereotypes Threaten Intellectual Performance: The Psychological Hazards of "Model Min...

The Hypersexuality of Race: Performing Asian/American Women on Screen and Scene (review)

Up against Whiteness: Students of Color in Our Schools