Beyond the Mass Tourism Stereotype

Abstract

Low-priced tour packages are mass tourism power projection sites where providers attempt to restrict tourist power. This study adopts a hybrid design that incorporates dual analytic autoethnography and blog analysis, sharing not only the authors’ experiences and insights into the negotiation between supplier attempts to disempower tourists and reciprocal efforts of tourists to self-empower in all-inclusive tour packages, but also viewpoints of other tour participants collected during the tours and from the Internet. Tour experiences were negotiated through power exchanges. In this “powerscape,” we were subjected to disempowerment strategies, including domination, intimidation, reliance creation, and trust building, while our self-empowerment ranged from active resistance to nonresistance. Different disempowerment strategies appear to solicit specific reactions. Our exploratory study provides insight into the power dynamics implicit in mass tourism and identifies several contextual factors that shape power relationships.

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Journal of Travel Research
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DOI: 10.1177/0047287515592971
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Empirical Research Articles
Introduction
All-inclusive package tours, combining fixed-price transpor-
tation, accommodation, guides, and sightseeing, are funda-
mental to contemporary mass tourism (Dwyer, King, and
Prideaux 2007; R. Buckley 2014) and reinforce stereotypes
of rigidity, predictability, and consumer manipulation (Poon
1993). A Chinese variant, “zero-dollar tours,” grossly mis-
represents actual costs by pricing below operational costs
(Chen, Mak, and Guo 2011). This is enabled by diverting
tour groups to designated shops that pay sales commission to
tour operators (Dwyer, King, and Prideaux 2007). While pur-
chases are at the discretion of individual shoppers, guides
attempt to manipulate tourists through various selling strate-
gies (Huang, Hsu, and Chan 2009). Such practices are par-
ticularly prominent in Asian market and destination contexts
such as South Korea, China, Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong,
Thailand, and Indonesia, where all-inclusive package tours
are a ubiquitous component of evolving mass tourism indus-
tries (Chen, Mak, and Guo 2011; Dwyer, King, and Prideaux
2007; Wang, Hsieh, and Huan 2000). Contrary to views that
tourists exercise power over hosts (Cheong and Miller 2000),
low-priced tour packages therefore are power projection
sites where providers are especially incentivized to restrict
tourist power. These tours are increasingly popular among
overseas Chinese visiting China. The 41 million overseas
Chinese (OCAC 2014) constitute a substantial share of inter-
national visitors to China, where target strategies have been
developed (Huang 2012; Liang 2012). Through the experien-
tial accounts, reflections, and interpretations of the authors
and significant others, we analyze the negotiation between
supplier attempts to disempower tourists and reciprocal tour-
ist efforts to self-empower.
Literature Review
Tourism, in all its manifestations, is a dynamic and mediated
process rife with underlying tension and maneuvering. Power
can be soft or hard, and expressed individually or organiza-
tionally. Soft power is the ability to get others to do what you
want them to do through co-option (Keohane and Nye 1998;
Nye 2004), relying on shaping perceptions and behavior
(Nye 2008). It is an “authority or power-to act which is used
to invoke centuries-old thought lines and longstanding ways
of seeking and knowing the world” (Hollinshead 2011,
1115). Kwek, Wang, and Weaver (2014) demonstrate the
application of soft power to influence package tourist shop-
ping behavior through gift-baiting and storytelling
that promote alleged cultural values and health benefits. In
592971JTR
XXX10.1177/0047287515592971Journal of Travel ResearchWang et al.
research-article2015
1
Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management, Griffith
University, Queensland, Australia
Corresponding Author:
Ying Wang, Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management,
Griffith University, Gold Coast campus, Queensland 4222, Australia.
Email: ying.wang@griffith.edu.au
Beyond the Mass Tourism Stereotype:
Power and Empowerment in Chinese
Tour Packages
Ying Wang
1
, David B. Weaver
1
, and Anna Kwek
1
Abstract
Low-priced tour packages are mass tourism power projection sites where providers attempt to restrict tourist power. This
study adopts a hybrid design that incorporates dual analytic autoethnography and blog analysis, sharing not only the authors’
experiences and insights into the negotiation between supplier attempts to disempower tourists and reciprocal efforts of
tourists to self-empower in all-inclusive tour packages, but also viewpoints of other tour participants collected during the
tours and from the Internet. Tour experiences were negotiated through power exchanges. In this “powerscape,” we were
subjected to disempowerment strategies, including domination, intimidation, reliance creation, and trust building, while our
self-empowerment ranged from active resistance to nonresistance. Different disempowerment strategies appear to solicit
specific reactions. Our exploratory study provides insight into the power dynamics implicit in mass tourism and identifies
several contextual factors that shape power relationships.
Keywords
power, (dis)empowerment, overseas Chinese, shopping, China, package tours
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2 Journal of Travel Research
contrast, hard power is exercised coercively through threats
and sanctions (Nye 2008), manifested in aggressive, persis-
tent, and unidirectional selling.
Foucault’s conception of power did not explore isolated
phenomena or conscious application of power as power per
se, but focused on the underrecognized normalization of
power in everyday encounters (Hollinshead 1999). He
argued from a structural perspective that power relationships
evolve through interactions between involved parties/agents
and are therefore socialized, internalized, and dynamic
(Cheong and Miller 2000). Tourists are often subjected to
education, instruction, persuasion, advice, scrutiny, and
coercion. Lukes (2006) proposed three views on power, pos-
iting its value-dependency and ubiquity. “One-dimensional”
views (Power Modification) regard power as a function of
behavior applied to modify the behavior of others within
decision-making processes where conflicts of interest are
observable. The person with more power prevails. “Two-
dimensional” approaches (Power Agenda) highlight the pos-
sibility of agenda-shaping to influence decision making by
those with power. Barriers are created and reinforced to pre-
vent those without power from airing discontent and resist-
ing. “Three-dimensional” approaches (Power Contradiction)
recognize that people sometimes act willingly in ways that
appear contrary to self-interest. The powerful can therefore
elicit desired behavior in the powerless without coercion or
forcible constraint through pervasive ideology or false con-
sciousness. This view implicates both observable and latent
conflicts as well as subjective and overt actor interests (Lukes
2006).
For power to be observed or felt, power imbalances must
exist between implicated parties (Dowding 2006). Power is
exercised through such dominant-submissive relationships
to advantage the dominant party. Power can be gained by
manipulating people through actions but also acquired
through inactions (Lukes 2006), as when one withholds a
requested action or information to amplify the submissive-
ness of the other. Such “inactions,” difficult to measure and
observe, merit analytical caution. Lukes (2006) argues that
intentions to use power to one’s advantage are critical. Power
is a universal concept, but its practice and interpretation is
culturally mediated.
The modernization of tourism has created invisible but
ubiquitous mediated power sites (Hollinshead 1999). Service
providers one-dimensionally act as the powerful party with
overt intentions to influence shopping behavior. Two-
dimensionally, they attempt such influence by fostering reli-
ance and preventing tourists from voicing discontent. Power
is reflected three-dimensionally when tourists willingly pur-
chase overpriced goods because they deem this as normative.
It is the latter that most influences package tourists because it
emphasizes the social nature of power through latent behav-
ior and conflict. According to Lukes (1974, 21–22), “the bias
of the system is not sustained simply by a series of individu-
ally chosen acts, but also, more importantly, by the socially
structured and culturally patterned behavior of groups, and
practices of institutions.”
Tourist reliance on frontline service providers for expert
advice (Huang, Hsu, and Chan 2009) enables the manifesta-
tion of “expert power” (Grønmo and Ölander 1991;
Rezabakhsh et al. 2006). For example, providers can capital-
ize on tourists’ understandings of Chinese cultural values
whereby gift-buying is a cultural expectation (Kwek and Lee
2013). Chinese tourists are collectivist and hence more
inclined to purchase goods for others over themselves
(Nayeem 2012; Tynan et al. 2010). Their decision making is
also more influenced by family and friends (Nayeem 2012).
Guides and operators, consequently, can exploit collectivist
tendencies to manipulate purchasing behavior. Zero-dollar
providers further mediate such dynamics through coercion,
cheating, lying, aggression, and misrepresentation (Chen,
Mak, and Guo 2011). Such unethical service sabotage is
widespread and cross-cultural. Those without sufficient des-
tination knowledge are less likely to recognize, question, or
challenge exploitation (Harris 2012). This has ethical impli-
cations, and Macbeth (2005) recognizes the need to examine
tourism stakeholders’ moral positions. Morality has been
raised in the broad context of Asian tourist markets (Dwyer,
King, and Prideaux 2007), but not the associated power
tactics.
Low-priced tours may include nonlawful actions such as
threats and aggressive behavior, locking tour members inside
designated shops to force sales, or abandoning the noncom-
pliant. More usually, however, they occupy an ambiguous
moral “middle ground.” Zero-dollar tours are described as
“flagrant breaches of consumer rights and business ethics”
(Zhang, Yan, and Li 2009, 749) and “a parasitic phenome-
non” (Zhang, Heung, and Yan 2009, 366), but it can also be
argued that a “buyer beware” attitude should prevail given
media exposure and “commonsense” logic that absurdly low
prices are not risk-free. What some perceive as victimization,
accordingly, might be construed alternatively as due punish-
ment for greed or gullibility. To address unethical practices,
the Chinese central government implemented the Tourism
Law of the People’s Republic of China in October 2013,
while some local tourism bureaus have imposed limits on
shopping venue numbers in tour itineraries (http://travel.
sohu.com/s2012/lvyougouwu/).
Tourist empowerment counteracts unethical service provi-
sion. Grønmo and Ölander (1991) and Rezabakhsh et al.
(2006) have conceptualized consumer power, but more rele-
vant is Hjalager’s (2001) two-way relationship between busi-
nesses and tourists to improve experience quality based on
assumed consumer empowerment. Ironically, tourists can be
empowered through tour operators, who “have the advantage
of understanding the requirements of a single market, unlike
the facility or destination that will usually get customers from
many countries” (Hjalager 2001, 290). While independent
organizations exist in some countries to empower tourists and
protect consumers, their effectiveness is questionable.
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Wang et al. 3
Regulatory bodies and standards are also relevant, while the
Internet is increasingly influential in facilitating tourist
empowerment (Umit Kucuk and Krishnamurthy 2007).
Oppressive power is often resisted through self-empower-
ment, even among the disadvantaged. Stigmatized consum-
ers can enable self-empowerment through resignation,
confrontation, enclave withdrawal, mainstream engagement,
concealment, escapism, hedonism, spiritualism, and nostal-
gia (Henry and Caldwell 2006). These occur independently
or simultaneously and associate with specific consumption
patterns. Disempowerment in tourism settings, including
mass tourism, may not be as relentless or difficult to rectify
but can induce similar reactions. Such behavior, whether
normative or deviant, is influenced by unconscious and inter-
nal conflicts between satisfying personal instinctual drives
and social demands. When subjected to power exercise, vari-
ous adaptive (sublimation, altruism) or distorting (denial,
rationalization) psychological defense mechanisms are spon-
taneously activated (Uriely, Ram, and Malach-Pines 2011).
Self-empowerment can also be facilitated by sharing and
learning, developing friendships, and incubating feelings of
solidarity in safe spaces (de Wet and Parker 2014).
Self-empowerment is important in consumer studies, but
shopping research focuses on expectations and satisfaction
(Van Riel et al. 2012), retail setting influences (Urano, Saito,
and Hoshino 2012), and online shopping (Kacen et al. 2013).
Attempts have been made to conceptualize consumer power
(Grønmo and Ölander 1991) and understand how the Internet
changes power dynamics (Rezabakhsh et al. 2006), but there
is scant research on power relationships incorporating both
vendor and shopper perspectives. Foucault’s view that power
is omnipresent implies its ubiquity in tourism (Cheong and
Miller 2000), yet such research remains incipient (Marzano
and Scott 2009), yielding themes such as stakeholder power
struggles in policy making, planning, and branding (Marzano
and Scott 2009), and community empowerment (Reed 1997).
Resistance to tourism is reflected in efforts by residents to
collectively ameliorate tourism impacts (Joseph and Kavoori
2001) and to use open or veiled resistance against aggressive
tourists (Maoz 2006). These studies provide insight into
stakeholder power exercise, but do not take a holistic or
reciprocal approach.
Research on power tactics used by travel agents and tour
guides to influence purchasing is limited. Prideaux et al.
(2006) attribute unethical practices to the exercise or nonex-
ercise of power by various package tourism industry/market
players. Power imbalance between wholesale travel agents,
retail travel agents, and inbound tourism organizations per-
tains, as does minimal government intervention. However,
such research does not address micro-level power imbal-
ances between service providers and tourists. This is likely to
influence tourist experience, which adversely influences
postpurchase outcomes such as complaining, word of mouth,
and repeat visitation (Szymanski and Henard 2001). Our
study investigates the power dynamics of overseas
Chinese-only tour packages offered in China, identifying
disempowerment and empowerment techniques adopted by
service providers and tourists.
Methods
Prevalent positivist or postpositivist viewpoints in research
on Chinese tourists (Kwek and Lee 2010; Wang and Davidson
2010a, 2010b) may limit understanding of the meaning con-
struction, deconstruction, and reconstruction needed to com-
prehend non-Western experiences (Phillimore and Goodson
2004). Acknowledging the diversity and complexity of over-
seas Chinese group tours, an interpretive social constructivist
viewpoint was adopted which assumes that everyone experi-
ences a different reality in the socially constructed world
(Jennings 2010). This enables deeper understanding of the
factors that simultaneously inform and influence touring
experiences, and how related meanings are constructed and
deconstructed. A dual analytic autoethnography supple-
mented with an analysis of blog entries suits this qualitative
investigation. The subjective and multifarious nature of tour-
ism underpins autoethnography’s momentum in tourism
research (R. Buckley 2012; Coghlan and Filo 2013).
Autoethnography allows researchers to live the experience
and therefore better understand context and social construc-
tions (Coghlan 2012). An insider’s perspective is more likely
to yield insight given the passivity and reserve of many eth-
nic Chinese (Chang 2009). To gain this emic perspective,
two of the authors participated in separate tours purchased
respectively in the United States and Australia.
Tour A (Researcher 1, January 2012) was an eight-day
excursion to Beijing with 33 predominantly China- or
Taiwan-born Chinese residing in Australia, New Zealand, or
North America. Tour B (Researcher 3, December 2011), with
26 overseas Chinese from Australia or Indonesia, started in
Beijing and ended nine days later in Shanghai. Both tours
were priced below cost and included intensive shopping. The
primary data collection method was participant observation.
Covert observation is appropriate for sensitive topics, espe-
cially if it occurs in public and subjects cannot be identified
(Holloway, Brown, and Shipway 2010). We adopted a modi-
fied covert approach where tour members were made aware
of our university connections but did not know the exact
nature of the research. This was due to the sensitive topic,
patently unethical practices of providers, and risks of verbal
and physical abuse (Mok and Lee 2014). However, when-
ever tour participants inquired about our intentions, we dis-
closed that we were indeed conducting research on
shopping-intensive tours. Revealing identity to the providers
would also likely alter their behavior and hence the attendant
power dynamics. This approach allowed us to observe power
interactions in realistic settings to obtain “uncontaminated”
data and protect ourselves from intimidation. Covert obser-
vation has been used to study nude beach bathing (Andriotis
2010) and volunteering at a children’s refuge (Tomazos and
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4 Journal of Travel Research
Butler 2010, 2012). To protect them from harm, no partici-
pants are identified. Research design and conduct complied
with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human
Research and Griffith University’s research ethics manual.
We acknowledge limitations such as accepting other partici-
pants’ explanations for events, focusing on frequently occur-
ring events, and losing subjectivity through emotional
attachment to particular members (Drew, Hardman, and Hart
1996). We attempted to compensate by member-checking,
cross-checking between participant researchers, and
self-reflection.
It is important in autoethnography to reveal researcher
characteristics (Caelli, Ray, and Mill 2008). Researcher 1
(first author), born in mainland China, has resided in
Australia since 2001. Educated in China and overseas, she
understands Chinese and Western culture. Raised in a high
power-distance society, she accepts hierarchical power struc-
tures, tends to respect authority, and admits regular submis-
sions to power exercise even when self-interest is
compromised. Researcher 3 (third author), a bilingual
Singaporean of Chinese heritage, has resided in Australia
since 1998. She has extensive industry experience and
research interests in Chinese tourism. She received Western
education and is assertive, but her Chinese heritage allows
her to navigate between high and low power-distance situa-
tions. Neither researcher had prior experience with shop-
ping-intensive tours. Both joined the tours assuming varying
levels of cultural familiarity among group members. This
was confirmed by observation and conversation. Those from
Greater China were more familiar with Chinese business
practices and culture/values, while others exhibited less
understanding and appreciation. Researcher 2 (second
author) is an Australian of European descent who helped to
develop and refine the conceptual framework, interpret data,
and identify patterns. We acknowledge that our gazes are
influenced by Eurocentrism because of our exposures to
Western socio-cultural values.
Autoethnographic research offers critical insider perspec-
tives but is criticized for lacking analytical and theoretical
rigor (Atkinson 2006; Delamont 2007). Accordingly, we
adopted Anderson’s (2006) analytic autoethnography, which
requires researchers to have (1) integration into the investi-
gated social world; (2) analytic reflexivity, developing con-
nections to the situation and reflecting on relationships
between researcher and researched; (3) narrative visibility in
both situation and written text; (4) dialogue with other infor-
mants to inform social knowledge; and (5) commitment to
theoretical analysis. Researchers 1 and 3 were decidedly
engaged with tour members and intermediaries in the partic-
ipant-as-observer realm. Travel diaries noted participant
observation, conversations, and self-reflections on their own
and other members’ interactions with intermediaries. A stan-
dard checklist informed data collection by providing obser-
vation and interview guidelines, including topics for
interviews, areas of observations, and note-taking protocols.
Informal member-checking was conducted frequently with
informants to authenticate preliminary fieldwork interpreta-
tions (Jennings 2010).
As participant researchers we developed friendship and
empathy with informants while conducting unstructured and
Figure 1. Coding process.
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Wang et al. 5
informal interviews and conversations. These conferred con-
firmability and credibility, advanced knowledge beyond our
own understanding, and enabled us to identify and interro-
gate behavior patterns that reflect adopted cultural norms and
values (Silverman 2001). Reflectivity, a critical component
of analytical autoethnography influenced by a priori assump-
tions (Anderson 2006; Tribe, Xiao, and Chambers 2012;
Tribe and Xiao 2011), is important in theory building as
incipient themes are constantly refined and constructed the-
ory reconceptualized. Difficulties in measuring power
dynamics (Lukes 2006) make immersive data collection
techniques critical for delineating the emotions, tensions,
and conflicts experienced by researchers and tour members.
Our innovative hybrid framework enhances credibility
and authenticity through data and analyst triangulation
(DeBerry-Spence 2010). Through the autoethnographic
component, researchers 1 and 3 collected empirical data
from themselves and other tour participants. The secondary
analysis uses promotional materials and blogs from past
tours, highlighting the voices of “significant others.”
Exploratory, naturalist, and unobtrusive, it aims to under-
stand insider perspectives within online communities (Wu
2014). We conducted a Google search using the keywords
“cheap tours,” “China,” “overseas Chinese,” “shopping
tours,” and combinations. Only travel blogs directly compa-
rable to the tours undertaken were included, determined by
reference to low-cost intensive shopping, similar itineraries,
and timing within one year before or after the researched
tours. Twelve blogs on Chinese- and English-language web-
sites popular among overseas Chinese (e.g., sina.com,
superlife.ca, ipeng.com, and wenxuecity.com) generated 115
pages of material.
Data were interpreted by both participant-researchers
through thematic analysis, thus clarifying emergent themes
and allowing for interanalyst verification. Manual scrutiny
and NVivo were used to identify, code, and group patterns
(Corbin and Strauss 2008). Concrete surface texts were
open-coded, then grouped into axial codes to express struc-
tural meaning (Neuman 2003) (Figure 1). Constant compari-
son then established emergent themes or reflective codes
(Glaser and Strauss 1967). The participant-researchers inde-
pendently analyzed the evolving data set to reduce potential
bias and ensure authenticity and goodness of fit (Corbin and
Strauss 2008). Through data and analyst triangulation, we
addressed concerns over objectivity, reliability, and authen-
ticity in qualitative research (Miles and Huberman 1994).
“We” in the next section represents the two participant-
researchers and in the final section represents all authors.
Results
Figure 2 depicts revealed themes, including disempower-
ment strategies, self-empowerment strategies, and negotia-
tions between them.
Disempowerment Strategies
Service intermediaries variably attempted to disempower
members through hard power impositions and soft power
manipulations.
Figure 2. Powerscape in Chinese tour package setting.
Note: Arrows between panels indicate tour members’ responses to disempowerment strategies.
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6 Journal of Travel Research
Imposition: Domination and Intimidation. Power exercise here
is overt and conflicts with member interests; suppliers “own”
power to force desired shopping behavior.
Domination. Domination was demonstrated in the follow-
ing incident:
At this factory, our tour guide introduced and explained how silk
blankets are made. He was also the principal salesman. When
members were considering whether or not to buy, he became
irrational and agitated, shouting to the members that if they are
not going to buy, they should leave immediately and not waste
time. It seemed like a good tactic as almost all bought a silk
blanket except a small group. To those who did not purchase
any, he scorned them. (Group B, field notes, day 7)
Researcher 3 reflected,
I have a strong feeling that he works for the silk factory and not
the tour company. I am aware that shopping venues such as these
offer tour operators free tour guides, with the agreement that the
tour operators agree to take members to their shops. It is a win–
win situation for both parties, although when practiced like that,
it can be quite aggressive and intimidating. When I refused to
buy, both the tour leader and guide constantly glared at me. I was
quite uncomfortable with that sort of behavior.
Another example is from a blogger:
It was robbery! Several elderlies were locked in the bus. The
driver locked the door. They cannot even go to the toilet. . . . . In
xxx (shop name withheld) in Shanghai, because of our lack of
interest in recommended Chinese medicine, the lunch time was
deliberately postponed to 3pm!! Is this so-called “non-
compulsory shopping”??? (bbs.ifeng.com)
Members simply succumbed on occasion to such force, as
reflected in group conversation field notes:
The local guide stopped us for a group photo, which she
suggested is a request of the tourism bureau for quality
management purpose. It was so cold (–13°C). We did as
requested, but all suspected that this is just another money-
making opportunity. We were right. Later at lunch, she came
back with a booklet containing the group photo and a DVD of
local sceneries, selling it for RMB70 (approx. US$11.5). (Group
A, field notes, day 5).
These tourists were resigned and accepted whatever the
guide recommended as normative or a consequence of cheap
tour costs. Researcher 3 questioned the profitability of sell-
ing the group photos, but researcher 1 felt that their actions
reflected institutional pressure and low package price, forc-
ing them to resort to any money-making opportunity. In a
sense, this rendered them more powerless than tour
members.
Intimidation. In the following, the guide intimated that
behavior nonconformant to Chinese norms would attract
repercussion. Researcher 3 felt intimidated:
Upset that a member has discouraged another from buying a
pearl necklace at a shopping stop, the tour guide openly hinted
repercussion for those who undermine sales effort. He recited
how he once managed an un-cooperative female member, who
told others not to buy things at designated shops as it could be
bought cheaper elsewhere. The member also allegedly distributed
Falungong
1
pamphlets to other tour members. Refusing to stop
the pamphlet distribution, he reported her to the police and she
was extradited from China. He told members, “Do you understand
what I am saying, don’t you agree that she deserved what she got.
As tourists to China, I hope you can respect and follow our rules,
and try and be cooperative.” (Group B, field notes, day 6).
Domination and intimidation were sometimes used simulta-
neously for greater effect:
On our way to Wuxi today, the tour leader tried to sell us an
optional tour—a boat ride and an acrobatic show. Most members
felt it was too expensive and were not interested as we have all
just been to one acrobatic show.
The tour guide was visibly upset that members did not support
him. He told the group, “It’s ok; it’s not a big deal. It’s fine if you
guys don’t want to go or support me. We won’t talk about it
anymore. I don’t want to force you. It’s fine, it’s fine. We won’t
talk about it.” He then went back to his seat and refused to talk.
After much discussion, all members decided to buy the optional
tour as no one wanted an angry tour leader. Though they were
unhappy with his attitude, the group as a whole decided to let it
go and not let this distasteful episode ruin the trip. (Group B,
field notes, day 5)
Researcher 1 regarded this as guilt-generating manipulation.
However, researcher 3 perceived both intimidation and dom-
ination, given contextual factors like intimidating body lan-
guage and attitude. Members who succumbed to this power
imposition repeatedly recounted in group conversations their
fear of and anxiety from experiencing such practices, clearly
indicating—in confirmation of researcher 3—their negative
psychological impacts. Similarly, a blogger shared her feel-
ing about a tea shop:
We were led into a room about 15 square meters in size. . . .
Bang, the door shut. I immediately felt nervous, I felt like a
turtle caught in a jar. . . . It was similar to those timeshare sales
sessions, the pressure was huge. . . . Don’t know how long it
went for, a tour member opened door and walked out, we all fled
the room following him. (vanpeople.com).
Manipulation: Creation of reliance and trust building. We
observed orchestrations by providers to create perceptions of
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Wang et al. 7
reliance that make tourists transfer their power to them.
Power exercises are less visible and located in providers’
capacity to create and reinforce barriers.
Creation of reliance. By accommodating tourists away
from downtowns, operators hindered tourists from access-
ing competitors and comparing prices. We were constantly
reminded that hotel locations were determined by low tour
prices, and travel to downtown would be at our own cost.
Operators thus shifted the constraint to us and set the agenda
for shopping at designated venues. Barrier reinforcement
occurred where our guide skillfully crafted an agenda around
the package and employed subtle precautionary anecdotes:
You will see many small shops and street hawkers. Be careful!
They may give you Taiwanese dollars, Vietnamese Dong, or
even counterfeit notes as change. I will not be able to help if that
happens because it is hard to prove that they did it.
Please don’t bring up those sensitive topics, especially in the
Tiananmen Square. . . . Don’t get yourselves in trouble.
This is China, a country with the second highest road accident
rate in the world. More than 100,000 people died in road accident
every year. Thirteen people died here yesterday. Rules are just
rules; cars do not necessarily stop at Zebra crossing. . . . The
situation is different here. (Group A, field notes, day 2)
Researcher 1 reflected:
I feel the whole point is to shape a perception that we will only
be safe if we stick together and stay with him. This renders us
helpless to prevent us from venturing out on our own. If this was
my first visit to China, I would be pretty scared. The DMOs
probably won’t be too thrilled about this scare campaign. Just
think of the images these members are going away with! . . . We
are basically in an enclave with all these barriers set up around
us. Those designated shops are enjoying monopolistic power
over us.
Trust building. Orchestrations were observed within each
shopping episode to build trust, as illustrated in a jade fac-
tory visit:
Upon arrival at the factory, we were welcomed by the boss
himself. As visitors to his shop, we are like his friends. As
friends, he would not sell us anything, but take us for a walk
around his shop. We were puzzled by this behavior. We were
also taken aback when he gifted all of us with a jade pendant and
declared that he was going to sell us quality jade necklaces a
tenth of the retail price; his salesgirls expressed shock and
horror. All members rushed up to buy these jade necklaces.
After buying jade necklaces, some members started to look at
the jewellery on display. At this, the boss and his sale staff began
their hard selling on those people who showed interest. One
member later mentioned that during price negotiation, the boss’
demeanour changed from a softly spoken man to a very
persistent and aggressive salesman. They were shocked and
bewildered at the change. (Group B, field notes, day 8)
Researcher 3 saw attempts to modify attitudes and behav-
ior. Reversing stance allows the shops to sell their products
more effectively. Friendship claims lower resistance, pres-
suring members to purchase. Gifting solidified the buyer–
seller relationship, but also relaxed buyers. Off-guard,
members become more vulnerable to selling tactics.
Trust-building occurs when tour members are manipu-
lated to exhibit trust in a provider, eliciting enthusiasm and
agreeability even when in conflict with self-interest. In
euphoric states, members willingly purchased overpriced
goods, truly believing in their quality and value:
Overall, our tour guide skilfully projected himself as a facilitator,
not a dominator. His style seemed to have been well-received by
members, given the thank-you-letter that everyone signed. One
good thing about [operator name withheld] is he never pushed us
to buy, either waiting outside the shop or entertaining those who
were not interested in shopping. Like other members, I have no
doubt that he is part of the selling strategy. It is interesting to see
that even those who were consciously aware of his involvement
were still happy with his service (Group A, reflection, day 8).
Group A also experienced a jade shop episode similar to
what was described earlier. The set agenda was almost iden-
tical, but some members’ responses differed:
“I know, the jade (gifting of jade pedant) is a seed the owner
planted, but the shop sells quality stuff. They are all real. It
cannot go wrong at this price!” He tried to convince us there
were good buys, almost acting like an agent for the shop. When
we suggested that this could be a scam, he became agitated and
started defending the shop. In another incident, a female member
was so taken in by the shop’s strategy that despite her husband’s
advice insisted on buying expensive jade bangles. The husband,
fearing big and irrational purchases, had to seek help from other
members to discourage his wife. (Group A, field note, day 5)
“Recruitment” strategies facilitated by the ability to gain
irrational trust from weaker members were observed:
It was a bizarre scene. Some members seemed brainwashed,
spending irrationally in the shop. The success of this strategy is
dependent on shop’s ability to identify and win the trust of those
who are easily persuaded. Those most responsive to this selling
strategy seemed to be those with least experience with China. It
was also interesting to note that these members have taken upon
themselves to defend the shop’s agenda, noticeably offended
when others commented negatively on the products. Our
warning of inflated prices was dismissed as being baseless. . . .
Yet, when one member showed trust in sales person, other
members became suspicious of his motive and opposed him.
(Researcher 1, reflection, day 5)
Embedding Chinese culture into products also influenced
evaluation, especially for the superstitious. One member
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8 Journal of Travel Research
(male) said that “I really like jade. Did you notice the sculp-
ture at the entry yesterday? Most people would think that it is
just another big sculpture, but it conveys the meaning of
‘good luck on a roll.’ It is an excellent sculpture!” (Group A,
field notes, day 6).
Shopping venues also attempted to project socially
responsible images to create trust. In Beijing, service staff at
a heritage tea house solicited sales successfully with a slowly
unfolding sales strategy:
We were introduced to the history of tea, the Way of tea making,
health benefits of tea drinking, and charity programs the
company has been financially supporting. We tasted six tea
types. After 45 minutes of tasting and demonstration, five pretty
young girls entered the room in traditional tribal costumes to sell
us tea. . . . They were a little pushy, but nothing too uncomfortable,
we could certainly say no. But in the end we all bought
something. (Group A, field notes, day 2)
Researcher 1 reflected that “the shops’ strategies were
successful because instead of an aggressive hard sell
approach, they also capitalized on the members’ cultural
connectedness, focused not only on the health benefits of tea
drinking but also on building a socially responsible brand
image to gain members’ trust” (Group A, reflection, day 2).
Bloggers noted similar trust-building strategies:
He (the salesman) said that after Wenchuan earthquake, overseas
Chinese donated a huge amount of money to Wenchuan. His
boss also donated 25 million Chinese Yuan (www.vanpeople.
com).
The jewellery shop owner and his entire team welcomed the
group at the entrance. Because the shop arranged an appraiser
with national-level certificate to answer our questions, Mr
[name withheld] bought an ancient piece of jade for over
CA$2000 without suspicion (www.vanpeople.com).
This piece was valuated below CA$100 by appraisers in
Vancouver posttrip. The tour member was eventually
refunded after rounds of negotiation with the shop.
Self-empowerment Strategies
Members exhibited diverse responses to forced shopping in
attempting to self-empower, consciously or subconsciously.
Three levels of resistance were observed.
Active resistance: Confrontation and subversion. Confrontation
occurred often as assertive direct refusal to purchase, espe-
cially in early tour stages as responses to hard power projec-
tions. Here, members exhibit strong will to exercise power
directly, as by blatantly refusing to buy:
The sales person said that this (the silk quilt cover) is the best
one can find in China, but I told her that I saw much better quilt
covers made from a special type of cotton in Shanghai. (Group
A, field notes, day 6)
In a group conversation immediately afterwards, this
member gloatingly told others how she resisted and did not
succumb to pressure. Commonly, sales personnel would
shadow members to induce buying, but several assertively
told them to desist.
Group B members’ initial reactions to domination or
intimidation were resistance and noncooperation. When the
guide tried to force-sell an optional tour, members resisted.
However, this was not prolonged, as they became fearful of
consequences. Similarly, though disliking how the guide
promoted silk blankets, many succumbed to these domineer-
ing tactics. Members sometimes surrendered to pressure, as
described earlier.
Another form of active resistance is subversion, with sim-
ilar strong will to exercise power, but indirectly by under-
mining and overriding intermediary efforts. A common
example was mutual encouragement not to buy:
To induce sympathy, the shop owner told us how his parents
died in an earthquake, how he was born premature, and his six
years of study in a Buddhist Monastery. We found the owner’s
life story too dramatic. It made us even more suspicious of the
owner’s background. Then we warned others not to fall in the
trap the shop set up (Group A, field notes, day 5).
Passive resistance: Indifference, avoidance, submission/resignation,
bargaining tactics, and appeasement. Indifference entails non-
participation, low enthusiasm, disinterest, and responsibility
shifting. Men commonly deflected buying pressure to
spouses:
We sat down for tea but quickly became the target of a sales girl.
A male member quickly rejected the girl by saying that “you are
not talking to the right person, go after the wives please, this is
women’s territory.” (Group A, field notes, day 2)
Avoidance is highly effective. Excuses to avoid interac-
tion with intermediaries included faked sickness, pretending
not to understand Chinese, and other blogger suggestions:
Making up an excuse works sometimes as well, such as visiting
the restroom or simply staying outside of the store till the entire
group has exited the store (www.virtualtourist.com).
Because I can never resist salesman’s persuasion, I would bring
no more than two or three thousands RMB and leave all bank
cards at the hotel (www.wenxuecity.com).
Bargaining strategies include befriending guides, attach-
ing oneself to an avid shopper, bantering with sales people or
faking interest to defuse pressure. Some tried to “befriend
the tour guide, not only in the hope of getting preferential
treatment, gathering more information, and also easing
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Wang et al. 9
themselves out of the pressure to buy” (Group B, field notes,
day 3).
Appeasement, reflecting weak will to exercise power, is
demonstrated by buying to minimal expectations, or selec-
tively purchasing cheap and easily consumable products
such as keychain holders and confectionary. At a jade shop,
“feeling obliged to buy something because of the owner’s
gifting of jade pedant, many bought the crystal bracelet that
was on sale for RMB100 (approx. US$16)” (Group A, field
notes, day 5).
Nonresistance: Accommodation and co-option. This reflects
weak will to exercise power, with members willingly pur-
chasing overpriced products. At a Hangzhou tea plantation,
group B members did not resist the sale of tea products deliv-
ered by a soft-spoken and professionally dressed man who
presented tea-specialist credentials. He presented as highly
trained, educated, and very convincing. Despite expensive
prices, most members made purchases. Similar dynamics
were described by a blogger:
The audience responded positively to the salesman’s highly
enthusiastic sales pitch. The oldest tour member (83 years old)
in our group from Australia was very cooperative, going on
stage to be treated for his aches . . . in the end he obligingly
bought a large number of medicinal pads. The tour guide was
extremely happy. (www.vanpeople.com)
Differences between accommodation and co-option
implicate the nature of trust in intermediaries. Co-opted
members exhibit irrational trust and influence others to pur-
chase. Co-option is exemplified in an episode described ear-
lier where a member actively defended the shop and
persuaded others to buy. Reflecting the tours’ ethical ambi-
guity, member reactions and negotiations ranged from acqui-
escence and support to overt resistance and sabotage.
Negotiated Experiences
Member experiences are negotiated between supplier
attempts to disempower members and reciprocal efforts,
individually and/or collectively, to self-empower. Different
disempowerment strategies solicited specific reactions.
Domination resulted in active and passive resistance, includ-
ing confrontation, subversion, indifference, avoidance, sub-
mission/resignation, and bargaining, to appeasement.
“Hard-to-hard” confrontation episodes usually created dis-
satisfaction, as evidenced in forced “optional” tours.
Alternatively, intimidation and reliance creation attracted
passive resistance that avoided direct conflict with intermedi-
aries through indifference, avoidance, submission/resigna-
tion, bargaining, and appeasement. While not satisfying,
these are less confrontational than domination–active resis-
tance relationships. Furthermore, members tended to appease,
accommodate, or co-opt when intermediaries successfully
adopted a trust-building strategy. If adopted unsuccessfully,
members remained sceptical and acted indifferently, but still
recognized intermediaries’ soft power efforts. Trust-building
more effectively creates satisfying experiences for members
than other strategies. In the tea plantation, jade factory, and
medicinal shop, members were highly satisfied with their
purchases because they genuinely accepted the products and
their associated benefits. We observed all identified strategies
and interactions in both groups but noticed differences in
adoption strategies, as elaborated below.
Discussion and Conclusion
The multiple-lens approach to identifying power-related pat-
terns in shopping-intensive Chinese tour packages recog-
nizes the latter as social constructs requiring methodologies
conducive to multiple and subjective constructions of mean-
ings, including those adduced in the postexperience phase
(Pearce 2014). Both participant-researchers acknowledged
altered pretrip perceptions, researcher 1 asking, “Would I
behave differently after this experience?” She speculated
that she probably would because of insights gained, believ-
ing that she became more tactical in sales situations. The
observed complexity of power exchanges within the tour,
together with her own position regarding power, has allowed
her to develop empathy toward sales personnel who she sus-
pected were coerced by supervisors. Additionally, it is not
always a unidirectional power projection from providers to
customers as often portrayed in the literature; customers do
“push back,” possessing and exercising power, sometimes
excessively as in overly aggressive price negotiations. Yet
this is not clear-cut; she empathizes with some personnel but
is careful not to be disadvantaged.
Researcher 3 joined the tour negatively biased by word-
of-mouth information. She opposes hard-sell practices and
already felt intimidated pretrip because of personal inexperi-
ence. Intimidation from some providers reinforced her view
of compromised ethics in such practices, amplified by the
authoritarian setting. Posttrip, this negativity was slightly
revised on realization that most threats were impossible to
execute. She felt it very irresponsible of providers to exploit
members’ ignorance of Chinese political reality, which nega-
tively affected her overall perception of China.
We conclude from diverse situational and retrospective
evidence that tour experiences are negotiated between sup-
pliers’ ongoing attempts to disempower members, and recip-
rocal efforts to self-empower. Online blogs confirm the
strategies identified during the tours. Such explicit power
interplays, not previously recognized in the tourism litera-
ture, reveal the diversity, agency, proactive tendencies, and
flexibility of mass tourists (Swarbrooke and Horner 2007;
Vainikka 2013), further dispelling long-held stereotypes of
homogeneity, docility, and reactivity (Poon 1993; Turner and
Ash 1975). Disempowerment strategies (which perhaps
assume the stereotype) include domination, intimidation,
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10 Journal of Travel Research
reliance creation and trust building, while self-empowerment
ranges from active resistance to nonresistance. Self-
empowerment, conscious and subconscious, is often sponta-
neous (de Wet and Parker 2014; Harris 2012; Henry and
Caldwell 2006; Uriely, Ram, and Malach-Pines 2011), as
observed when members avoided certain merchants, encour-
aged other members not to buy, or feigned interest to disori-
ent vendors. Differing from host resistance classifications of
Joseph and Kavoori (2001) and Maoz (2006), our study
explores resistance from mass tourist perspectives. Identified
strategies reflect Lukes’ (1974) three power relations. First,
both intermediaries and members tried to modify each oth-
er’s behavior (Power Modification). Second, visible agendas
were orchestrated by intermediaries to influence members’
behavior, while member orchestrations were usually more
discreet (Power Agenda). Finally, Power Contradiction was
manifest in incidents where members acted contrary to
self-interest.
Figure 3 models negotiated shopping experiences, con-
textualizing interactions of projected provider disempower-
ment and member self-empowerment in a matrix where the
y-axis represents soft/invisible to hard/visible power, and the
x-axis, low-to-high resistance. Group A members, with lived
experience in Greater China, exhibited the most cultural
familiarity. We therefore further differentiate the groups by
cultural familiarity, with group A exhibiting less dissatisfac-
tion with the shopping component.
Group A power interactions are relatively soft and invis-
ible, and only possible when providers can read situations
and act accordingly to elicit attitudes. We believe that opera-
tors understand this target market and tailor strategies
accordingly. One guide cleverly distanced himself from the
shop when members exhibited discontent with the overstay.
Familiar with Chinese norms, group A members recipro-
cated with equally soft reactions, tolerating repressive
power, being more receptive to forced shopping, and acting
tactically around intermediaries. They also better appreci-
ated the offered products as culturally meaningful. Later,
members became even more habituated and resigned
through repeated exposure to shopping, being less intimi-
dated and less dissatisfied with intensive shopping. This
also reflects soft power strategies of providers to induce
more accommodating responses, they being aware that
hard-fisted strategies may backfire with this market.
Accordingly, group A members locate in the lower left
quadrant of their matrix where “invisible power” and “low
resistance” intersect in sales interactions, producing less
dissatisfaction with the shopping component.
Influenced by Western values emphasizing consumer
power, group B members were more resistant but less resil-
ient to aggressive selling and easily intimidated, feeling
powerless and finding it hard to accept loss of power.
Members often behaved defiantly. Dissatisfaction arose in
hard power exchanges when neither party was willing to
compromise. Efforts to regain power only attracted increased
provider pressure. Negative perceptions of the communist
system, exacerbated by restricted understanding of China’s
business, social, and legal structures, fostered uncertainty,
helplessness, and apprehension. We noted that members gen-
erally progressed from initially confrontational or defiant
reactions to eventual submission or appeasement, and
accompanying dissatisfaction with the shopping component.
This temporal pattern was also observed in group A, but is
more dramatic in members born outside China. Their removal
from Chinese culture also accounts for their inability to con-
nect meaningfully with the culturally infused products pro-
moted in the tours.
Consistent with Foucauldian views that power is unstable
(Cheong and Miller 2000), we noticed fluidity in member
responses to disempowerment efforts and in intermediary
reactions to those responses. Notable were collective exer-
cises of member power. When a member was snubbed by the
guide for not purchasing, other group B members showed
solidarity, instigating the guide to imply that local authorities
may penalize uncooperative members. This demonstrates the
guide’s lack of skill and flexibility, and explicit exploitation
of members’ inexperience. His aggressive behavior engen-
dered distrust, intimidation, and exasperation. Such power
exchanges were highly stressful for members; how they cope
Figure 3. The negotiated shopping experience.
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Wang et al. 11
depends on both individual emotional intelligence and group
cohesion.
Managing Shopping Experiences: Mitigating
Factors
Low price signals low quality and negative experience
(Chen, Mak, and Guo 2011); often blamed are practices
imposed to achieve low price by incorporating intensive
shopping components in tours to cover operational costs.
Nevertheless, dissatisfaction with shopping does not neces-
sarily equate to overall tour dissatisfaction (Kwek, Wang,
and Weaver 2014). We argue that operationalization, and not
intensive shopping itself, underlies member discontent. To
effectively manage shopping experiences, six influential fac-
tors must be considered (Figure 3).
To reduce potential friction, tour conditions must be trans-
parent at point-of-purchase. Miscommunication and intent to
conceal details from members were evident. Group B mem-
bers were aware of the tour’s shopping emphasis. Researcher
3 confirmed this with the travel agent but was assured that
members had no obligation to buy. The itinerary for group B,
however, disguised the shopping component, with the jade
shop phrased as Asia’s largest jade exhibition center. Failure
to meet this verbal assurance produced an expectation/prod-
uct delivery gap. In contrast, group A’s itinerary emphasized
compulsory visits to designated shopping venues but no obli-
gation to purchase. Several members assumed that such vis-
its would not exceed one per day and evaluated the shopping
component accordingly. Violation would inevitably result in
disconfirmation of expectation.
Disconfirmation in shopping induces dissatisfaction
(Machleit and Eroglu 2000), producing negative posttrip
word-of-mouth behavior. In our case, disconfirmation aris-
ing from unwillingness to execute advertisement promises,
and service intermediaries’ ham-fisted style, incited confron-
tation and defiance by some members in early tour stages,
particularly in group B. The identified disempowerment and
self-empowerment strategies demonstrate the effects of hard
power exchanges on members’ shopping experience and sat-
isfaction. Tactics implemented by service intermediaries
solicit sales but do not optimize tour experiences, and may
damage destination image. Short-sighted business practices
impact not only the long-term viability and sustainability of
inbound tourism but also China’s image among overseas
Chinese. Government regulation is therefore required to
avoid sabotage of China’s soft power aspirations. China
introduced the Tourism Law partly to address such concerns,
but its long-term effectiveness cannot yet be evaluated, some
operators retaining unethical practices through loopholes and
creative reinvention.
Hjalager (2001) contends that tour operators are responsi-
ble for empowering tourists. We believe that service interme-
diaries understand their actions’ negative consequences but
are motivated by financial gain and member complacency.
Operators therefore cannot be relied upon to empower. The
observed tours corroborate Harris (2012), who found wide-
spread “service sabotage” by employees in all tourism sec-
tors, but probably implemented in more disconcerting and
systematic ways. Dissatisfied members are aware of com-
plaint avenues but do not see the value of investing further
time to overcome difficult compensation barriers. This gener-
ates negative word-of-mouth advertising detrimental to desti-
nation reputation. Encouraging and facilitating feedback from
consumers is pivotal to service quality monitoring and recov-
ery, and regulatory bodies and standards must be established
to protect and empower tourists (Hjalager 2001).
Effective management of members’ emotions requires
staff development and training in interpersonal skills and
emotional labor. Member–provider power exchanges may be
interpersonal, but provider willingness to exercise hard
power is strengthened by perceived government complicity.
Feelings of intimidation derive from beliefs that the state
may punish “misbehavior.” Posttrip reflections deemed these
as irrational, but they came naturally during the lived experi-
ence. Tourism is especially effective for communicating cul-
ture and values, and meaningful tour experiences must
connect tourists to these values in personal ways that foster
deep emotional attachment (Tussyadiah 2014). Intimidation
episodes reflect ineffectiveness in China’s exercise of soft
power through tourism. Reliance on suppliers created
through projections of an unsafe China similarly undermines
the state effort. We argue that intermediaries can mobilize
positive emotions to minimize dissatisfaction that otherwise
results from ham-fisted disempowerment.
As discussed earlier, members’ tolerance for disempower-
ment varies according to cultural background, and prior
experience and knowledge of China. Different reactions
observed in groups A and B may also be explained by differ-
ing expectation and acceptance of power-distance (Menon
and Bansal 2007). Group A members, born in a more hierar-
chical society, tend to accept power inequalities. Tourism
authorities and destination marketers must empower those
who are likely to be victims of this power inequality, through
improved communication using diversified channels before
and during the trip. Hotlines for travel information/com-
plaints could be provided in frequented locations. Authorities
could also require tour contracts/itineraries to display dis-
pute-resolution mechanisms.
Although group A members connected meaningfully
with the offered cultural products, group B members dis-
played disinterest, highlighting that providers must expand
their product range to appeal to overseas Chinese. We also
argue the importance of intermediaries’ interpersonal skills
as highlighted in the failure of some employees to adjust
their situational responses. Appropriate training would fos-
ter more adaptive behavior. For long-term sustainability, the
public and private sector both have an ethical imperative to
minimize unethical business practices. China’s Tourism Law
and guide licensing system reflect efforts to create an
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12 Journal of Travel Research
environment conducive to ethical business behavior, but
their effectiveness is influenced by actions and attitudes of
individual businesses. Industry codes of conduct should be
established in accordance with Chinese philosophical tradi-
tions such as Confucianism that emphasize honorable
behavior based on ethics and harmony. This would resonate
with recent attempts to reinvigorate Confucianism as an
ethical, cultural, and political nation-building anchor
(C. Buckley 2014). Regular educational and awareness
campaigns can also help promote ethical behavior among all
stakeholders.
Our study contributes to the literature by identifying the
reciprocal power dynamics that attend package tours, incorpo-
rating actor relations into understandings of tourist experience.
Modelling power exchanges across different service interac-
tions and sales strategies, and identifying attendant contextual
factors, are key contributions. These contributions go beyond
the narrow context of Chinese mass tourism packages to bene-
fit all destinations and tourism settings where power imbal-
ances are observed. Also innovative is the dual autoethnographic
approach, which allows immersion in diverse power exchanges
and enables analytical and theoretical development. This
design reveals how the interplay of disempowerment and self-
empowerment contributes to understanding tourist satisfaction.
Shopping is an economic activity, but members’ experiences
derive from power exchanges and how effectively they negoti-
ate these within contexts of nationality, connectedness, emo-
tional intelligence, psychological resilience, and cultural
understanding. We propose the concept of powerscape as the
multifaceted geographical, sociocultural, economical, and psy-
chological context within which these exchanges occur, includ-
ing diverse mass tourism contexts such as low-cost package
tours and other inclusive products where such power-related
interactions are seemingly ubiquitous and influential in con-
trast to persistent residual stereotypes.
Figure 3 also provides an inductive framework for extend-
ing power-related research. Power exercises evoke psycho-
logical and emotional responses, which deserve further
interrogation. We observed a progression in members’
response to power; however, more research is needed to bet-
ter understand this evolution, for example, drawing on
Chinese cultural values of Face and Harmony (Kwek and
Lee 2015). We followed strict protocols in conducting the
research and claim high inductive reliability in the model,
subject to deductive validations. For instance, our qualitative
evidence identifies various factors that influence tolerance to
hard power, including cultural background, prior experience
and knowledge, and skills of intermediaries. Their effects
need to be quantitatively verified. Another worthy topic is
whether members’ ethical stances influence their own per-
ception of power relations.
Author Note
All three authors contributed equally to the research.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to acknowledge the financial support of the
Griffith Institute for Tourism.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The
authors would like to acknowledge the financial support of the
Griffith Institute for Tourism
Note
1. The Falun Gong movement is a religious sect prohibited in China.
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Author Biographies
Ying Wang is Senior Lecturer in sustainable tourism. Her research
focuses on destination marketing and management as well as
responsible business practices and Chinese tourism.
David B. Weaver is Professor of Tourism Research in the Department
of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management. He specializes in sustain-
able tourism, ecotourism and destination development.
Anna Kwek is a lecturer in the Department of Tourism, Sport and
Hotel Management, Griffith University, with interests in cultural
studies, Chinese tourism and tourism destination image.
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