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Human Ecology
An Interdisciplinary Journal
ISSN 0300-7839
Hum Ecol
DOI 10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x
Vernacular Taxonomy, Classification
and Varietal Diversity of fig (Ficus carica
L.) Among Jbala cultivators in Northern
Morocco
Y.Hmimsa, Y.Aumeeruddy-Thomas &
M.Ater
1 23
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Vernacular Taxonomy, Classification and Varietal Diversity
of fig (Ficus carica L.) Among Jbala cultivators
in Northern Morocco
Y. Hmimsa &Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas &M. Ater
#Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012
Introduction
Interactions between societies and their natural environment
have led to the development of complex traditional agro-
ecosystems with a high level of agrodiversity (Brookfield
2001) linked to landscape mosaics which favour sustainabil-
ity (Perfecto and Vandermeer 2010). In the Mediterranean
region, ecological and evolutionary interactions since the
Neolithic between humans and biodiversity have produced
coupled bio-cultural landscapes (Blondel 2006). Domestica-
tion in that region took place through selection of biological
traits for a large diversity of crops including cereals, pulses
and trees (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). Crop intraspecific
diversity in traditional farming systems contributes to risk
avoidance strategies through the selection of adapted agro-
nomic properties. Crop diversity also relates to sociocultural
values and functions such as food preferences, ceremonial
uses, identity or patrimony (Gibson 2009; Heckler and Zent
2008), as well as levels of interest within each society
among individuals (Emperaire and Peroni 2007) and the
reproductive biology of specific crops. Mediterranean fruit
trees are allogamous and vegetative propagation is a major
method for selecting and maintaining advantageous traits
(Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975).
Feral or wild crop relatives of Ficus carica,Olea euro-
paea or Castanea sativa are preserved in traditional agro-
ecosystems for a variety of purposes ranging from religious
to practical uses, favoring gene flow between the wild or
feral and clonally propagated varieties. Sexual recombina-
tions between wild, feral and clonally propagated varieties
favor the emergence of new varieties (Aumeeruddy-Thomas
2010; Aumeeruddy-Thomas et al.2012). Studies pertaining
to other vegetatively propagated crops, especially tubers in
tropical regions, demonstrate the complementary role of
vegetative and sexual reproduction in producing new culti-
vars (Caillon et al.2006; McKey et al.2010).
In the Mediterranean region, figs, olives, dates, grapes
and almonds were the first perennial plant species to be
domesticated (Zohary and Hopf 2000). Compared to the
roles of cereals the importance of tree interspecific and
intraspecific diversity for the development of Mediterranean
societies has been little discussed (Bouby and Ruas 2012).
The existence of 1275 olive cultivars described to date in the
Mediterranean region (Bartolini et al.1998) shows the im-
portance of olive intraspecific diversity at the regional level.
In Morocco, 194 fig and 60 olive genotypes are known
(Khadari et al. 2008b; Achtak et al. 2010). Intraspecific
diversity of fruit trees in the Mediterranean region has been
attributed to their cultural, economic and religious impor-
tance since ancient times. Condit (1947) monograph on the
fig provides a comprehensive account of the importance
of Ficus carica in legends and folklore. The sociocultural
importance of fruit trees is discussed by numerous authors in
classical texts on agronomy (e.g., Plinius Natural History and
Columnella De Re Rustica) and in historical and ethnobotan-
ical studies (Gsell 1914; Bellakhdar 2003). Nevertheless, no
comprehensive study examines the underlying sociocultural
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article
(doi:10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x) contains supplementary material,
which is available to authorized users.
Y. Hmimsa :M. Ater
University Abdelmalek Essaadi,
Tétouan, Morocco
Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas (*)
Centre d’Ecologie Fonctionnelle et Evolutive, CNRS UMR 5175,
Montpellier, France
e-mail: yildiz.thomas@cefe.cnrs.fr
Hum Ecol
DOI 10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x
Author's personal copy
processes and concrete practices supporting the existence of
intraspecific tree agrodiversity in contemporary Mediterranean
societies.
We examine cultivation in northern Morocco of Ficus
carica, the Mediterranean fig, one of the earliest trees to
have been domesticated in Eastern Mediterranean region
(Zohary and Hopf 2000). Kislev et al.(2006) trace fig
domestication to 11000 B.P. in the Eastern Mediterranean
region, suggesting that easy propagation of fig trees by
cuttings would have facilitated early domestication. Ficus
carica is naturally distributed around the Mediterranean
Basin. It is a dioecious tree that has a specific interaction
with Blastophaga psenes L., a pollinating wasp that com-
pletes part of its life cycle in the male fig (Kjellberg et al.
1987), as well as a specific parasite (Philotrypesis caricae L.)
(Joseph 1958). Some fig varieties produce two crops, a first
crop of parthenocarpic figs in spring and parthenocarpic or
non-parthenocarpic figs in summer-autumn while other vari-
eties produce only one summer-autumn crop. Parthenocarpy
is known to be a syndrome of domestication for Ficus carica.
Our research, which was undertaken as part of an inter-
disciplinary project with geneticists (Khadari et al.2008a;
Achtak et al.2010), shows that cultivated Moroccan fig
varieties are closely related to wild varieties from the western
Mediterranean region, which, together with evidence of the
presence of wild fig tree populations prior to domestication,
suggests that the fig was also domesticated in this region
(Khadari et al.2005). Based on the identification of 194
genotypes among 277 cultivated fig trees throughout Moroc-
co, Achtak et al.(2010) argue that fig varietal and genetic
diversity in Morocco is mainly the result of selection of
varieties from individuals originating from sexual reproduc-
tion and more marginally from somatic mutations over a long
time span. This paper aims at developing our understanding of
present day farmers’knowledge and practices regarding fig
diversity and selection processes and at gaining a better un-
derstanding of the roles of fig intraspecific diversity in a local
Mediterranean society. We worked in the Rif, an area in
northern Morocco that has the highest level of fig diversity
in the country (Ater et al.2008).
1
Northern Morocco, identi-
fied in historical sources as a fig cultivation area, is still today
the most important fig cultivation area (Léon L’Africain 1908;
Oukabli 2002). The area is inhabited by three major sociocul-
tural groups, the Jbala, the Ghomara and the Zenete.
The Site and the People
The Rif is a mountain chain forming a concave arc open
towards the Mediterranean Sea. The physical environment is
highly heterogeneous. In association with the mountains
facing it in Spain, it forms a hot spot of biodiversity, the
Baetic-Rifan complex (Médail and Quézel 1999). The
inhabitants live in basic territorial units known as Qabila
(Munson 1981). Each Qabila comprises different patronymic
groups of different origin. The Berbers were the major inhab-
itants of Morocco prior to the arrival of the Arab Muslims in
the seventh century (Camps 1983). Their arrival resulted in
changes in a number of aspects of Berber society, e.g., heritage
systems and the adoption of Arabic language. Spanish influ-
ence, resulting first from the expulsion of the Muslims and
Jews from Andalusia at the end of the fifteenth century and
later from the colonial annexation of the Rif by Spain (1912–
1956), also impacted culture and agriculture.
The Rif mountains are divided into three socio-
geographical areas (Fig. 1):
&The Jbala, who speak dialects of Arabic, inhabit the
Atlantic slope and the north-western part of the Medi-
terranean border.
&The Ghomara, who speak dialects of both Berber and
Arabic, inhabit the central western Mediterranean side.
&The Zenete, contemporary Rifian Berbers who speak a
dialect of Berber, inhabit the eastern Mediterranean
mountains.
Methods
A survey was conducted throughout the Rif in 189 villages,
including 116, 50 and 23 villages in the areas occupied by
the Jbala, Ghomara and Zenete respectively (Fig. 1). We
inventoried fig varietal names and recorded their morpho-
logical characteristics by direct observation and according to
specific traits mentioned by farmers. In addition to this
preliminary survey, a detailed study of the naming
approaches, classifications and concrete practices applied
to fig trees was conducted in the Jbala area, in the Bni
Ahmed Qabila (Province of Chefchaouen) and more specif-
ically in the village of Talandaoued, which covers 52.2 km²
and has a population of 10365 (RGHP 2004).
The ethnobotanical survey in Talandaoued was based on
direct observations and interviews carried out during 14
visits of 10 days over three years (2006–2008). We identi-
fied fig varieties with a sample of 70 men chosen through
snowball sampling (Salganik and Heckathorn 2004): farm-
ers with a reputation for their knowledge of trees were
interviewed individually and in turn identified further
informants. We asked farmers during visits to the field to
make a list of varieties they knew and to note those they
actually planted. We then held open discussions on specific
characteristics of each variety (phenology, morphology, nam-
ing system, criteria of differentiation among varieties, uses,
1
Of the 194 fig genotypes Achtak (2009) identified throughout
Morocco he found 122 in the Rif.
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cultivation practices), which we noted together in the field. In
each case we complemented the data collected during inter-
views at homesteads with old and young women, who were
more willing to talk indoors than in the fields, men as well as
children. We used ethnobotanical methods based on semi-
structured and open interviews, and cross-checked informa-
tion with at least three informants (Martin 1995).
To understand fig ethno-taxonomy, we analyzed semantic
categories or lexemes revealing the meanings of fig names
used by the farmers (both men and women), which we
compared with the meanings in Arabic or Berber. We dis-
tinguished motivated lexemes (those having a meaning lo-
cally) from non-motivated lexemes (those having no
meaning locally). Motivated categories can be studied
through analyzing (i) their etymology, (ii) the semantic
fields to which they belong and (iii) the social contexts in
which they are used (Colombel and Tersis 2002).
We identified the local system of classification of fig
varieties on the basis of the lexemes used and of the differ-
entiations made between varieties in current discourse
showing either oppositions or analogies between categories
or descriptors. Thus we aimed at identifying categories that
are hierarchically similar for describing fig varieties (e.g.,
parthenocarpic as opposed to non-parthenocarpic). This
method is based on the computational approach which con-
sists in grouping categories together when they relate to a
common level of recognition by people (Wallace and Atkins
1960). All values, uses and practices attached to specific
varieties or all fig varieties were noted. Repeated interviews
with a large number of persons enabled us to cross-check
names given to each morphological type and to group dif-
ferent names together when they referred to the same fig
type (on the basis of fruit morphology), thus revealing cases
of synonymy. A quantitative approach was used to identify
frequencies and abundance of fig varieties cultivated by 10
Bni Ahmed families in order to understand variations at the
household and individual levels in fig diversity.
Results
Naming the Figs
We found 191 lexemes corresponding to 133 morphotypes
or varieties reproduced by vegetative propagation, in 189
villages surveyed. Of the 133 varieties, 39 % had one or
more synonyms, with 16 %, 13 % and 10 % of fig types
having synonyms in Jbala, Ghomara and Zenete respective-
ly. The fact that two different languages, Arabic and Berber,
are used in the Rif explains some but not all synonymies.
Indeed, some people are conscious that the names they
use differ from those given by their immediate neighbors
Fig. 1 Map showing villages visited for fig survey in the Rif, northern Morocco
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speaking the same language, for the same variety. Names
may vary from one locality to another for the same morpho-
type, with the exception of 30 commercially important va-
rieties, each of which is known throughout the Rif by a
single name (Tables 1and 2). There are also variations in
names resulting from the berberization of the Arabic name
of the variety or arabisization of Berber names which were
grouped as a single variety names.
Locally, all fig varieties are grouped into an inclusive
semantic category, kermous, which is used only for econom-
ic purposes, or once the figs have been dried or are prepared
as food.When listing fig varieties farmers use basic terms
(e.g., messari, lemdar) which define the varieties. The latter
may be differentiated with a determinant which defines a
slight difference in morphology. Our results show that some
terms carry everyday meanings whereas others do not have
any specific meaning. Since neither a Jbala plant lexicon nor
a linguistic atlas of Jbala (Arabic dialect) or Berber (Tariffit
dialect) is available, it is difficult to trace their etymology.
Non-motivated Basic Terms
Out of 133 varieties collected throughout the Rif, 48 % have
a motivated basic term, 52 % are non-motivated with 46 %
of simple terms and 6 % having a basic term plus a deter-
minant (Fig. 2).
Local explanations for non-motivated categories relate to
the way the Jbala perceive their history. Informants repeat-
edly expressed the following idea: “it is not us, present-day
farmers who have given these names; the fig trees were here
before we [meaning ‘our patrilineage as well as the group of
patrilineages that form the community’] arrived and already
had names,”indicating their perception that over a long
period of time different groups arrived from different places
(cf. Jamous 1981). Although this is not a precise historical
reality, it reflects the way families identify themselves as
forming part of patrilineages originating from different pla-
ces. Chronologies of their arrival are said to be different,
some recognized as having settled prior to others. In this
context, people claim that the meanings of names of some
fig varieties that were already present have been transformed
or lost over time. Non-motivated basic terms may have moti-
vated determinants. They refer mainly to the color of the fruit
(Table 3). We consider that this secondary level of naming has
occurred to facilitate memorization and transmission. These
determinants may also have been applied to a slightly different
new morphotype (e.g., one arising from somatic mutations or
incorporation of recombinant individuals).
Farmers are aware of variations that occur accidentally in
a fig variety they have known since childhood. However, we
identified only one case where a farmer noticed that a fig
variety, lemkai, was giving fruits with a different color than
expected and immediately took a cutting and planted this
“new”lemkai in another orchard to test whether this char-
acteristic would be maintained. Such experiences are rare
because somatic mutations occur only on a part of a tree
(e.g., on one branch) and the probability that a farmer
actually sees it or is interested in the changes is low. Nev-
ertheless, both the use of motivated determinants and the
precision of knowledge of the diversity of varieties known
by farmers tend to show that selection processes have taken
account of mutational events, and continue to do so.
Motivated Basic Terms
Out of the total of 48 % of basic terms that are motivated,
16 % refer to specific morphological characteristics, 16 % to
a geographic origin or a person, 15 % are analogous to a
domestic object, an animal or people, and 1 % refer to use
characteristics (Fig. 2).
Basic terms referring to morphology or organoleptic
characteristics can be divided into two groups. The first
Table 1 Distribution of varie-
ties bearing distinct basic
terms among the three
sociocultural groups of the Rif,
northern Morocco. Shaded cells
indicate varieties in each naming
category shared by 3 or 2
groups. Non-shaded cells
indicate varieties distributed in
only one group
Naming system
Jbala
Ghomara
Zenete
Varieties with distinct basic terms (and determinants)
and morphological types
35
18
21
30
25
4
Subset of varieties bearing motivated Arabic basic
terms (and determinants)
14
5
2
13
7
0
Subset of varieties bearing motivated Berber (or
arabisized) basic terms
5
4
2
8
2
2
Subset of varieties bearing distinct non-motivated
basic terms
16
9
15
3
16
2
Subset of partially non-motivated terms and varieties
6
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group is based on a ‘direct naming’process in relation to
visible morphological aspects of the fruit, its organoleptic
characteristics or its capacity to bear a first crop of parthe-
nocarpic spring figs (Table 4). In this group, most varieties
are denoted by basic terms referring to color attributes:
blue, red, green, black and white. Basic terms which refer
to aspects of the leaf (one variety) and organoleptic charac-
teristics (two varieties) are rare. In everyday life, people
often refer to the level of sweetness of a variety. This trait
is currently used to differentiate varieties but rarely appears
in the naming system, because it is not constant. Finally, the
basic term bakor, which refers to the spring parthenocarpic
fig, is used in reference to the capacity of some varieties to
produce a first crop of figs in spring.
The second group of terms is composed of metaphors
establishing an analogy with another object. This group
comprises names which refer to people, plants, animals
including insects and mammals, household objects, musical
instruments and even coins (Table 5). These metaphors
relate to morphological analogy to specific objects (e.g.,
the variety el aawada (flute) is long and narrow) or to
people. Gnaoui is a black variety named after the black-
skinned Gnaoua social group living in different parts of
Morocco and in the well-known city of Essaouira. The
metaphors are also built on associations with an activity
(e.g., a food preparation, with the varieties chwenzi (fritter)
and ghoubzi (bread)). Finally a variety may refer to a feeling,
such as massaaour, meaning crazy.
The perceived geographical and sociocultural origin
evokingaplaceisalsousedtonamefigs(Table6).
People link the names of such varieties to another area
of origin, sometimes giving some elements of oral his-
tory. Yet these same varieties, while bearing non-local
names, may paradoxically be considered local. Some
Table 2 Non-motivated basic terms used for fig varieties among the three sociocultural groups, Rif, Northern Morocco
Socio-
cultural
groups
Jbala Ghomara Zenete Jbala, Ghomara Ghomara,
Zenete
Jbala,
Ghomara,
Zenete
Basic terms,
synonyms
in brakets
Akroune, Chaari,
Jaadi, Kharraza,
Lemki, Lemthel,
Ljouhri, Mahesni,
Ouchri, Sendlouj,
Sersri, Sheili, Silfaf,
Smouni, Tadeout,
Zenfough
Aaroune, Dar zilane
(Rzilane), El aroui,
Hambri, Hlaoui,
Mlatou, Mzoukane,
Tamartitah, Ziato
Aachir, Abatssi, Amdjor,
Amjh, Azoundri, Daachiah,
Erguel (Irgui), Jaghjogha,
Markit (Tamarkith),
Mazakho, Mezdak (Amezdak),
Sabador, Tabouzraar,
Tachamlicht (Tachemlalet,
Tachemratech), Tasekrat
Abghorto (Amghorto),
Amakouk, Atabant,
Bzemiane, El heih,
Granzi, Kartit, Koutti,
Larchane, Lassoune,
Maalmous, Makoutiya,
Mentouf (Melhtouf),
Oonbayze (Mokhbize),
Rzilane, Taïhmet
Mrighi,
Tamrekht
Ferzaoui,
Tahadakt,
Tarzint
Fig. 2 Percentage of distinct
types of fig varieties basic terms
and determinants, Rif, northern
Morocco
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basic terms evoke the name of a person who has a
particular link with this variety (e.g., aïcha), indicating
a significant level of individual relationship to intraspe-
cific diversity.
Seasonality and temporal scales are also used to name
some varieties. For example chetoui (rainy) is a late autumn
variety.
Jbala Classifications of Fig Diversity
Classification relates to naming as well as to other forms of
categorizations that are not explicit in names but are expressed
in discourse and practices (Fig. 3). Within the cultivated areas
many varieties are propagated by cuttings (chjar or kermous),
although trees growing spontaneously from seedlings (nabout)
Table 3 Partially non-motivated
basic terms and determinants of
fig varieties, Rif, northern
Morocco
Basic term
(Synonyms)
Meaning of
basic term
Determinant Meaning of
determinants
Name of the
variety
Origin among
the three socio-
cultural groups
(Jbala (J),
Ghomara (G),
Zenete (Z)).
Bakhoukhi –byed White Bakhoukhi byed Z
Ajdi –aberkane Black Ajdi aberkane Z
Mdar (lemdar,
landbare)
–hor Pure Lemdar hor J, G, Z
hmar Red Lemdar hmar
khal Black Lemdar klhal
byed White Lemdar byed
Warnaksi (ourenksi) –byed White Warnaksi byed J, G, Z
khal Black Warnaksi khal
Table 4 Motivated basic terms and determinants of fig varieties related to morphological, organoleptic or specific biological characteristics, Rif,
northern Morocco
Basic terms and synonyms Meaning of
basic terms
Determinant Meaning of
determinants
Names of the varieties Origin among the
three sociocultural
groups (Jbala,
Ghomara, Zenete)
Zerki (Zreki, Zrirek, Tazegzet) Blue –– Zerki (Zreki, Zrirek, Tazegzet)J,G
Hamri (Hmimer, Hommir, Houmri) Red –– Hamri (Hmimer, Hommir, Houmri)J,G
Baghi (Dbaghi, Kahoule) Black –– Baghi (Dbaghi, Kahoule)J,G,Z
El kohli (El kahli, Takherchachet,
Taberkanite, Teberchint)
–– El kohli (El kahli, Takherchachet,
Taberkanite, Teberchint)
J
Ghouddane (Taghouddanit,
Aghouddanit, Aghdiden)
–– Ghouddane (Taghouddanit,
Aghouddanit, Aghdiden)
J, G, Z
El khodri (El khadri, Azogga) Green –– El khodri (El khadri, Azogga)J
Bayda (Baydi, Bayoud) White –– Bayda (Baydi, Bayoud)J,G,Z
rzina Originating from
Bni Rzine
Bayda Rzina G
el horra Pure Bayda el horra G
Harchi (Horrich, Aharchi,
Taharchit)
Rough or coarse –– Harchi (Horrich, Aharchi, Taharchit)J,G,Z
khal Black Harchi khal J, G, Z
byed White Harchi byed J, G, Z
Mechloukh (Mrachek, Acharoti) Streaked –– Mechloukh (Mrachek, Acharoti)J
Soleikh (Masloukh) Denuded –– Soleikh (Masloukh)J,G
Aassale (Aasslia, Ratli, Tassaad,
Lamti, Marji)
Honey –– Aassale (Aasslia, Ratli, Tassaad,
Lamti, Marji)
J, G
El har (Ahorri) Bitter –– El har (Ahorri)J
Bakor (Tabakort, Abakor) First crop, Virgin
or« Which
comes early »
–– Bakor (Tabakort, Abakor)J,G,Z
el horr Pure Bakor el horr J, G, Z
byed White Bakor byed J, G, Z
Tazalet Fig (in berber) –– Tazalet G
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are also found there. Both fig trees growing from seedlings and
from cuttings are differentiated into male (dokkar), which are
actively used by farmers for caprification, (see below) and
female (kermous, meaning fig) types. Here local taxonomy is
congruent with the biological classification of the dioecious
tree into male and female. Males and females may both be
propagated by cuttings and are differentiated into early, inter-
mediate and late categories, although such categories are not
used to name varieties but are only used in discourse. Among
the female varieties, people distinguish those which bear one
crop, the summer-autumn figs, from those which bear two
crops, the parthenocarpic spring fig (bakor, meaning pure or
virgin) and summer-autumn figs. The latter may also be either
parthenocarpic or non-parthenocarpic. Non-partehnocarpic figs
require active transfer of male figs from a male tree to a female
tree in order to facilitate pollination and therefore maturation of
the figs. This practice is known as tedkar (meaning bringing the
dokkar) or caprification: every day over the course of about one
week household members collect male figs which contain
active pollinating wasps (Blastophaga psenes), which have
completed part of their life cycle inside the male figs, and place
them on female trees. The farmers time caprification for each
variety according to the size of fruits and recognition of a
period during which the variety is receptive, depending on
whether it is an early, intermediate or late one. Only three male
varieties, hlou, an early variety, followed chronologically by
morre and then lwizi, are cultivated. In the male variety hlou
(sweet or soft) the pollinating wasps (Blastophaga psenes) are
affected by a parasite locally known as chenwila. This is the
specific parasite of Ficus carica (Philotrypesis caricae) and is
distinguished locally on the basis of a distinct morphological
trait, a long ovipository organ, in addition to the red hue of its
abdomen, which distinguishes it from the good insect. Farm-
ers’descriptions are congruent with the morphology of these
two insects (Joseph 1958). Dokkar Hlou is the least valued by
farmers for caprification for this reason even though it is an
early variety required to caprify the early female varieties.
Morre (bitter) locally indicates good quality and strength of
the Blastophaga accompanied by a lower percentage of para-
sites. Lwizi (a reference to old gold coins) is the latest and
rarest variety, but is more infested by the parasite than the
other two varieties.
The survey in Talandaoued recorded 15 varieties of fig
within the village territory, of which 40 % yield one crop of
summer-autumn figs and 60 % yield spring plus summer-
autumn figs. Eighty-seven per cent require caprification and
Table 5 Motivated basic terms and determinants of varieties based on metaphors, Rif, northern Morocco
Basic terms and synonyms Meaning of basic terms Determinant Meaning of
determinants
Name of the varieties Origin among
Jbala, Ghomara,
Zenete
Chwenzi Fritter –– Chwenzi J
Ghoubzi Bread –– Ghoubzi J
Gnaoui Inhabitants of Essaouira (Mogador) –– Gnaoui J
Lwizi Old gold coin –– Lwizi J
Kaytone Tent –– Kaytone G
El aawada Flute –– El aawada J
Tabli (Tobli) Drum –– Tabli (Tobli) J, G
Gouzi (Gaouzi) Like an almond –– Gouzi (Gaouzi) J, G, Z
Taoumi Garlic –– Taoumi Z
Chtabarra Blastophaga (fog pollinating insect) –– Chtabarra G
Onk Neck hmam Dove Onk Hmam J, G, Z
Hafer (Ahafer, Ahafath, Hafri) Lower part of the –– Hafer (Ahafer, Ahafath,
Hafri)
J, G, Z
bghal Mule Hafer Bghal J, G, Z
jmel Dromedary Hafer Jmel J, G, Z
Jeld Skin hmar Ane Jeld Hmar J
Masaaour Mad –– Masaaour G
Kallal Pottery –– Kallal J
Tahzamt With a beard –– Tahzamt Z
Maaynek (Bouaanayek) With a neck –– Maaynek (Bouaanayek) J
Rakhsi Not expensive –– Rakhsi J
Rkak Thin kerrat Gold measure
unit« karat »
Rkak kerrat J
El hawla Somebody who is equivocal –– El hawla G
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only two varieties, Ghouddane and Lassoune, are parthenocar-
pic. Non-parthenocarpic varieties are distinguished locally into
two large groups according to their color when dried (black
varieties, kallal to assale, and white varieties, lemdar to aïcha)
(Fig. 4). White dried figs are largely preferred for trade. They
are perceived as more attractive and their light hue makes it
easier to see whether they have been properly dried. Among
the white and black dried figs, farmers distinguish three cate-
gories: (1)bad ones, kbibha, including any variety of small size
and not dried properly, which are intended for sale to distil the
fig alcohol mehia, to prepare a coffee substitute, or to feed
animals; (2) average quality figs, marjouaa, are mainly
intended for sale, but a small amount is kept for family con-
sumption and for gifts and donations; (3) high quality, sbibha
(a diminutive of sabouha, radiant in Arabic) are kept for family
consumption and gifts. Surpluses of the two latter varieties
fetch high prices. Bni Ahmed farmers consider only the black
variety ghouddane and the white variety koutti as sbibha.
The Economic, Social and Religious Role of Figs
in Bni Ahmed
Figs represent a major input in the economy of Bni Ahmed.
The weekly market (souk Tlata—Tuesday souk) is one of
the seven markets of the Qabila. At souk Tlata, buyers who are
also intermediate wholesalers of dried figs, are either perma-
nent merchants (4) or itinerant buyers (6) who buy figs from
each of the weekly souks across the whole Qabila. They either
sell immediately to brokers from larger cities, or further sort
the fig qualities, separating black and white, low, medium and
high quality. The two high quality varieties, ghouddane and
koutti, are made into long strings and sent to merchants in
larger cities (for more details see Supplementary materials).
At the household level, large quantities (difficult to esti-
mate accurately) of fresh spring figs are eaten in the field
and fresh figs are consumed at almost all meals during
summer-autumn fig season. Dried figs are consumed
throughout the year. A few handfuls of figs, olives and bread
constitute the main meal while working in the fields. Dried
figs are also rehydrated and added to soups. An average
family of six or seven consumes 200–300 kg of dry figs per
year and preserves 50 to 70 kg for donations. The consump-
tion of dried figs is the highest during the month of Ram-
adan (500 gr. to 1 kg/day).
2
2
According to Hart (1976), in Central Rif figs are the second staple
after barley. The climate in western Rif (Jbala area) is better for fig
cultivation than in Central Rif. Dried figs represent a major staple food
for the Jbala who produce larger quantities of figs than in the inhab-
itants of Central Rif.
Table 6 Basic terms of fig varieties referring to characteristics of origin, Rif, northern Morocco
Basic term and synonyms Meaning of basic term Determinant Meaning of
determinant
Name of the variety Origin among the
three socio-cultural
groups (Jbala,
Ghomara, Zenete)
Messari (Souffir) Originating from Bni Messara –– Messari (Souffir)J,G
Saaidi Originating from Bni Saaid –– Saaidi J, G, Z
Ghzaoui (Aazaoui) Originating from Ghzaoua –– Ghzaoui (Aazaoui)J
Mtioui Originating from Mtioua –– Mtioui J
Lkhomsi Originating from Lkhoms –– Lkhomsi J, G
Aznassen Originating from Bni Znassen –– Aznassen Z
Tafoufrahet (Boufrah) Originating from Bni Boufrah –– Tafoufrahet (Boufrah)G
Arifi Originating from Rif –– Arifi J
Sebti Originating from Sebta –– Sebti J, G, Z
El fassi (Afassi) Originating from Fes –– El fassi (Afassi)J,G,Z
Arinaam Originating from the village Arinaayem –– Arinaam G
Taberrint Originating from the village Taberrint –– Taberrint G, Z
Berret –Aïcha name of a girl Berret Aïcha G, Z
Aïcha Related to Aïcha –– Aïcha J
Hajjaje Related to Hajjaje –– Hajjaje J
Issa Related to Issa O Daoued name of a boy Issa o Daoued Z
Barrani The foreigner –– Barrani J, G
Nabout
(Aghaddo Imghi)
That grows spontaneously –– Nabout (Aghaddo Imghi)J,G,Z
azegza Green Nabout azegza
ihemaren Red Nabout ihemaren
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Beyond sale and consumption, interest in different fig
varieties reflects farmers’patrimony, especially the fact that
great-grandparents transferred these varieties. Vegetative
propagation is an explicit means of perpetuating the specific
traits selected by the forefathers. The control of vegetative
propagation, as well as control of all other techniques, is
held to be an element of patrimony. The fact that some
members of the younger generation are not interested in this
knowledge is the cause of much anxiety locally.
Figs are also an important social resource. Figs are at the
centre of gift exchanges (fresh or dried) with family and
friends, especially during religious festivities. Religious
representations link fig gifts to the idea of baraka, a concept
central to Rif social life (Jamous 1981) that, among other
attributes, relates to transmission of good luck through car-
rying an item bought in an area of pilgrimage inhabited long
ago by a holy person. For example, in the Bni Ahmed area a
two-day meeting takes place each year centered on the
Some varieties dried
preferentially for
trade
Parthenocarpic
Quality Color: black
and while
Pollination
and trade
All surpluses of
all varieties dried
and sold for
making alcohol or
given to goats and
cattle as fodder
Leaves of all
varieties used as
fodder after
pruning
All varieties including nabout, kermous eaten fresh
locally according to preferences, fig quality, color,
and patrimony at family and individual levels
Relative
quantity of
pollinating
insects
Pollination and trade
Relative
quantity of
parasites
Non-parthenocarpic
Morphological
characteristics:
color, shape,
analogy to
natural and
domestic ob
j
ects
Organoleptic
characteristics:
taste, more or
less sweet
Specific use:
medicinal
vegetable, spring
figs for gifts
Propagated by cuttings : chjar Growing spontaneously by seedlings : nabout
Intermediate
Female fig trees : kermous
Cultivated male fig trees :
dokkar (grafts or cuttings)
Early Late
Dokkar
IntermediateEarly Late
Spring and autumn figs Autumn figs only
Kermous
Classification of fig varieties
Origin
Fig. 3 Vernacular classification of fig varieties according to biological, agronomic and use characteristics, Rif, northern Morocco
0,0 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5
Dist. Agrég ation
Lassoune
Ghouddane
Kalal
Ham ri
Ferzaoui
Fassi
El aawada
Har c h i
Assale
Lemdar
Messari
Koutti
Lemki
Barr ani
Aïcha
Fig. 4 Dendrogram showing
the classification of varieties
according to their most salient
features by the Bni-Ahmed, Rif,
northern Morocco
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mausoleum of a local holy person, Moulay El Arbi, where
visitors buy dried-fig necklaces and thus carry back home
the good luck linked to his divine grace. Dried figs also
accompany burial rites. Shortly after the night of the 27th
day of Ramadan, the close relatives distribute dried figs and
bread at the door of the cemetery. The villagers believe that
each consumed fig erases the sins made during the life of
their deceased parents.
Intra-village Variations of Fig Varieties
Female and male fig trees are present in the 21 agricultural
plots surveyed and are always planted in poly-varietal associ-
ations. The number of distinct plots among the farms varies
from 4 to 14 (Table 7). The number of plots in which each
variety is found defines the frequency of each variety and the
abundance of each variety is the number of individuals per
variety in all the plots of each farm. The varieties differ in both
their frequencies and their abundance on each farm (Fig. 5).
While some are planted by the majority of the farmers (e.g.,
koutti), others are cultivated by only one farmer (fassi,
aawada). Some varieties are abundant (koutti) and others rare
(e.g., barrani). These variations reflect personal tastes and
strategies of individual farmers, in particular relating to the
time required for drying and pollinating, the variety’sprecoc-
ity and commercial value. Farmers show quite distinct levels
of interest in the varieties (Table 7); They are interested in
keeping those transmitted by their forefathers, although some
may have become rare at the expense of varieties with higher
commercial value. Koutti is the most abundant variety be-
cause, in addition to having a double crop and being white,
it is in greatest demand in the dried fig market. A popular
black variety, ghouddane, has a double crop, is very sweet,
has good drying characteristics, medicinal value and is par-
thenocarpic, but is not as abundant as koutti, possibly because
current market demands favor white varieties.
Discussion and Conclusion
We argue here that fig intraspecific diversity is a key ele-
ment of Rif agroecosystems and plays an important role in
many dimensions of social, economic and religious life. It
structures the agro-sylvo pastoral system of this region, and
is important for household diet and animal fodder, in addi-
tion to being an important source of income through trade in
dried figs. Following Garibaldi and Turner (2004), due to its
multiple social, cultural and economic roles we consider
Ficus carica a cultural keystone species. Fig intraspecific
diversity has been maintained to a large extent despite the
negative effects of the expansion of cannabis cultivation on
agrodiversity in the Rif (Hmimsa 2009).
The high level of intraspecific diversity, the complexity
of the naming system of fig varieties and classification
system, associated with high sociocultural and economic
values contrasts with a much lower level of olive diversity
(only seven local varieties, Hmimsa and Ater 2008) in the
same agroecosystems in the Rif. This low level of diversity,
associated with the existence of one clone, the Picholine
marocaine, which is dominant throughout Morocco (Khadari
et al. 2008b), may be related to government agricultural
policies, at least since the French protectorate period (1912–
1956) (Aumeeruddy-Thomas unpublished data), which have
favored olive plantations and olive oil production for export.
Fig cultivation, however, has never been promoted by agri-
cultural policy, probably due to the difficulty of developing
trade in fresh figs, and this could have contributed to the
maintenance of highly localized intraspecific diversity. Simi-
larly the use of many synonyms (different names for a similar
morphotype) may be attributed to the low level of long dis-
tance trade. A binary naming system based on color differen-
tiation into black and white dried figs is used for trade,
regardlessof the fresh variety names, except for a few varieties
which have a wide reputation.
Table 7 Preferences shown by
10 families among 15 fig varie-
ties, Bni Ahmed, Rif, northern
Morocco
Farmers Age Sex Preference
Spring fig Fresh fig Dry fig
145MGhouddane, Harchi, Lassoune Aassale, Harchi, Koutti Ghouddane, Harchi,
Messari
230FAassale, Ghouddane Lassoune Koutti, Lassoune
322MGhouddane, Messari Lassoune Koutti
448MMessari Fassi, Ghouddane,
Lassoune, Messari
Koutti
580MGhouddane, Lassoune Aassal, Hamri, Kallal,
Lemdar, Messari
Ghouddane, Kouttti
692MGhouddane, Harchi, Messari Kallal, Koutti, Messari Kallal, Koutti
736MGhouddane, Messari Ghouddane, Messari Ghouddane, Koutti
842MGhouddane, Messari Aassale, Koutti,
Lassoune, Messari,
Ghouddane, Koutti
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The number of synonyms for the same variety reflects the
fact that fig clones from a particular patrilineage tend to be
kept within its territory. Patrimonial management of clonally
propagated plants has been highlighted by other authors in
relation to tubers (Caillon et al.2006; Emperaire and Peroni
2007; Heckler and Zent 2008). The interest of each social
group in keeping and maintaining its own sets of named
varieties is a sociocultural process that underpins the highly
localized diversification pattern in Morocco described by
Achtak et al. (2010). However this interest in maintaining
inherited varieties does not eliminate innovative processes
(incorporation of varieties originating from mutational events
or from other areas), thus showing farmers’great interest in
diversity. The tension created between conservation of local
patrimony and farmers’capacity to incorporate varieties from
elsewhere is at the center of diversification processes.
A large array of color attributes of fresh fruits (5 to 6
different colors) is used to distinguish among fig varieties.
Color attributes form either basic terms to name varieties or
determinants attached to a non-motivated basic term of a
given variety. As discussed in many studies (e.g., Benz et al.
2007; Gibson 2009), color is one of the most prominent
characteristics enabling farmers to distinguish landraces and
facilitate their maintenance and transmission through spe-
cific propagation practices.
In addition to color attributes, our survey showed that the
naming system covers a diversity of lexical fields. Motiva-
tion facilitates memorization and intergenerational knowl-
edge transmission following three naming procedures: 1)
analogical; 2) metaphor linking to objects, animals, humans,
seasons, numbers, showing intricate linkages between hu-
man domestic life and fig names; 3) linkage to perceived
origins. Fig tree varieties named for their places of origin are
also seen as local. We see here a locally constructed analogy
of the incorporation of people to form present territorial
social groups with varieties of fig trees, both originating
from another place as well as having local identity. This
particular importance given to frontiers in shaping identity
as well as environment and landscapes has also been high-
lighted by Simenel (2010) regarding Berber communities
from southern Morocco. A motivated lexeme is a label with
a precise meaning. Non-motivation, on the contrary, indi-
cates either lexical loss (Hill et al.2003) or names which
have been borrowed from other places and which do not
have a meaning locally. Movements of people, on one hand,
and of fig tree varieties, on the other, can in part explain
non-motivated categories.
Recombinant individual fig varieties propagated by
cuttings are named nabout,“spontaneous seedling”
(Aumeeruddy-Thomas 2010). This suggests their recent in-
corporation in the portfolio of varieties reproduced by vege-
tative propagation, which is generally used for other tree
species, such as olive and chestnut, and an on-going diversi-
fication process from selection of seedlings similar to that
described by McKey et al. (2010) for other clonally propagat-
ed plants. The complex biology of dioecious Ficus carica and
its co-evolution with a specific pollinating insect (Kjellberg et
al.1987) also form the base for the complex local classifica-
tion system, thus adding to overall varietal diversity. The
existence of double-crop varieties, parthenocarpic and non-
parthenocarpic varieties, resulting from long-term selection
and domestication processes (Zohary and Hopf 2000)con-
stitutes another level of complexity and opportunity to
maintain variations.
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
koutti
kallal
Messari
Lamd ar
Harchi
Ham
ri
Ghoudane
Lasoune
Aassal
Aicha
Barrani
Lemki
Ferzaw i
Fassi
Aawada
Variety of fi
g
Frquence
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
Abundance
Variety frequencies
Variety abundance
Fig. 5 Histogram of
frequencies and abundance
curve of fig varieties recorded
in the Bni Ahmed area, Rif,
northern Morocco
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The reasons why the Jbala communities maintain such high
levels of diversity appear to be: 1) the inherent complexity of
the biology of Ficus carica; 2) patrimonial factors;and 3)
selection and naming of varieties linked to multiple factors
(agronomic, cultural, economic). Intraspecific diversity is the
result of incorporation of varieties rising from somatic muta-
tions occurring on existing varieties, incorporation of new
varieties originating from sexual recombination, cumulating
varieties from heritage and transmission as well as incorpora-
tion of varieties from other localities. Although these practices
tend towards an increase of diversity over time, our research
also shows that some old and renowned varieties may become
rare because farmers favor varieties that have higher commer-
cial value. Variations among farmers’portfolios of varieties
suggest the importance of inter-family preferences and indi-
vidual preferences in shaping diversity. The analysis of intra-
village variations shows that, beyond the discourse about the
importance of varieties transferred by forefathers, farmers
cultivate more intensively high value varieties. Potential loss
of traditional varieties due to modern market demands high-
lights the importance of developing in situ conservation
approaches which reconcile the economic requirements of
farmers and their desire for innovations with the importance
of maintaining patrimonial varieties.
Acknowledgements We thank the Centre d’Ecologie Fonctionnelle
et Evolutive, CNRS, UMR 5175, Agropolis Fondation, RTRA N°
07042 “FigOlivDiv”and GDRI BIOME (CNRS) for their support.
We also thank the Bni Ahmed people for welcoming our work and
their availability during the study as well as all the inhabitants of the
Rif who have generously taken some time to discuss about their fig
varieties with us. Many thanks also to Pr. Doyle McKey, Dr. Finn
Kjellberg and Dr. Bouchaib Khadari for their thoughtful comments on
an earlier version and to Marco Pautasso and John Vandermeer for their
suggestions for improving the manuscript.
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- [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Traditional agroecosystems are known to host both large crop species diversity and high within crop genetic diversity. In a context of global change, this diversity may be needed to feed the world. Are these agroecosystems museums (i.e. large core collections) or cradles of diversity? We investigated this question for a clonally propagated plant, fig (Ficus carica), within its native range, in Morocco, but as far away as possible from supposed centers of domestication. Fig varieties were locally numerous. They were found to be mainly highly local and corresponded to clones propagated vegetatively. Nevertheless these clones were often sufficiently old to have accumulated somatic mutations for selected traits (fig skin color) and at neutral loci (microsatellite markers). Further the pattern of spatial genetic structure was similar to the pattern expected in natural population for a mutation/drift/migration model at equilibrium, with homogeneous levels of local genetic diversity throughout Moroccan traditional agroecosystems. We conclude that traditional agroecosystems constitue active incubators of varietal diversity even for clonally propagated crop species, and even when varieties correspond to clones that are often old. As only female fig is cultivated, wild fig and cultivated fig probably constitute a single evolutionary unit within these traditional agroecosystems. Core collections, however useful, are museums and hence cannot serve the same functions as traditional agroecosystems.
- [Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: In Morocco, the culture of the fig tree is ancestral and preserves a particular importance in the traditional agroecosystems of the Riffian mountains. However, the importance of varietal diversity remains ignored. To evaluate it, prospections and investigations were carried out in north-west of the country. The stations were selected according to the importance of the orchards of fig tree in the agroecosystem. A complete description of the prospected collection, relating the tree and the fruit was carried out by a morphological, physiological and pomological characters. The varieties of fig trees in the area of study show a great diversity with 49 listed varieties or landraces. One notes a great confusion of denomination on the level of the prospected varieties. This problem can be with several causes and mainly with the errors of appreciation of the characters or the differences of local names which vary from one locality to another. The comparison of the prospected collection and the national collection of Ain Taoujdate, enabled us to highlight the characters which can be prone to confusion among the descriptors used. In addition, the description of a great germplasm diversity in the north of Morocco shows that the national collection is partially representative of the great existing diversity in Morocco and indicates the great potentiality of fig genetic resources in the northern area of Morocco.
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