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Jamshedpur: Planning an Ideal Steel City in India On behalf of: Society for American City and Regional Planning History


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The steel city of Jamshedpur originated in a small company town in the backwaters of eastern India as a new experiment in urbanism in 1907. The article critically examines its evolution to trace the influence of the most significant twentieth century town planning ideas—the garden city and the neighborhood unit—on the industrial township. A reevaluation of the planning reports of 1911, 1920, 1936, and 1944–45 reveals the reworking and adaptation of twentieth century modern urban planning and the limited success it achieved in India. The planning ideals included open green spaces of the garden city as an antidote to industrialization, urban infrastructure adapted to local site conditions, neighborhood units self-sufficient in civic amenities, and street hierarchy as a means of traffic segregation. Regionalization of global planning ideals as well as the tension between planned development and organic growth is evident in the narrative of Jamshedpur evolving from a company town to industrial city to the present day urban agglomeration
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Journal of Planning History
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/1538513211420367
published online 2 November 2011Journal of Planning History
Amita Sinha and Jatinder Singh
Jamshedpur: Planning an Ideal Steel City in India
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Jamshedpur: Planning an
Ideal Steel City in India
Amita Sinha
and Jatinder Singh
The steel city of Jamshedpur originated in a small company town in the backwaters of eastern India
as a new experiment in urbanism in 1907. The article critically examines its evolution to trace the
influence of the most significant twentieth century town planning ideas—the garden city and the
neighborhood unit—on the industrial township. A reevaluation of the planning reports of 1911,
1920, 1936, and 1944–45 reveals the reworking and adaptation of twentieth century modern
urban planning and the limited success it achieved in India. The planning ideals included open
green spaces of the garden city as an antidote to industrialization, urban infrastructure adapted to
local site conditions, neighborhood units self-sufficient in civic amenities, and street hierarchy as a
means of traffic segregation. Regionalization of global planning ideals as well as the tension between
planned development and organic growth is evident in the narrative of Jamshedpur evolving from a
company town to industrial city to the present day urban agglomeration
garden city, neighborhood unit, industrial town, urban core and periphery, South Asian urbanism
The steel city of Jamshedpur celebrated its 100 years of existence in 2008, having won the UN
Global Compact City Award two years ago. It is considered to be a remarkable success story in the
face of the decline of company towns elsewhere in the world. Its establishment predated the great
experiments—New Delhi, Islamabad and Chandigarh—of the twentieth century in city planning
in the Indian subcontinent. When New Delhi was being planned in 1911 as a grand imperial cap-
ital, an industrial town was taking shape in the backwaters of eastern India as a new experiment in
urbanism. It employed modern town planning principles, ushering in modernity through new
modes of spatiality and lifestyles associated with industrialization. Unlike New Delhi, an exercise
in legitimating the empire in the eye of its colonial subject, Jamshedpur was an indigenous indus-
trial development, initiated, financed and built by Indians, using local resources and labor albeit
South Asian urban historiography has so far been largely confined to metropolitan areas with the
dominant discourse revolving around differences between colonial and indigenous settlements and
Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, Champaign, IL, USA
Chief Architect, JUSCO, Jamshedpur
Corresponding Author:
Amita Sinha, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, 101 Temple Buell Hall, 611
Lorado Taft Drive, Champaign, IL 61820, USA
Journal of Planning History
000(00) 1-19
ª2011 The Author(s)
Reprints and permission:
DOI: 10.1177/1538513211420367
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creation of hybrid urban forms.
In its preoccupation with large cities, it has overlooked urban
innovations occurring in smaller towns. Jamshedpur was not a colonial capital, a hill station, or an
expanded cantonment or civil lines. It was for the Indian subcontinent a new kind of settlement built
around the steel factory that was the primary source of employment for its residents and governed all
aspects of their lives. Daily life was structured around the industry and its demands for efficient produc-
tion. Paternalistic welfare policies managed the live-work space of the town. Jamshedpur could thus lay
claim to ushering in modernity whose source lay in the West but was shaped by indigenous entrepreneur-
ship, capital and labor. Unlike colonial urban forms, it did not represent jarring juxtapositions of tradi-
tional and modern or their amalgamation, rather it attempted to create from scratch a new kind of spatial
order. This becomes all the more noteworthy because the company town had no precedents in India.
While New Delhi and Chandigarh were designed by star architects and conceived in totality,
Jamshedpur was incrementally planned not by well known designers but by engineers and an archi-
tect over a period of 34 years.
Each plan had to respond to the one before it and to the new require-
ments created by the rapidly expanding industry and burgeoning work force. The Kennedy Plan
(1911) was a small company town that became a full fledged industrial township in the Temple
Planning Report within a decade.
The close attention given by F.C. Temple (1920) to landscape
in planning the urban infrastructure went far beyond the conservancy approach practiced by civic
improvement trusts of nineteenth century colonial India. Stokes Plan (1936) appears to be a mere
extension of Temple’s innovative ideas and a response to the looming housing crisis following the
astonishing expansion of the town.
Koenigsberger’s Plan (1944-45) reflected the current vogue of
the garden city and the neighborhood unit in planning circles, although Jamshedpur with its core of
steel works could never conform to Ebenezer Howard’s prototype.
The disciplinary background
of Jamshedpur’s planners– sanitary engineering, and architecture— and planning paradigms of the
early 20th century, played a formative role in how the plans were conceived and their impact on
the city’s eventual built form.
Jamshedpur has received surprising little attention from urban planners and historians and its
omission from planning literature is a gap in urban history of South Asia. No comprehensive eva-
luation of planning reports as such exists.
The reports comprise the primary text for our analysis
of their formative role in shaping the city and its quality of life. In addition F.C. Temple and Otto
Koenigsberger’s writings are a window into the underlying philosophy and the myriad stream of
influences that influenced the planners’ approaches.
Plans prepared by the Town Planning Division
of Tata Steel (reorganized as Jamshedpur Utilities & Services Company Limited or JUSCO) in 1998
and Jharkhand State (2008) are consulted to evaluate the impact of initial planning on current devel-
opment. As Jamshedpur plans its future growth through re-densification and envisages remedial
landscapes for its heavily polluted segments, an examination of successes and failures of early plan-
ning efforts from contemporary standpoint will be both necessary and useful.
Jamshedpur’s origins are well documented in books and other commemorative publications.
shedji Tata’s extraordinary efforts to build an industrial plant to produce iron and steel at the turn of
the last century when India was totally depended upon foreign imports have been chronicled in his
biographies and those of Tata Steel Company.
A visionary and a pioneer, his perseverance in the
face of tremendous obstacles was truly exemplary. His travels to North American industrial cities in
1902 in search of technical expertise for building the steel plant set in motion the long and arduous
process of finding sites rich in iron ore and coal deposits. Even though he did not live to see the plant
built, his vision propelled the painstaking efforts that culminated in the discovery of iron ore at Gur-
umahisini Hill in Mayurbhunj state in Eastern India and the decision to locate a steel plant in the
tribal village of Sakchi (Sankchi) at a distance of 45 miles from the Hill.
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The most important of the site’s many advantages was the quick means of transportation to
Calcutta port afforded by Kalimati railway station on the Calcutta-Bombay railway link, only 3 miles
away. The genius loci of the site was the enigmatic Domuhani goddess of the 3,280 ft high
Dalma hill range towering over the confluence of the river Subarnarekha and its tributary Kharkhai
(figure 1). This archetypal landscape configuration, underlying a majority of sacred sites of pilgrim-
age in India, happened to be extraordinarily well suited to utilitarian purposes as well. The Dalma
range formed by volcanic lava flows overlooked an undulating plain of phyllite and mica-schist, bro-
ken by dolerite and quartzite ridges and well drained by natural stream beds. The central ridge
extending from north-west to south-east provided level surface for building the steelworks. A natural
dolerite dyke in the golden streaked Subarnarekha River aided in constructing a weir so that water
could be pumped into reservoirs inside the factory for cooling the plants and waste disposal. The
natural landscape played a formative role in the development of township, especially in guiding the
street network and open space system in the Temple Plan.
Welfare Ethos and Town Planning
The oft-repeated quote by Jamsetji Tata exhorting his son Dorabji in 1902 to ‘lay wide streets
planted with shady trees, every other of quick variety’, to provide ‘plenty of space for lawns and
gardens’, to ‘reserve large areas for football, hockey and parks’ and ‘earmark areas for Hindu tem-
ples, Mohammedan mosques and Christian churches’ shows a quintessentially modern sensibility. It
encompassed a secular outlook, valued open space and greenery as an antidote to social ills and as
Figure 1. View of Dalma Hills and confluence of Swarnarekha and Kharkhai Rivers (Source: Amita Sinha)
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settings for play and recreation. This sensibility was shaped by his life experiences as an industrial
entrepreneur. His cotton mills in Ahmedabad, Nagpur and Kurla were successful not only because of
modern technology but also investment in welfare programs in worker education and health. His
involvement in civic improvement and reclamation schemes in Bombay demonstrated a profound
interest in making life better for those in living in squalid conditions in the old Fort and creating
a productive landscape from swamps.
The development of the company town should be understood in the context of Tata Steel’s efforts
to stem workers’ discontent with inadequate housing and well as ideas popular at the turn of the cen-
tury that physical environs would improve productivity. Sound business management policy and
philanthropic motives combined with a desire to make the industrial township a model that would
be envied and emulated throughout India. Welfareprogramsforworkerssuchasthe8hourwork-
ing day (instituted as early as 1912), bonus and provident funds, sick leave, free medical aid and
programs for workers’ safety, and technical skill training programs were developed. They were
administered by the Personnel Department created in 1943 and Joint Council of management and
workers established a decade later.
Designed to improve worker morale and productivity, they
succeeded in improving the working conditions and prevented the lightening strikes of 1920s from
recurring again.
Enlightened welfare policies extended to improving the living conditions of the worker and
guided town planning initiatives.
As R.D. Tata said to shareholders in October 1923—‘‘We are
not putting up a row of workmen’s huts in Jamshedpur—we are building a city’’.
While the first
Plan responded to the need to provide bungalows for ‘covenanted’ officers and quarters for skilled
workers as the steel plant was being built, the next three were driven by ever increasing requirement
for worker housing created by extension and modernization programs. Urban infrastructure, open
green spaces for recreation, public health programs, medical and educational facilities, were part
of the city building exercise. Their aim was to create living conditions for promoting health and
well-being of employees in turn leading to enhanced productivity.
Not only did the Tatas build, they also controlled and managed the urban landscape through Town
Planning Division and Health Department. Public hygiene was an important aspect of landscape
management with many innovative programs for disease control, water borne sanitation and urban
greenery as an antidote to atmospheric pollution introduced over time. Unlike a Municipality that
levies taxes, a Notified Area Committee consisting of Tata management governs the city through
the Town Planning Division (now reconfigured as JUSCO—Jamshedpur Utilities and Services
Company) with company funds. In addition to housing, Tata Steel provides the employees with
water, sanitation, electricity, schools, medical and recreational facilities. These amenities provided
free of charge to Jamshedpur residents annually cost the Company Rs. 15 million with a current def-
icit of Rs. 500 million incurred by Town Planning. Exceeding the average municipal functions its
regulatory powers may be perceived coercive but are nonetheless effective. This kind of governance
and day to day management has ensured the long term success of town planning in Jamshedpur.
Company Town to Industrial Township
The origins of the steel city lay in a small company town built from a camp in the tiny tribal village
of Sakchi. P.C. Tallents in the 1921 census report describes the spectacular growth of this company
town into an industrial township as ‘a romance of the twentieth century’ and that the ‘story of its
birth in the wilderness in 1907 and its amazing development during the next 14 years reads like a
fairy tale’.
Contrary to the popular belief the setting was not wilderness. Although the site was
thickly forested, there were a few hamlets subsisting on rice cultivation on terraced ridge slopes and
on forest produce. They were strung along cart tracks or nalas (natural swales) where water tanks
were constructed by digging or embanking a stream (figure 2).
Tata Steel acquired 3, 564 acres
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of waste land in Sakchi and a few neighboring villages on the undulating central ridge, a watershed
between the two rivers. The site was graded in 1907-9 for building the steel plant at the highest point
on the western spur; reservoirs were built for waterworks inside the plant; railway tracks were laid
from main line at Kalimati and factory units constructed along them.
The Pittsburgh firm of Julian Kennedy and Axel Sahlin, awarded the contract for the designing
and engineering works, built the original colony between 1909-12 for housing managers and skilled
The plan shows little influence of the garden city/suburb ideal of the ‘new’ American
company towns that were being designed in the US by professional architects and landscape archi-
tects around the same time. Site exigencies dictated the stratified pattern of housing on high ground
on the ridge spurs on the north-west and western fringes of the steel plant to ensure protection from
the factory dust carried by the prevailing western winds. The colony was laid out in the grid-iron
North American settlement pattern, with alphabetically named ‘roads’ running east-west and num-
bered ‘avenues’ running north-south. There is no evidence of a planned town center or public park
system (figure 3).
Hierarchically divided into Northern and Southern Towns consisting of bungalows and quarters
for ‘covenanted’ officers and skilled workers (Southern Town was itself divided into G town meant
for middle-income group and R.N. for workers) respectively, the plan ignored the acute need for
housing laborers with the result that clusters of mud huts sprang up around the towns and close
to the factory gates. Lovat Fraser describes Northern Town in 1911 as ‘street after street of commo-
dious one-story brick houses, all well ventilated, all supplied with running water and lit by electric
light’. He mentions a ‘spacious recreation ground in the center of the town’, and a ‘bazaar containing
Figure 2. Tribal settlements (Source: Viswakarma, 1991, redrawn by Sonal Modi)
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both European and Indian shops’.
Over time the maidan (open space) at the entry to the Steel Plant
became a ‘town square’ of sorts edged by principal buildings including the Director’s and General
Manager’s bungalows and General office building.
The company town designed for 10,000 residents with few public spaces and streets became the
nucleus for later growth of Jamshedpur into the industrial city. Tata Steel profits from sales of steel
plates and rivets in World War I spurred increased steel production. It therefore began the Great
Extensions Program in 1917 by building more blast furnaces, coke ovens, machine shops and foun-
The number of workers had increased to 18, 675 and the company acquired an additional 12,
215 acres for accommodating the growth.
Frederick Charles Temple, sanitary engineer for Orissa
and Bihar states was appointed as the Chief Engineer of Jamshedpur to plan the growing township.
The Temple Plan was innovative, an exercise in ecological urbanism and sensitive to the lie of the
land and the culture of indigenous communities. Undoubtedly influenced by the garden city plan-
ning principles and perhaps also by Patrick Geddes’ work in India on civic improvement (although
Temple never acknowledges either in his publication and report) it was ahead of its time in its
approach to environmental and community planning.
Like the garden city of Letchworth and the model industrial village of New Earswick designed by
Barry Parker and Raymond Unwin in UK, Temple’s Plan was adapted to the contours of the site but
unlike them it had to contend with the fact that township already existed around the steel plant.
Industry at the center, not at the periphery, flanked by housing interspersed with squatter settlements
(bustees) was the prevailing spatial pattern that could not be effaced. Temple’s close and insightful
reading of how the earlier tribal settlements had utilized the topography in building their huts and
Figure 3. Sahlin and Kennedy Plan, 1912 (Source: Temple, 1928, redrawn by Sonal Modi)
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cart-tracks influenced his proposal for extending the street system. Using the cart-tracks on the ridge
line as the basis, he designed an inner circle that connected the already developed core to areas on the
north, east and west through ‘loops’. To protect the riverfront from industrial pollution and town
waste and to preserve its scenic quality, he designed a low level outer circle road with an intercepting
sewer, connected to the inner circle road by ‘links’. The street and drainage systems, along the ridges
and gullies, resulted in an open space system of parks and parkways distributed throughout the town
(figure 4). Dry weather flow was carried in the surface drains along the contours while the overflow
storm water irrigated the parkways in swales. Water-borne sewerage system was introduced and
sewage, instead of emptying into the rivers, was collected from underground gravity sewers and
pumped into the purification plant with the manure used as fertilizer in a sewage farm.
In accordance with the prevalent garden city ideals of low density, Temple proposed a housing
density of 12 units per acre, balancing the generous 1-1½ acres of bungalows with ¼ acre plots of
Figure 4. Temple Plan (Source: Tata Steel Archives)
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new quarters. He designed the quarters in three blocks with the fourth block kept as open space. He
recognized that the intractable problem of housing shortage could be solved by improving the drai-
nage and sanitation of squatter settlements and preservation of old tribal villages. Innovative for the
times was Temple’s insightful understanding of tribal ways of life and its translation in hexagonal
settlement pattern inspired by Rudolf Miller’s work in Vienna. This pattern allowed small clusters of
12 huts surrounding a central open space, all enclosed by hexagonal roads 500’ apart. He believed
that the adivasis (tribal communities) should have the freedom to build their huts in any manner they
liked, with the water tank and bathing platforms in the center similar to indigenous settlements.
Temple’s plan was largely implemented. It expanded the town considerably by constructing 62
miles of roads, 2,315 dwellings, improving markets in Bistupur, Dhatkidih and Sakchi, along with a
functioning water works and sewer system. Two villages for adivasis were laid out in Sonari and
Other industries associated with TISCO (Tinplate, Indian Cable Company, Indian Steel
Wires Products Ltd.) were given land and the street system was extended eastward on ridges parallel
to the central ridge, with bungalows built on the crest and workers’ quarters on the slopes. Temple’s
planning principles such as the gravitational sewerage system, street system adapted to the contours,
and the parkway system in natural drains, were sound and have withstood the passage of time, lend-
ing the older parts of Jamshedpur a spacious feel.
Planning the Industrial City
The 1930s saw yet another phase of expansion of the steel plant. Now it was the largest producer of
steel in the British Empire meeting three quarter’s of India’s demand. Meanwhile the population had
increased to 83, 738 calling for rapid construction of housing.
Major P.G.W. Stokes, a military
engineer who was responsible for reconstructing Quetta after the 1934 earthquake, was entrusted
with the task. His 1937 planning report reveals the influence of recently formulated sociological and
city planning theories in the US. Stokes’ plan was an attempt to understand the logic of growth of an
expanding industrial city and impose a spatial pattern on it drawn from the North American
Constrained by existing development, he expressed frustration in his inability to come up with an
ideal scheme of housing wherein the lower class dwellings would be situated closest to the factory.
Presumably this close proximity was to facilitate pedestrian access on the part of those who could
ill-afford the cost of transportation. Stokes’ Plan reflected the concentric ring model of Ernest
Burgess (1925) who proposed that cities expanded outward from the central business and manu-
facturing district with working class housing nearest the core.
However Jamshedpur’s housing
pattern, though stratified was mixed and could not be forced into a neat gradient of concentric
rings. Stokes therefore had to take recourse to Homer Hoyt’s wedge shaped urban model that sti-
pulates segmented growth of housing along transportation arteries with those of similar incomes
located in proximity to each other.
While Stokes had little to suggest beyond Temple’s layout of street and open space system, he did
reiterate the efficacy of parkways in valleys with adjoining roads, advocated the separation of sewer
and storm water drainage systems, and emphasized that bustees pose a health hazard and should not
be regarded as a real or permanent solution to Jamshedpur’s housing problem. He recommended that
Tata Steel acquire land within 2-3 miles radius of the Factory to control speculation and develop the
area for housing (figure 5). Although workers’ housing was built in Burma Mines within one mile
south east of the steel plant as per his recommendation, it exposed the residents to the air pollution
created by the factory smoke and coal dust. In accordance with Stokes’ Plan, bungalows were built
in Northern Town and along the main E-W Straight Mile Road, and workers’ quarters were built in
the north in Sakchi and towards the west in Kadma. Jamshedpur’s housing stock was increasing yet
it fell far short of the actual requirement.
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World War II further spurred steel production, causing a larger wok force to be employed and
ensuing surge in population to 150, 000. Otto Koenigsberger, Chief Architect of the Princely State
of Mysore was asked to prepare a Development Plan. Unlike his predecessors, his career is docu-
mented in academic publications plus his own writings provide an insight into his planning process.
An architect by training, Koenigsberger, a German e´migre´, was responsible for planning a number of
industrial towns, administrative capitals and refugee settlements in India in the period 1939-51.
subsequently co-founded the Department of Tropical Architecture in the Architectural Association
and established the Development Planning Unit in University College in London. Baweja contends
that tropical architecture was a precursor to green architecture and its chief proponent Koenigsberger
drew upon his experience in India. Koenigsberger did so not only as an architect but also as a plan-
His ideas on tropical planning were formulated during his stint as a town planner in India.
J.R.D. Tata, Chairman of Tata Company, expressed confidence in his foreword to Koenigsber-
ger’s Master Plan that it will ‘ensure the harmonious development of Jamshedpur in a manner which
will satisfy the manifold needs, functional and aesthetic of this beautiful Garden City’. A close look
at the Development Plan reveals Koenigsberger’s effort to use the garden city precepts and the
neighborhood unit was only partially successful thwarted by the fact that the city had grown substan-
tially around the steel plant with interstitial pockets and peripheral existence of tribal villages trans-
formed into bustees. Planning in the Jamshedpur Notified Area had ensured plentiful greenery and
low density but contrary to popular belief neither core nor periphery suggested the idealized layout
of a garden city. The prototype however was firmly entrenched as the optimal solution to problems
of congestion and ill-health in settlements. Koenigsberger was loathe to give it up and endeavored
wherever space permitted to plan areas in accordance with the garden city precepts. Only later in his
writings did the ideas on tropical planning crystallize as unique responses to local climate and social
and economic conditions.
Figure 5. Stokes Planning Concept (Source: Tata Steel Archives)
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Koenigsberger designated the industrial and residential areas of the city as two primary zones of
development in accordance with his ‘band town’ planning concept (figure 6). His contention was
that linear growth along transportation arteries was the best solution to the problems posed by the
concentric growth around the place of employment.
The ‘band’ form was suited to the desirable
segregation of housing and industry in two separate but parallel zones minimizing distances to the
open country.
Linear bands of city and countryside ensured access to greenery and fresh air within
reasonable walking distance of the place of residence. In Jamshedpur this meant that residential
areas to the north and west could grow indefinitely towards the east and have access to his proposed
green belt along the two riverfronts. But disrupting this zone was the presence of worker’s quarters
built as per Stokes’ Plan, and worker’s quarters and housing surrounding the new and subsidiary
industrial development in the east.
His division of the residential zone into 12 neighborhood units likewise was an attempt to impose
a framework on the existing urban tissue based upon the increasingly popular Anglo-American plan-
ning ideal. Jamshedpur’s topographically based street system built according to the Temple Plan lent
itself to planning self-contained neighborhoods bordered by arterial roads that in turn connected with
by-passes. The socio-economic stratification of housing originating from the bungalow-quarter divi-
sion of the Kennedy Plan was inevitably perpetuated in Koenigsberger’s plan.
His insights into the
habits of indoor-outdoor living in the tropics and the social structure of the Indian family and com-
munity appear to be only partially translated into physical layouts of the neighborhoods housing
Figure 6. Koenigsberger Plan (Source: Tata Steel Archives)
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10,000-18,000 people, a much higher density than in the West. Koenigsberger recognized that in the
absence of community management large open spaces between and inside neighborhoods in India
tend to deteriorate. His plans for the five types of quarters categorized by income levels show a
grasp of Indian customs in their provision of verandahs and courtyard like open spaces although
they were strictly modernist in their design idiom. Koenigsberger recommended prefabrication of
the Tata house for mass production of 12,000 units annually in a bid to solve Jamshedpur’s hous-
ing shortage. With a structural framework of light steel sections, walls of pre-cast blocks and
barrel-vault roofing made from steel tie-rods, it would have been an appropriate symbol for the
Steel City, had it been built.
Like his predecessor Koenigsberger considered bustees to be blighted urban housing and recom-
mended their replacement. Recognizing perhaps that massive urban surgery was untenable, he
detailed proposal for a garden suburb on the forested slopes of Dalma Hills where Mirzadi Dam had
been constructed. This was for 200 medium income families who could do the daily commute 7
miles to the Steel Plant. Designed in a picturesque style where bungalows and cottages disappeared
behind tree foliage and gardens, the only public building besides the club/rest house would be the
Inspection Bungalow overlooking the Dam on one side and terraced hill-garden with a band-
stand on the other. Intended as a withdrawal into a leafy suburb at a suitable distance from industrial
pollution and haphazard urban growth, this unbuilt proposal represented what Tata Steel desired all
of Jamshedpur to be.
Beyond the Industrial City: Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration
Although Tata Steel remained the largest employer and the physical core of Jamshedpur, new indus-
tries and their settlements were built first towards the east and later after independence in 1947
across the river Kharkai on the west. The earlier eastern suburbs were built around the factories and
consisted of officer bungalows and worker quarters, similar to the pattern at the core. A multi-
nucleated pattern emerged with industries as the nuclei of settlement growth that minimized the dis-
tance between residence and workplace. Some of these industries were established by the Tatas,
others were acquired and became subsidiaries, sharing the supply of power and raw materials
delivered on railway tracks extending from the main branch. Industrial growth began in the
1920s with the establishment of Tinplate, Cable, Steel and Wire Industries who built their housing
in a grid iron pattern on a ridge parallel to the main NW-SE ridge. The tribal villages that had dete-
riorated into bustees were now transformed into planned housing colonies. The Tata Engineering
and Locomotive Company (TELCO) built housing for its employees in the village Jojobera,
Golmuri was developed by Tinplate Company, SidhgorabyIndianOxygenandTataSteel,and
Baridih by Tube Company. These are mini company towns, their land leased from Tata Steel and
municipal functions self-managed.
The satellite township of Adityapur came up in the 1960’s
across the river Kharkhai as a result of state government (then Bihar now Jharkhand) initiative
in planning an industrial complex. The township incorporated 83 villages and is spread over 53
square miles with much of the development concentrated along the main artery—Tata- Kandra
About 700 industries provide goods and services to Tata Steel although serviced by poorly
planned residential and commercial development.
The city’s growth over the last century has shown a centrifugal pattern with low-income settle-
ments dominating the periphery. Once the rivers were bridged there was no barrier to urban exten-
sion in the 1960s to Mango on the north and Adityapur on the west. Much of this growth has been
unplanned resulting in an uncontrolled urban-rural fringe with its attendant problems of conges-
tion, lack of public sanitation, and poor housing stock.
This urban agglomeration (JUA) has seen
a36.4%growth in population from 0.8 million to 1.1 million between 1991-2001, 25-30%of
whom do not have access to basic services of water supply and sewerage. In 2008 the Jamshedpur
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Urban Agglomeration (JUA) 2027 Master Plan was drawn up by Superior Global Infrastructure of
New Delhi in collaboration with the Philadelphia based landscape planning firm of Wallace
Roberts &Todd at the behest of Jharkhand state (figure 7).
The scope of planning covered the
core of Jamshedpur, Adityapur, Mango, Jugsalai and seven villages, altogether covering an area
of 149.23 sq. kms.
The Master Plan aims to reduce the disparity in infrastructure provision, civic amenities, and
quality of housing stock between the core of Jamshedpur and its urban periphery. Anticipating that
the population of the industrial hub will grow to be 3 million by 2027 requiring an additional 383,
446 dwelling units, its planning approach is mixed-use development in multiple nodes within JUA.
The transit oriented development nodes will distribute services and amenities, presently concen-
trated at the core, throughout the area. To accommodate growth and avoid sprawl, optimal utilization
of vacant land within JUA and contiguous urban development are suggested. The plan is implicitly
based upon new urbanism ideal of concentrated, high density urban centers adjusted to the Indian
urban condition consisting of glaring disparities between spacious, well planned areas and con-
gested, haphazard development. Proposals on traffic management, stormwater and sewerage system,
and solid waste management are detailed for implementation under the auspices of JNNURM
scheme of the Indian Government.
Tata Steel plans to increase its production to 10 million tonnes by 2012 through its current mod-
ernization program. This expansion however does not entail land extension or an increase in
Figure 7. Master Plan of Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration
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workforce. The reduced demand for employee housing due to increased operational efficiency in the
production process implies a rethinking of housing policy in areas leased by the Company and in
sub-leased holdings where development controls rest with the Company. The present residential
density of 140 persons per hectare (pph) is slated for an increase to 200 pph. New housing patterns
are being designed for higher density and old housing stock is being demolished to make way for
recreational open spaces. The free hold areas, outside the purview of Tata Steel and largely at the
periphery where uncontrolled organic growth occurs, are problematic sites and where public pri-
vate partnerships between the state and local bodies in planning and implementation is anticipated
to have a positive impact.
There are major transportation issues in Jamshedpur created by out-bound traffic carrying fin-
ished goods from industries in Jamshedpur and Adityapur Industrial area on the west as well as traf-
fic from south cutting through the city to National Expressway on the north. JUSCO plans to
channelize this outbound traffic in dedicated transportation corridors and rerouting through traffic
by upgrading regional linkages to by pass the city. Lack of public transportation and high automobile
ownership (0.3 million vehicles) has led to increased traffic within the city, the problem exacerbated
by on-street parking. A Bus Rapid Transport System (BRTS) is envisaged as are street widening
schemes for slow moving vehicles and pedestrians in the street system.
Steel making in the past had generated large amounts of slag disposed through dumping in nalas
and other sites. Although improved manufacturing processes have led to zero-dumping, the existing
sites of slag mounds and ash ponds need to be remediated. In particular industrial waste on the riv-
erfronts needs to be treated through landscape design so that the degraded sites can be transformed
into a linear park system. Untreated sewage discharge into the rivers, ground water extraction and
random disposal of municipal solid waste need provision of regulated services by the Company in
the fringe areas in order to reduce the disparity in environmental conditions between the Company
managed and free hold areas.
A critical re-evaluation of the planning reports reveals the reworking and adaptation of modern town
planning ideas to the unique set of circumstances posed by the evolving industrial township. Asses-
sing their legacy is useful for a number of reasons, not the least of which are lessons afforded to
planners today as they grapple with issues of sustainable land management posed by urban sprawl.
Jamshedpur’s origins as a labor camp for a steel plant continued to cast a long shadow on its later
development even as civic amenities increased and welfare programs proliferated. The bungalows in
Northern Town of Kennedy’s Plan became the core of elite neighborhoods occupied by managerial
class in proximity to recreational parks and sports grounds while middle- and lower-income housing
extended from workers’ quarters in Southern Town.
Temple’s sensitivity to topography in developing the street and sewerage system and open space
network ensured generous parkways, good public sanitation, and cohesive circulation. His commu-
nity design for tribal workers although low-cost and using local resources and skills did not live up to
its promise of sustainability. Neither could the concentric and sector models that inspired Stokes’
planning efforts fully guide the ground realities of the burgeoning industrial city. Koenigsberger’s
report had a lasting impact on thinking of Jamshedpur’s planners even though not all of it was imple-
mented. He introduced the concept of road hierarchy thereby insulating pedestrian oriented neigh-
borhoods from heavy vehicular traffic of goods and linking the city circulation to regional
transportation system. Jamshedpur 2020 Plan drawn up by JUSCO and the JUA 2027 Master Plan
follow Koenigsberger’s lead in planning traffic interchanges between the regional and local road
network, elevated truck corridors for industrial goods and road widening schemes.
Similarly his
proposal for prefabricating housing units was realized much later in the three Steel Houses built
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in collaboration with the Canadian firm Minaean Ventures in 2004 and 650 prefabricated housing
units built in 1990s with Larson & Toubro Company.
The major issue in urban management has been urban encroachment caused by unauthorized con-
struction particularly in the 1970s and 1980s. Strip commercial development dominated by tempo-
rary shops selling perishable goods and auto repair sheds outside of Jamshedpur Notified Area has
been the norm. There are 22,113 substandard houses built on encroached lands out of a total housing
stock of 236, 096 in JUA. This is due largely to the failure of industries to provide housing for all
their employees and encouraging them to build on subleased land since the 1960s.
The last decade
of the twentieth century saw a reduction in maintenance as a result of reduced manpower in the
Town Planning Department. Since 2002 the revival of the steel industry has resuscitated town plan-
ning—old housing stock near the steel plant is being dismantled and new housing built elsewhere.
The tension between planned development and organic growth that has saddled Jamshedpur from
its very beginning has never been fully resolved. To successfully incorporate bustees into their
schemes or to control their proliferation in the interstices of planned development (for example
in the nalas carrying waste water from the factory known as Garrabassa) or at its periphery has
remained an unachievable goal so far—86 bustees were taken out of the lease and handed back
to the state government.
Jamshedpur appears to have reproduced the duality—order vs disorder, stability vs flux– of third
world urbanism. This is particularly galling in face of the fact that tribal communities, indigenous to
the area and from nearby regions who had provided their labor (and still do) in building the steel
plant, live an impoverished life in the bustees since housing is only provided to those who are per-
manently employed in the Company for a period of time.
Does this represent a failure of planning
derived from an imported model of modernity or an inevitable byproduct of a development process
that simply cannot muster adequate resources to meet the needs of a large segment of the subaltern
population attracted by the opportunities industrialization offers? The fault lies neither in the plan-
ning process per se nor its implementation by Tata Management but perhaps in the socio-economic
disparities between Jamshedpur and its undeveloped hinterland.
If one were to abide by the maxim that lessons from the past contain seeds of the future, Jamshed-
pur’s chronicle tells us that planning in South Asia works best when coupled with a regulatory
framework and sound management practices of the kind that Tata Steel was able to provide
through its Town Planning Department. Failures of company towns such as Pullman in the US
have been explained in terms of restrictive policies of management but the success of Tata Steel
in Jamshedpur shows it to be not a general rule.
Widely acclaimed as a ‘modern’ city, an early
urban experiment in South Asia and a precedent for later new town development, Jamshedpur was
and is a showpiece for the Tatas, a symbol of the triumph of private enterprise over the state social-
ism policies of the post-independence era. It provided a model for steel towns—Bhilai, Bokaro,
Durgapur and Rourkela– built by the Indian government under the five year plans in the decades
following independence.
Plagued by poor physical planning, inadequate municipal services, and
labor unrest, the steel towns failed to live up to Jameshedpur’s standard. Public sanitation issues
continue to plague Indian urbanism today as much as they had done in the early 20th century. The
woefully inadequate and ill-designed urban infrastructure of most Indian cities throws into sharp
relief success of plans such as those of F.C. Temple in creating a well functioning landscape based
infrastructure adapted to local site conditions.
The perception ‘that city and industry remain—and will, for the foreseeable future, continue to
remain—inextricably linked’ is firmly entrenched.
As a company town that grew into an industrial
city, Jamshedpur represented a new spatial and social order for the region. A socio-economic survey
in 1959 revealed that more than half of the migrants attracted to job opportunities in Jamshedpur
were from outside the state.
This social mix coupled with the educated background of the highly
skilled work force brought a degree of cosmopolitanism in social life as well as belief in
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meritocracy. The planning of Jamshedpur with the neighborhood as the basic social unit created
housing patterns very different from the dense and organically evolved caste- and kinship oriented
neighborhoods of pre-industrial cities.
The idea of garden city is closely linked with salubrious
effects of greenery that is not a private luxury as in older settlements but a public good.
Hosagrahar has highlighted hybrid spaces and spatial practices in colonial Delhi articulating the
concept of ‘‘indigenous modernities’’ although a more appropriate term would be ‘‘indigenized
modernities’’ given that social and environmental changes in this period (1857-1947) were attribu-
table to imported, not indigenous, concepts and mechanisms.
Changes in habits of perception and
spatial behavior in response to new forms of domestic and urban spaces were facilitated by life in
Company built housing (with few desirable options for living elsewhere), particularly among those
from small towns and rural areas. Hybrid spaces created through modification of existing designed
structures were not allowed. The new knowledge systems and technologies in public hygiene and
institutions practicing them were seldom contested as they did not infringe on proprietary rights
of residents, the Company being the largest (quasi) land-owner. Although the lack of home-
ownership contributed to the feeling of ‘home’ being elsewhere and nostalgia for the place of origin,
a gradual change to individualistic self from one rooted in collective subjectivity was inevitable.
Planning of Jamshedpur has always reflected current thinking of the time on how best to achieve a
quality of life that would improve worker productivity. The grid pattern of early labor camp/colony
imposed a rational order upon an undulating and sparsely inhabited landscape. Garden city ideals
of ample green open space, separation of housing from commerce and industry, co-operative soci-
eties, and local civic amenities within walking distance informed later planning projects in the
1920s, 30s, and 40s. In the twenty first century regional planning and new urbanism principles
of re-densification and transit oriented development are guiding efforts to cope with industrial
growth, burgeoning population and escalating traffic. Planning ideals however always have had
to adjust to the reality at hand. The city appears to have followed its own logic of growth driven
by exigencies of local topography, rural-urban migration, floating population, existing develop-
ment and the need for housing-workplace proximity. A multi-nucleated model has emerged over
time in which industry is the core of the settlement.
Does Jamshedpur represent a regional variation of the universal garden city prototype? The gar-
den city image is resonant with many aspects of Jamshedpur—its low density, plentiful greenery,
and well designed bungalows—although the city is the inverse of the prototype with industry
instead of a garden at the center and there is no trace of a green belt circumscribing its growth.
The flexibility of the original idea allowed its application in widely different cultural, institutional
and economic contexts including one of a company town that grew to be the first industrial city in
South Asia.
present day town management in Jamshedpur—an interesting example of the survival of the con-
cept given its demise in North America.
Upon completing 100 years of its existence, it is time for Jamshedpur to take stock of its planning
heritage. The new avatar of the garden city is the green city characterized by greenbelts and pre-
served open space accessible from population centers.
Jamshedpur can build upon the symbolic
capital bequeathed by the international garden city movement taking root in the remote eastern cor-
ner of colonial India in early twentieth century by refurbishing its image as a green city of the twenty
first century. The dark side of industrial heritage is of course environmental pollution and Jamshed-
pur has been no exception in spite of efforts to protect the rivers. Slag dumping in nalas within the
steel plant and on the riverbanks has resulted in high degree of ground pollution and visual blight.
Innovative thinking is necessary to guide environmental remediation efforts on a large scale so that
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they are part of physical planning adding to the city’s greenery and usable open space system,
especially on the riverfronts. Investment in green technologies, innovative environmental reme-
diation programs, and greenways will build its reputation as the green city and a model for new
development in South Asia.
The preserved core of Jamshedpur should be a living example of industrial heritage of India, not
the shell of a dead company town. Steps should therefore be taken to draw up a policy for preserving
sections of the city as heritage precincts as in the elegantly designed Kaiser bungalows in Kadma and
old bungalows in Northern Town and Circuit House area. Historic open spaces such as Jubilee Park,
Beldih Lake, and parkways also need to be listed as protected sites. The spacious and green planned
areas of Jamshedpur present a contrast to the poorly serviced and crowded areas of the bustees. Jam-
shetji Tata’s vision can be best preserved if the marked differences in environmental conditions
between Jamshedpur’s core and periphery are reduced through improvement in landscape and urban
The author(s) thank Tata Steel Archives at the Russi Mody Center for Excellence, Jamshedpur for historic
photographs and planning reports.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or
publication of this article: The first author was a Senior Fulbright Researcher in 2009 when she visited
Jamshedpur to study the archives.
1. Recent publications include Jyoti Hosagrahar Indigenous Modernities: Negotiating Architecture and
Urbanism (New York: Routledge, 2005); William Glover Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Ima-
gining a Colonial City (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007); Swati Chattopadhyay Repre-
senting Calcutta: Modernity, Nationalism, and the Colonial Uncanny (New York: Routledge, 2005).
2. Vikramaditya Prakash Chandigarh’s Le Corbusier: The Struggle for Modernity in Post-colonial India
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002); Andreas Wolwahsen Imperial Delhi: The British Capitol
of an Indian Empire (London: Prestel, 2002); Ravi Kalia Gandhinagar: Building National Identity in Post-
colonial India (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina, 2004).
3. Temple, F. C. Report on Town Planning. Jamshedpur Social Welfare Series, November 1919.
4. Stokes, P. G. W. Jamshedpur Town Planning Scheme. Unpublished report, 1937.
5. Koenigsberger, Otto Jamshedpur Development Plan. Prepared for the Tata Iron & Steel Co. Etd., With a
Foreword by J.R.D. Tata, 1945; Ebenezer Howard Garden Cities of Tomorrow (London: Swan Sonnenschein,
6. They are briefly discussed by the geographer Maya Dutt in her comprehensive book Jamshedpur: The
Growth of the City and Its Regions (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1977). The geographer Y. B. Vishwakarma
summarizes them in a short chapter in his book Industrialization and Tribal Ecology: Jamshedpur and Its
Environs (Jaipur, India: Rawat Publications, 1991). The economic historian Nandita Basak, in her book
Dynamics of Growth, Regional Perspective: Experience of Five Industrial Towns, 1961-1991 (Calcutta:
Firma KLM Pvt. Ltd, 2000) describes the impact of industrial towns on regional economic growth and migra-
tion patterns, with Jamshedpur as the first steel town and precedent for later towns in eastern India such as
Durgapur, Bokaro and Rourkela but her focus is not on its physical form. Allen Noble and Ashok Dutt
16 Journal of Planning History 000(00)
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mention Jamshedpur as a model industrial town in their urban typology of South Asia cities and briefly
discuss the contributions of each plan to the eventual shape of the city in ‘‘Urban Development of South
Asia’’, in Challenges to Asian Urbanization in the 20th Century (Netherlands: Springer, 2004: 255-275).
7. F. C. Temple ‘‘Jamshedpur: The Birth and First Twenty Years of an Industrial Town in India’’, Journal of
the Town Planning Institute’’, XIV, no. 12 (October 1928): 265–86;, Otto Koenigsberger ‘‘New Towns in
India’’, The Town Planning Review, xxiii, no. 2 (July 1952): 97–131 and ‘‘Tropical Planning Problems’’, A
Report of the Proceedings of the Conference on Tropical Architecture Held at University College, London,
March, 1953 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1954:13–22).
8. See Verrier Elwin The Story of Tata Steel (Bombay: Tata, 1958); Rudrangshu Mukherjee A Century of
Trust: The Story of Tata Steel (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2008); Aman Nath and Jay Vithalani with Tulsi
Vatsal Horizons: The Tata Century 1904-2004 (Mumbai: India Book House, 2005); Ashok K. Dutt ‘‘Evo-
lution of Jamshedpur City: A Historical Approach to Urban Study’’, The Indian Geographical Journal, XL,
no, 3&4, (July-September & October-December, 1965): 19–28.
9. F. R. Harris Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata: A Chronicle of His Life. With a Foreword by J.R.D. Tata (London:
Blackie & Son Ltd, second edition, 1958)
10. At Navsari in Gujarat where he was born, he turned part of his father’s estate that he had inherited into a
public park complete with an animal menagerie (Harris, 85–6).
11. Elwin, 112
12. See Sunil Sen The House of Tata (Calcutta: Progressive Publishers, 1975) for a comprehensive account of
labor relations in Jamshedpur.
13. In 1916 the Fabian Socialist and labor leader Sydney Webb prepared plans for welfare programs on public
health and sanitation, education, and co-operative schemes covering housing, education, stores and credit.
About 195 co-operative societies were registered in 1986 in Jamshedpur (Viswakarma, 85). A.V. Thakkar,
the Indian social worker and his Servants of India Society worked for bringing primary education to chil-
dren of workers. Education then became the responsibility of the Public Welfare Department. Harold Mann
reviewed the progress of social welfare in Jamshedpur in his 1919 report. As a result the Town Planning
Department was established to look after housing, water supply and sanitation (Mukherjee, 63–4). The
Department of Medical and Health Services provides medical services in hospitals and dispensaries.
14. Nath and Vithalani, 103
15. Vishwakarma, 63
16. Vishwakarma, 44
17. ‘‘Americans to Build India Steel Plant’’, The New York Times, November 18, 1907.
18. Harris, 196
19. Nath and Vithalani, 87
20. Mukherjee, 63
21. Jacqueline Tyrwhitt Geddes in India (London: Lund Humphries, 1944).
22. Temple, 1928, 274
23. Temple’s hexagonal clusters still exist in Sonari. The development is called Golai area, but these holdings
(10’ X 20’) have been sub leased to individuals who have built single / double storied structures.
24. Mukherjee, 64
25. The model was based upon a close study of Chicago’s growth patterns. Robert Park, Ernest W. Burgess and
Roderick D. McKenzie The City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925).
26. Homer Hoyt The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighborhoods in American Cities (Washington,
DC: Federal Housing Administration, 1939).
27. Rhodri Windsor Liscombe, ‘‘In-dependence: Otto Koenigsberger and Modernist Urban Resettlement in
India’’, Planning Perspectives, 21, no, 2, (April 2006): 157–78.
28. Vandana Baweja. A Pre-history of Green Architecture: Otto Koenigsberger and Tropical Architecture
from Princely Mysore to Post-Colonial London Un published Ph.D. dissertation in Architecture, University
of Michigan, 2008.
Sinha and Singh 17
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29. Koenigsberger (1953) recommended that multi-family households instead of single family units should be
considered as a planning unit, incidental open spaces should be minimized and should be as large as can be
cared for by the limited water resources of the community, and narrow arcaded streets should be part of
modern planning schemes in tropical regions.
30. Koenigsberger’s master plan for Bhubaneswar, the capital of Orissa drawn up in 1948, followed the band-
town planning scheme with self-contained neighborhood units grouped along a major transportation artery
so that residential areas are separated from the workplace by a short distance of two miles. The capitol com-
plex on a ridge, overlooking the neighborhood units on its south and east is accessed by the connecting road
and is linked with the business center by a broad avenue. The neighborhoods are oriented around open
spaces containing schools so that children do not have to walk further than one quarter or one third of a
mile. A hierarchical street system ranging from sidewalks to main transportation arteries is proposed to
separate vehicular and pedestrian and non-motorized traffic. Although Koenigsberger’s ideas about
socio-economically mixed neighborhoods and the road system were not implemented, they influenced the
sector planning and 7 Vs street pattern design by Albert Mayer and Le Corbusier in Chandigarh. See Ravi
Kalia Bhubaneswar: From a Temple Town to a Capitol City (Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois Uni-
versity Press, 1994).
31. Koenigsberger,1952, 109
32. Ashok K. Dutt ‘‘The Neighbourhood Unit Plan and Its Impact on Jamshedpur City’’, Journal of Social
Research, India, 5, no, 1 (March 1962): 109–13.
33. Dutta, 64
34. Draft Master Plan 1966-1986 Jamshedpur Adityapur Industrial Complex
35. Vishwakarma, 118–43
36. State of Jharkhand. Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration 2027 Master Plan. Draft, October 2008.
37. Jawarharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) was launched in 2005 by the Ministry of
Urban Development, Government of India for expansion and development of urban infrastructure and pro-
vision of essential services and civic amenities to the poor in Indian cities.
38. Jatinder Singh and Kamal Ghosh. Development Plan of Jamshedpur Township. Unpublished Report, 1998.
39. Jamshedpur Urban Agglomeration 2027 Master Plan, 42
40. Dutta, 103
41. Dutta, 158. Tribal communities are concentrated in peripheral bustees—Mango on the north, Bhuiandih,
Sitaramdera and Bhalubasa on the north-east, Ulyan, Bheitya and Sonari on west and north-west, Bagbera,
Ghagidih,and Kitadih south of the steel city beyond the railway tracks. JUSCO plans to upgrade Bhuiandih,
Ulayan, Bheitya, and Sonari.
42. Margaret Crawford in Building the Workingman’s Paradise: The Design of American Company Towns
(London: Verso, 1995), 37–45 describes the legacy of Pullman as acceptance of the idea in the US that
environmental design and proper administration would benefit both labor and capital. Pullman’s failure
was due to the restrictive management style although the fundamental principles on which the model com-
pany town was built, were essentially correct.
43. Srirupa Roy Beyond Belief: India and the Politics of Post-colonial Nationalism (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press), 133–56.
44. Nath and Vithalani, 227. The Governor General of India, Lord Chelmsford’s renaming of the company
town at Sakchi as Jamshedpur (after Jamshetji Tata) and the railway station at Kalimati as Tatanagar in
1919 ensured that the industry (and its founder) and the city will remained linked in perpetuity.
45. D. R. Misra. Report on Socio-Economic Survey of Jamshedpur City (Patna University Press, 1959).
46. See Sinha, Amita, ‘‘Participant Observation: A Study of State-aided Self-help Housing in Lucknow,
India,’’ in Graham Tipple & Kenneth Willis (eds.) Housing the Poor in the Developing World — Methods
of Analysis, Case Studies, and Policy (New York: Routledge, 1991), 16–35. for the myriad ways in which
space can serve as a catalyst for social changes—for example gender roles, familial relationships, and
social networks are impacted by new housing typologies.
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47. Hosagrahar, 190
48. Stephen Ward in ‘‘The Garden City Introduced’’ describes the new town as an ‘international variant built
on the conceptual foundation of the garden city’. See The Garden City: Past, Present and Future edited by
Stephen Ward (London: E & FN Spon, 1992), 24. New towns derived from the garden city were established
in remote settings in different parts of the world to encourage new resource based industries.
49. Crawford attributes their disappearance by mid-twentieth century to growth in moderate cost private
housing market and rise in automobile ownership making daily long distance commute from suburbs to
workplace possible. See Crawford, 203.
50. Robert F. Young ‘‘Green Cities and the Urban Future’ in Kermit C. Parsons and David Schuyler (eds.) From
Garden City to Green City: The Legacy of Ebenezer Howard (Balitmore: The Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2002), 213.
51. JUSCO plans to increase the green cover of Jamshedpur from 21%to 33%by 2025.
Amita Sinha is a professor in the Department of Landscape Architecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana
Champaign, USA. Her major field of expertise is cultural landscapes of South Asia. She is the author of Land-
scapes of India: Forms and Meanings (University Press of Colorado, 2006). She spent her childhood in Jam-
shedpur where her late father Rudra Pal Sinha worked as a personnel manager in Tata Steel for 33 years.
Jatinder Singh is the chief architect of JUSCO (Jamshedpur Utilities & Services Company Limited). He was
born in Jamshedpur and is a long-time resident of the city. His major field of interest is housing.
Sinha and Singh 19
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... There has been extensive writing on the role of foreign and private expertise in planning Indian cities in the post-Independence era, particularly during the 1950s and 1960s. Because of a lack of local capacity in India, foreign architects, planners, sociologists, as well as Western design and engineering firms were centrally involved in urban planning for a set of cities including Delhi, Kolkata, Gandhinagar, Chandigarh, Bhubaneswar, and Jamshedpur (Kalia, 1994(Kalia, , 1999(Kalia, , 2004Sinha and Singh, 2011;Sundaram, 2015). Writing about urban planning in India and the role of international experts, Banerjee (2005, 147) highlights three distinct phases of modern urban planning for Indian cities: "the British town planning tradition during the colonial era, followed by the post-colonial Ford Foundation paradigm, and finally the current era of economic liberalization and globalisation." ...
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How do managerial bureaucracies emerge? We consider this central question of Chandlerian business history by examining how Tata and Sons governed its steelmaking company TISCO, 1907–1925. Tata had no steelmaking knowledge and was reliant upon American expertise and personnel. This knowledge imbalance skewed power in favour of autocratic American steelmasters who wielded complete operational control. Unable to impose its will on TISCO, Tata was forced to govern through everyday diplomacy. Through everyday diplomacy, Tata introduced accounting routines to establish a hierarchy and render the American steelmasters accountable to the parent company. Every administrative and accounting process suggested by Tata’s diplomat, B.J. Padshah, was resisted by the American steelmasters as an erosion of their absolute power. We contribute to our understanding of how a uniquely Indian type of enterprise, the managing agency, governed their loosely coupled subsidiaries. We extend Foucault’s power/knowledge by introducing everyday diplomacy as the vehicle for establishing organisational discipline.
There is been a growing debate about the privatization of urban planning, particularly in the context of cities in the Global South (Hogan et al., 2012; Shatkin, 2011, 2008), closely tied to the growing role that non-state actors now play in the process of conceptualizing, making, and implementing plans. Research has shown how networked experts, especially consultants, have facilitated “fast policy transfer” (Bunnell and Das, 2010) shaping urban policies and material realities across political and geographical contexts. Building on these debates, we aim to first, understand the role of national and regional governments in enabling the emergence of private actors in planning; and, second, to understand the graduated and nuanced functions that consultants perform at different scales and across different types of projects. Drawing on research in the Indian context, this paper attempts to better understand how private and quasi-private consultants are shaping our urban regions and its implications.
From 1960–1973, the Ford Foundation and the Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Organization (CMPO) engaged in a unique partnership that produced the Basic Development Plan, a bold strategy for the development of the world’s ‘most troubled city.’ The Ford-CMPO partnership brought together leading planning experts from the United States and India and resulted in innovative and abortive development plans and programmes, and was beset by the economic and political crises that came to define post-Independence Calcutta. This paper provides a detailed history of the Ford-CMPO partnership and highlights the myriad of political dilemmas that challenged the project and that provide a window in the politics of planning and urban development in post-Independence India.
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Students of urban India have long missed a basic primer illustrating the country’s rich and varied city planning experiences in the post-independence period. Many routinely, and correctly, complain that foreign texts are frequently less relevant for comprehending the vast and diverse country’s distinctive planning trajectory shaping the many regional and urban contexts. In this sense, our own nagging frustrations, both as students and scholars of Indian city planning, provided the driving motivation for pursuing this effort in service of the field.By situating India’s city planning experience within the changing socio-political context over the past hundred or so years, this book aims to illustrate the development, scope and significance of professional planning work. The adopted approach also helps highlight the salience of India’s distinctive polity, including the development of its robust political democracy, ongoing social change, and rapid economic transition, in order to illustrate how laws, agencies and institutions for city planning and urban development have evolved since India’s independence. Although the book focuses primarily on the policies, programs, and projects undertaken during the post-independence period, we also provide a brief overview of the major colonial planning interventions in the opening chapter, highlighting continuities and disjunctions between the pre- and post-independence periods.
If Gurgaon epitomizes the maladies of private sector-led urban development, could Jamshedpur provide their cure? Drawing inspiration from the case of Jamshedpur, commentators in recent years have increasingly posited the company town as a viable model for privatized provision of public goods and urban infrastructure. Moreover, over the last decade, in settings such as Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and integrated industrial townships, policymakers have sought to implement key aspects of a deconstructed company town framework through spatially targeted infrastructure provision and specialized governance regimes. Yet, the experience of private and public sector company towns in post-Independence India raises important questions about the provision of basic amenities and infrastructures around these sites. Looking at labour histories and Census data, we ask: who belongs within the ambit of the plan of the company town? Who remains outside?
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In this dissertation, I investigate how transcolonial histories of architecture intersect with transnational environmental histories of architecture. I locate Tropical Architecture, which I define as climate-responsive and energy-conservative design, in the pre-history of environmentalism. I argue that the corpus of knowledge that developed through Tropical Architecture in the 1950’s constitutes the pre-cursor to Green Architecture. I locate Tropical Architecture as a trans-colonial set of architectural practices that originated in the colonial experiences of European modernist architects. As a crucial part of this hypothesis, I trace the career trajectory of émigré architect Otto Koenigsberger (1909-99), who escaped Nazi Berlin in 1933 to go to Egypt and subsequently immigrated to India in 1939. In India, Koenigsberger served as the chief architect for the Maharajah of Princely Mysore from 1939 to 1948 and as the Federal Director of Housing for Nehru’s government from 1948 to 1951. In 1951, he immigrated to London to become one of the founders of the Department of Tropical Architecture (1954-1971) at the Architectural Association (AA) School of Architecture. I argue that working in exile in Princely Mysore fundamentally transformed Koenigsberger’s architectural thinking and practice. The most significant change in his thinking was his cognizance of the limits of resources and energy. Through his experience in Mysore, Koenigsberger theorized Tropical Architecture as a discourse that was climate responsive, energy conscious, and built with local resources. Existing histories locate Tropical Architecture as a neo-colonial project that emerged in the 1950s along the networks of the diminishing British Empire. I propose that Tropical Architecture embodied a vision of environmentalism. Green Architecture, which is considered a recent discourse, cannot therefore be fully grasped unless it is historicized in relationship to Tropical Architecture. The careers of tropical architects are the missing link between histories of architecture in the colonies and histories of Green Architecture. I make my argument by establishing continuities between Tropical and Green architectural practices and by demonstrating how people trained in Tropical Architecture made their careers in the field of Green Architecture.
This article investigates the universalist problematic in Modern Movement town planning predominantly through the Indian phase of the career of Otto Koenigsberger (1909–99). Educated in Germany during the Weimar Republic but subjected to Nazi persecution, Koenigsberger migrated via Egypt to Bangalore and employment by the Tata Dynasty in 1939. Upon independence, he was appointed to Director of Housing in charge of New Town Development across India, including the organization of the Chandigarh commission. Koenigsberger’s architecture and town planning, in particular for Jamshedpur, mobilized current transatlantic modernist practice. It was predicated on the potential of abstract aesthetic and functionalist form to embody radical socio‐political change that surmounted both pre‐colonial and imperial conventions. While accommodating some features of Indian architectural tradition, Koenigsberger espoused non‐sectarian and standard solution, especially for housing. This thinking was most evident in his partially realized scheme for pan‐regional prefabricated dwelling units. The failure of this enterprise and ensuing political controversy caused him to resign and move to London. It is argued here that Koenigsberger’s experience in India informed his inauguration in 1957 of the School of Tropical Architectures at the Architectural Association and the department of Development Planning at University College London in 1972; these teaching posts coincided with successive reconsideration of his concept of urban design that culminated in the locally conditioned concept of Action Planning. The analytic is discursive, reading shifts in design thought out of Koenigsberger’s photographic and textual archive as well as his architectural and urban design work in India.
The Governor General of India, Lord Chelmsford's renaming of the company town at Sakchi as Jamshedpur (after Jamshetji Tata) and the railway station at Kalimati as Tatanagar in 1919 ensured that the industry (and its founder) and the city will remained linked in perpetuity
  • Vithalani Nath
Nath and Vithalani, 227. The Governor General of India, Lord Chelmsford's renaming of the company town at Sakchi as Jamshedpur (after Jamshetji Tata) and the railway station at Kalimati as Tatanagar in 1919 ensured that the industry (and its founder) and the city will remained linked in perpetuity.
Tribal communities are concentrated in peripheral bustees—Mango on the north, Bhuiandih, Sitaramdera and Bhalubasa on the north-east, Ulyan, Bheitya and Sonari on west and north-west, Bagbera, Ghagidih,and Kitadih south of the steel city beyond the railway tracks
  • Dutta
Dutta, 158. Tribal communities are concentrated in peripheral bustees—Mango on the north, Bhuiandih, Sitaramdera and Bhalubasa on the north-east, Ulyan, Bheitya and Sonari on west and north-west, Bagbera, Ghagidih,and Kitadih south of the steel city beyond the railway tracks. JUSCO plans to upgrade Bhuiandih, Ulayan, Bheitya, and Sonari.
Vithalani with Tulsi Vatsal Horizons: The Tata Century
  • Aman Nath
Aman Nath and Jay Vithalani with Tulsi Vatsal Horizons: The Tata Century 1904-2004 (Mumbai: India Book House, 2005);
Green Cities and the Urban Future
  • Robert F Young
Robert F. Young ''Green Cities and the Urban Future'' in Kermit C. Parsons and David Schuyler (eds.) From Garden City to Green City: The Legacy of Ebenezer Howard (Balitmore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 213.
  • Jatinder Singh
  • Kamal Ghosh
Jatinder Singh and Kamal Ghosh. Development Plan of Jamshedpur Township. Unpublished Report, 1998.
Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City
  • William Glover
William Glover Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007);