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U-Th analysis and rock art: A response to Pike et al.

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Rock Art Research 2012 - Volume 29, Number 2.
244
U-Th analysis and rock art:
a response to Pike et al.
By ROBERt G. BEDNARiK
The implicit purpose of the recent paper by Pike
et al. (2012) appears to be to clarify or refine the
chronology of the cave art of south-western Europe,
most especially of the early phases of that sequence
of traditions. The following is intended to show that
the results they report will not necessarily rewrite
    

et passim) have succeeded in this. The reasons are as
complex as a constructive discussion of the individual
claims made, and their respective merits, but a small

The uranium-series ‘dates’ Pike et al. provide

collected in eleven Cantabrian caves range from 164
to 40 800 years . Only those from three of these sites
are discussed (Pike et al. 2012). No details were given
of the speleothem deposits sampled, but they are all
reported as being directly and physically related to
pigment residues. Therefore they clearly constitute

do not, as the authors emphasise, date the rock art
concerned. Nevertheless, if their validity were accepted,
they would provide valuable minimum dates where
the calcite skin is superimposed on the rock art; while
in the cases where underlying calcite was sampled, the
results should be maximum ages.
Precisely the same method was used more than
thirty years earlier in Malangine Cave, South Austra-
 
occurring both below and above a much more sub-
stantial calcite skin consisted of petroglyphs rather than
paintings (Fig. 1). In the Australian study (Bednarik

but averaged a thickness of 15 mm, providing very large
samples, and it did not have to be removed forcibly,
because naturally exfoliating material was amply
available (in a quantity of several kilograms). More
importantly, these samples were not only subjected
to uranium-series assay, but simultaneously also to

of testing one method against the other. This work,
 


were that the bulk sample of the entire lamina showed
a carbon ratio implying a carbon age of 5550 ± 55 years
BP (Hv-10241) whereas the very same speleothem
yielded a U-Th result of 28 000 ± 2000 . This massive
discrepancy remained unexplained, and although
there may have been some carbon ‘rejuvenation’, it
was assumed that post-depositional mobility of the
uranium content was in all probability responsible for

only published much later and reluctantly, essentially

Decades later Pike et al. (2012) would have greatly
    
applying the same care to their samples. Perhaps they
felt that the sample amounts available to them were too
small for carbon analysis, but they could have easily

to check the reliability of their method. They propose
that the internal consistency in some samples, taken
from inner and outer sections of a calcite skin, supports
their contentions, but this would obviously be irrelevant
if there are systematic distortions of the uranium-series
    
sampled deposits similarly.
The early Australian work was followed by a

tandem to rock art, with much the same result (Causse
et al. 2003). Yet both studies were completely ignored
Figure 1. Ceiling petroglyphs in Malangine Cave, South
Australia, reappearing after the thick reprecipitated
calcite lamina, seen on the left, exfoliates naturally.
This lamina, of about 15 mm thickness, bears itself
shallowly incised engravings, thus eectively
separating two phases of cave petroglyphs.
Photographed in 1981.
245
Rock Art Research 2012 - Volume 29, Number 2.
by Pike’s team, here as well as in their preceding
similar work in Church Hole, United Kingdom. In
   
  
   
not even related to any rock art, being located some

markings. Therefore it remains unclear in what way
the Church Hole analyses are relevant to any of that
site’s rock art. Moreover, the claims that engraved

from mistaken iconographic interpretation (Bahn et al.
2003) to the description of about a hundred entirely
natural features as rock art (Ripoll et a. 2004). When
their unfounded claims, including the contention that
the ceiling of this ‘Sistine Chapel’ constitutes the ‘most
richly carved and engraved ceiling in the whole of
cave art’, were challenged (Bednarik 2005), the Church
Hole team responded with personal abuse (Ripoll et al.
2005). Nevertheless, its members did tone down their
capricious claims subsequently (but without formally
acknowledging that they had been wrong; see Montelle
2008), and the quantity of supposedly Palaeolithic art

replaced with the equally capricious uranium-series
analysis of irrelevant accretionary calcite skin.

team now proposing a large number of ‘re-datings’ for
a series of caves in Spain’s north, and anyone querying
them should anticipate an intemperate reaction; this
team does not welcome the stating of alternative views.
The prospect of a terse response should not, however,
deter a critical review of their data and propositions.
Pike et al.’s (2012) statement that the Proto-
Aurignacian represents the arrival of Homo sapiens
presumably refers to Homo sapiens sapiens, because other
sub-species, such as Homo sapiens neanderthalensis, also
belong to this species, and existed well before the so-
called Upper Palaeolithic (Bednarik 2008). The authors
statement that paint residues often lack binders implies
that they are unaware that nearly all carbon dates from
rock paintings are unreliable, because all rock surfaces
and substrates contain organic and non-organic
contamination (derived from micro-organisms, aerosols,



the molecular or object level (Ponti and Sinibaldi 2005).
Unless this can be accomplished, carbon ratios can only
be accepted from charcoal pigment and beeswax art
(Bednarik 2002).
The authors’ support for the ‘long chronology’ is
certainly laudable but they seem unaware of the many
previous publications proposing or documenting
that model. In their discussion of Chauvet Cave they
overlook that the early phase of its rock art has for

credible presence of ‘anatomically modern humans’

at least in Europe, and has been proposed to be up
to in the order of 40 000 years old (Bednarik 2007; cf.
Sadier et al. 2012). Similarly, their suggestion that so-
called Neanderthals might be responsible for some of
the early Franco-Cantabrian rock art is not in the least
new; it has been proposed for many decades, from the
early part of the 20th century (the sepulchral slab from
a Robust child’s grave in La Ferrassie is surely the work

recent years (Bednarik 2007). Again, the author’s lack of
familiarity with the relevant literature is disconcerting
(e.g. when they claim that the purportedly oldest
of their analysed motifs are the oldest rock art of
Europe), and this extends to their comments concerning
Chauvet Cave. The dating of the rock art in that site
 
own work, which uses a method unproven in rock art
age estimation and burdened with previous failures.

rejected all of the hundreds of datings from Chauvet,
and claimed without empirical evidence that the rock
art is much more recent than the Aurignacian traditions

supports a claim for essentially similar antiquity as that
of the older Chauvet paintings, apparently unaware that

and contradict his own objections to them. After all, the
‘discs’ or dot markings occur not only in the Cantabrian
Figure 2. The cupule slab of ‘Neanderthal’ interment
No. 6 in La Ferrassie, France.
Rock Art Research 2012 - Volume 29, Number 2.
246
cave art they believe they have minimum dated, they
are very numerous in Chauvet Cave also. However, in
Chauvet they were produced as prints (paint applied to
hands and then pressed against the wall), whereas Pike
et al. claim that in El Castillo Cave, this motif type was
produced by blowing pigment onto the wall.
Similarly, the authors’ laudable support for the
gradualist model of recent human technology and
symbolling ability indicates that they are distancing
themselves from the misguided replacement hypothesis,
but they seem unaware of the Oldisleben 2 object, which
— although portable rather than rock art — is of the
Micoquian and thus currently the earliest known


the principal propositions of Pike et al. (2012) are far
from refuted, and their key claim, that the early Franco-
Cantabrian cave art is probably the work of Robusts, is
in all probability correct. It is, however, not a new idea


rock art. Therefore the most recent propositions by
Pike et al. are not essentially refuted, and may in fact
be correct. However, this is far from established and

the analytical method they used against carbon isotope
analysis, as has been done by this author several
decades ago. It is also essential that their sensetionalist
claims be presented in the context of an impeccable
knowledge of the relevant previous literature, which
is this case is sadly lacking.
Robert G. Bednarik
P.O. Box 216

Australia
robertbednarik@hotmail.com
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RAR 29-1058
... For more than a decade, many dozens of authors have questioned Pleistocene 230 Th/ 234 U dates from thin carbonate speleothem skins or travertine (e.g. Bednarik 2012;Clottes 2012;Pons-Branchu et al., 2014;Sauvet et al., 2015;Aubert et al., 2018;Slimak et al., 2018;Tang et al., 2020;Tang and Bednarik 2021;White et al., 2019;Bednarik et al., 2022;Bednarik 2022). Those who have applied the method and detected various irregularities have cautioned against its uncritical use or suggested testing its results with another method. ...
... Pike et al., 2012Pike et al., , 2017, contradicting archaeological narratives (e.g. Bednarik 2012;Clottes 2012;Pons-Branchu et al., 2014;Sauvet et al., 2015;Tang et al., 2020;Tang and Bednarik 2021;White et al., 2019;Bednarik et al., 2022). The Qiusang controversy resembles both the Jinmium claims and those from the Spanish caves. ...
... As the cave's speleothem deposits began drying out in response to the 19th-century clearing of the vegeta-tion above, the laminar sheets effectively separating the last two petroglyph generations began to exfoliate from the ceiling, and several kilograms of the speleothem sheets fell to the floor. Appreciating that this material is datable by both 14 C and 230 Th/ 234 U age determination and that its age must be between those of the second and third petroglyph traditions, we secured age estimates from the substantial speleothem lamina (Bednarik 1984(Bednarik , 1985(Bednarik , 1986(Bednarik , 1998(Bednarik , 1999(Bednarik , 2012. ...
... Many dozens of authors have questioned the majority of Pleistocene 230 Th/ 234 U dates in a series of papers (e.g. Bednarik 2012;Clottes 2012;Pons-Branchu et al. 2014;Sauvet et al. 2015;Aubert et al. 2018;Tang et al. 2020;Tang and Bednarik 2021;White et al. in press;Bednarik et al. 2022). The proponents of the method (e.g. ...
Article
Full-text available
A review of the history of uranium-series dating of fossil bone and calcite skins related to rock paintings reveals significant limitations to the credibility of many such results. The 'closed system' conditions required do not seem to apply to many ancient faunal remains and may be lacking in many cases also in the types of speleothems frequently used to secure minimum or maximum ages for cave paintings or petroglyphs. The studies comparing 14 C dates with U-Th results from such reprecipitated carbonates, particularly of the Pleistocene, suggest that the latter tend to be much higher. Recent testing of the method implies that the taphonomy of most such deposits is far too complex to allow the determination of age-governed 230 Th/ 234 U ratios. The U concentrations in coeval calcite skins vary significantly on a millimetre scale, and in some cases, apparent ages can be hundreds of times greater than actual ages. Tests also reveal that results obtained by different laboratories from the same samples differ greatly. The lack of reproducibility and testability of such results, combined with the interventional method of obtaining samples, excludes it from sustainable approaches to rock art dating.
... Destacan los trabajos de Pike et al. (2012) y de Hoffmann et al. (2018) sobre arte rupestre en diversas cuevas españolas. Entre las implicaciones de estos trabajos está una reubicación cronológica de diversas manifestaciones de arte rupestre (con edades bastante más antiguas de las estimadas previamente) que ha suscitado fuerte controversia (e.g., Bednarik, 2012;Clottes, 2012;Sauvet et al., 2017;Slimak et al., 2018). ...
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Enlace al Vol. Completo: https://recyt.fecyt.es/index.php/CUGEO/issue/view/4351/847 El presente número especial se centra en la mayoría de los métodos de datación que nos pueden ofrecer fechas numéricas y sus correspondientes errores para los materiales Cuaternarios. Los diferentes artículos recogen las técnicas más novedosas o punteras, aunque las más comúnmente usadas en el estudio del Cuaternario, como el Paleomagnetismo, Potasio-Argón (K/Ar) o Carbono 14 (C14) no se han incluido. Esto ha sido debido a que los especialistas con los que se había contactado para la redacción de estos artículos desgraciadamente no pudieron concretar su participación por diferentes motivos. En cualquier caso, son de los métodos más antigua y comúnmente usados en el estudio del Cuaternario, y de sobra conocidos por la mayoría de cuaternaristas, existiendo diferentes obras de referencia para los mismos, aunque no sea en castellano. La presente obra recoge casi una veintena de métodos que, de una u otra forma, nos aportan fechas y edades numéricas con un importante bagaje geocronológico y apoyo isotópico, geoquímico, biogeoquímico o arqueológico. Partimos de las dataciones epigráficas, cerámicas o numismáticas que nos ofrece la arqueología (01. Campos et al.) para adentrarnos en los métodos arqueomagnéticos (02. Carrancho et al.), dendrocronológicos (03. Génova-Fuster y Díez-Herrero), liquenométricos (04. Pérez-López) y de estudio de sedimentos varvados (05. Corella y Martín-Puerta) que nos permiten fechar materiales, formas, procesos y eventos energéticos históricos, holocenos o de edad post-glaciar. La contribución de (06.) Cearreta et al., nos explica de qué manera el análisis de radionucleidos de vida corta como el Plomo (210Pb), Cesio (137Cs) o Plutonio (239,240Pu) ayuda en la datación de procesos geológicos muy recientes, especialmente aquellos relacionados con procesos de contaminación y/o del estudio del todavía “nonato” Antropoceno. Los dos siguientes artículos nos ofrecen cómo se pueden combinar fechas procedentes de diferentes métodos de datación (C14; Th/U, TL, OSL, etc.) para el establecimiento de “modelos cronológicos robustos” que profundicen en las tasas de sedimentación de zonas lagunares y sus implicaciones paleoclimáticas (07. Moreno et al.), o para el establecimiento de cronologías fiables mediante la generación de “cronofunciones” (08. Silva y Roquero) que relacionen fechas y alturas relativas de terrazas fluviales u otros elementos geomorfológicos, ofreciéndonos marcos geocronológicos regionales “low-cost”. Bardají y Lario (09. y 10.) ahondan en los principios de la “estratigrafía isotópica marina” (Marine Isotopic Stages), mostrándonos las bases y actualizaciones más recientes de tales escalas isotópicas, con especial referencia al último ciclo glaciar (MIS 4 - MIS 1): estadiales e interestadiales de Groenlandia; Eventos Dansgaard-Oeschger y Eventos Heinrich. Los siguientes artículos se basan en el uso de los estudios micropaleontológicos como herramienta de datación, tanto en estudios de sondeos marinos (11. Alonso-García et al.), como en registros continentales lacustres o de rellenos kársticos fundamentalmente (12. Cuenca-Bescós). Tanto el estudio de microforaminíferos como de micromamíferos no nos aportan una cronología “sensu stricto” por sí mismos, pero su combinación con dataciones o curvas isotópicas relacionadas permiten el establecimiento de marcos cronológicos robustos para sondeos marinos, continentales y secuencias kársticas. Los primeros son muy importantes para el último ciclo interglaciar-glaciarinterglaciar, y las segundas, relevantes en el establecimiento de cronologías alrededor del tránsito Pleistoceno inferior-medio y más antiguas. . El siguiente artículo aborda la datación isotópica Th/U (13. Múñoz-García y Martín-Chivelet) todo un “tótem” de la geocronología del Cuaternario que se ha aplicado a sistemas kársticos (espeleotemas), terrazas marinas (gasterópodos), corales, calcretas y demás materiales geológicos con un contenido importante y de precipitación primaria de CO3Ca. A continuación, se aborda la técnica de datación por “racemización de aminoácidos” (14. Torres et al.), que analiza la degradación de aminoácidos en elementos de origen biológico muy diversos, como foraminíferos, moluscos, crustáceos, y diferentes tipos de fósiles de mamíferos (huesos y dientes), lo que permite establecer cronologías en secuencias difícilmente datables por otros métodos. Es una técnica no muy utilizada, pero ampliamente aplicada en España debido al trabajo del Laboratorio de Estratigrafía Biomolecular de la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid (UPM). La siguiente dupla de artículos se ocupa del análisis de dos de las técnicas de datación más modernamente introducidas en España, y de amplio uso en la actualidad, como son la “Termoluminiscencia y la Termoluminiscencia Ópticamente Estimulada”, TL y OSL en sus siglas convencionales (15. Medialdea- Utande y García-Silva) y la “Resonancia Paramagnética Electrónica”, ESR (16. Duval). La versatilidad de estas técnicas de datación al no requerir materiales específicos, sino más bien ampliamente distribuidos sobre la corteza terrestre, como son granos de cuarzo y feldespato, es la que ha hecho que estas sean las herramientas geocronológicas que han multiplicado exponencialmente el número de dataciones disponibles en España. A ello se le une la disponibilidad de análisis en los laboratorios de datación del Centro Nacional para el Estudio de la Evolución Humana (CENIEH) al que pertenecen los primeros firmantes de ambos artículos. Un último artículo (17. Alcalá Reygosa et al.) nos ilustra en las más modernas aplicaciones de la “datación por cosmogénicos terrestres de materiales y formas volcánicas recientes”, comentándonos algunos ejemplos en volcanes monogenéticos holocenos de México. Todos los trabajos han sido revisados por pares, incluyendo un importante elenco de investigadores que han actuado como revisores.
... Destacan los trabajos de Pike et al. (2012) y de Hoffmann et al. (2018) sobre arte rupestre en diversas cuevas españolas. Entre las implicaciones de estos trabajos está una reubicación cronológica de diversas manifestaciones de arte rupestre (con edades bastante más antiguas de las estimadas previamente) que ha suscitado fuerte controversia (e.g., Bednarik, 2012;Clottes, 2012;Sauvet et al., 2017;Slimak et al., 2018). ...
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El método de U/Th permite datar materiales diversos de hasta 600.000 años de antigüedad. En este trabajo se revisan sus fundamentos y las técnicas analíticas disponibles, centrándose en su aplicación más habitual, que es la datación de carbonatos. En concreto, se discuten su potencial y limitaciones en la datación de espeleotemas, travertinos, calcretas, cementos, corales y moluscos aprovechando los ejemplos publicados en España. El cálculo de edades mediante U/Th se basa en la serie de desintegración del 238U e involucra medidas de 238U, 234U y 230Th. Su fundamento radica en el fraccionamiento entre los radionucleidos del uranio y del torio en los sistemas naturales. En el caso de la precipitación de carbonato puro, éste incorpora uranio en el momento de su formación, pero está libre de torio inicial de tal forma que, pasado un tiempo, todo el 230Th medido en la muestra deriva de la desintegración del 234U y esta relación permite calcular la edad de formación del mineral. Teóricamente, por tanto, el carbonato a datar: (1) debe incorporar cierta cantidad de uranio en el momento de su formación, (2) no debe incorporar cantidad significativa de torio y (3) debe comportarse como un sistema cerrado. De estas premisas, la segunda y la tercera no siempre se cumplen por lo que el método se ha adaptado a estos casos añadiendo cálculos y correcciones adicionales. Dada la variedad de carbonatos susceptibles de ser datados, este método es de amplia aplicación en paleoclimatología, paleontología, arqueología, estratigrafía, geomorfología, tectónica y oceanografía, entre otras disciplinas.
... Because of these many concerns about the credibility of the U-Th method when applied to porous carbonates, an intensive debate about it has developed since 2012 (Bednarik 2012(Bednarik , 2017Clottes 2012;Pons-Branchu et al. 2014;Sauvet et al. 2015;Aubert et al. 2018;Pons-Branchu et al. 2020;White et al. in press) -although the problem has been known for about forty years (Bednarik 1984). The sensational data reported by Zhang D. D. et al. need to be considered in the context of that debate. ...
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The proposed sensational Middle Pleistocene dating of the hand and footprints found at the Qiusang site in Tibet has involved a method that numerous authors have considered unsuitable for poorly crys-tallised reprecipitated carbonate deposits. This is an open-air site, and precipitation should be expected to severely affect its travertine's U-Th ratio, especially by removing uranium. Such an open system inevitably results in age estimates that are significantly greater than the precipitate's actual age. There is no evidence that hominins occupied the central Tibetan Plateau at the time proposed, and none of modern humans in Eurasia, yet the footprints are of Moderns. Recent U-Th analysis applications in China have shown that results from speleothems and similar deposits can be as much as a hundred times or so too high. They have also confirmed that multiple samples from the same deposit may provide vastly different age estimates.
... In the uranium-thorium series dating method, the age of calcite formation is assumed to provide a minimum age (terminus ante quem) for the underlying paintings or engravings or a maximum age (terminus post quem) when it is the surface material that is dated. However, many issues have been raised about this method (Plagnes et al. 2003;Bednarik 2012;Clottes 2012;Fontugne et al. 2013;Pons-Branchu et al. 2014;Tang and Bednarik 2021). According to some authors (Pons-Branchu et al. 2014), these issues are linked in part with the development of calcite deposits within the caves and rockshelters concerning the effects of moisture that may distort results by leaching the uranium, for example (Plagnes et al. 2003). ...
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Painted rock art figures from the Boqueirão da Pedra Furada and Toca do Paraguaio shelters (Serra da Capivara, Piauí, Brazil) have been recently analysed using various recognised scientific techniques. After the geochemical results, the samples that revealed carbonate were used for the dating process. Uranium-series disequilibrium dating (U/Th) methods were applied to two of those samples: sample 4 from Toca do Paraguaio (TP04) (a dark red geometric figure), and sample 2 from Toca do Boqueirão da Pedra Furada (BPF2) (a white circular figure). The dates obtained from the U/Th dating provided maximum ages of the paintings. These dates also allowed indirect association of the painting events with the data retrieved from the archaeological excavation. In this paper, we consider, albeit briefly, the archaeological history of the sites and their context into a broader landscape and suggest that geometric figures belong to the early Holocene.
... In the last few years, more evidence of the symbolic behavior 1 3 18 Page 2 of 29 of Neandertals has been added: the first evident burials (Balzeau et al. 2020 and the references therein), the use of pigments and feathers for body decoration (Peresani et al. 2011;Finlayson et al. 2012;Rodríguez-Hidalgo et al. 2019;Soressi and D'Errico 2007), the production and use of ornaments (Caron et al. 2011 and the references therein) and portable art (Bednarik 2006;Majkić et al. 2017;Shaham et al. 2019), and recently the creation of parietal art (Rodríguez-vidal et al. 2014). This latter aspect has been the subject of an intense controversy, basically around the reliability of the used dating methods (see Pike et al. 2012;Bednarik 2012;García-Díez et al. 2013a;Pike et al. 2017;Pons-Branchu et al. 2014;Sauvet et al. 2017;Hoffmann et al. 2018a, b, c;Hoffmann et al. 2019;Aubert et al. 2018;Pearce and Bonneau 2018;Rodríguez-Vidal et al. 2014;Slimak et al. 2018;White et al. 2020). In contrast, the discussion about Early Upper Paleolithic art and ornament production has centered on the existence of regionally distinguishable artistic and decorative traditions, and also on the social role of the artistic explosion witnessed in the Aurignacian and onwards (Kulturpumpe) (Conard and Bolus 2003;Garate-Maidagan et al. 2015;Higham et al. 2012;White et al. 2012). ...
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The characterization of the first portable artistic depictions in Cantabrian Spain is crucial for comprehension of the symbolic development of Neandertals and Homo sapiens in the context of the passage from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic. However, despite the importance of these first graphic representations, their study has tended to lack the application of suitable methodologies to be able to discriminate between graphic activity and other kind of alterations (use-wear, taphonomic, or post-depositional). The present study has examined a significant sample of Middle and Upper Paleolithic lithic and osseous objects from Cantabrian Spain that have been cited as evidence of graphic activity in the literature. The contexts in which the objects were found have been considered, and the objects have been analyzed through the microscopic observation of the marks to distinguish between incisions, pecking, and engraving made for a non-functional purpose (graphic activity) and those generated by diverse functional actions or taphonomic processes (cutmarks, trampling, root marks, percussion scars, and use-wear). The results show that some regional Middle Paleolithic osseous objects display incisions that are neither functional nor taphonomic and whose characteristics are similar to graphic evidence attributed to Neandertals in Europe and the Near East. In turn, the first portable art produced by Homo sapiens in the Cantabrian Spain seems to be limited mostly to linear signs, and no figurative representation can be recognized until the Gravettian. This appears to indicate a particular idiosyncrasy of the region in the Early Upper Paleolithic, which, in comparison with other regions such as south-west France and the Swabian Jura, shows a later and less abundant production of portable art.
... Sauvet et al., 2008), or by geomorphological insights, because the entrance of Chauvet started collapsing since 29 ka until the total sealing of the cave 21 ka ago (Sadier et al., 2012). There is a similar situation concerning the half-dozen U/Th Aurignacian dates obtained in Castillo, Altamira, and Tito Bustillo (Pike et al., 2012), which were also criticized by some specialists (Bednarik, 2012;Clottes, 2012b;Pons-Branchu et al., 2014;Sauvet et al., 2017) but defended by the initial researchers (Pike et al., 2017). ...
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Actes de la séance commune de la Société préhistorique française et la Hugo Obermaier-Gesellschaft à Strasbourg (16-17 mai 2019) Textes publiés sous la direction de Ludovic Mevel, Mara-Julia Weber et Andreas Maier Paris, Société préhistorique française, 2021 (Séances de la Société préhistorique française, 17), p. 173-194 www.prehistoire.org Abstract: The symbolic use of the underground landscape is one of the most relevant aspects of the behaviour of Upper Palaeolithic societies in Europe. Currently available archaeological data clearly indicate the development of symbolic activities inside the caves from the Aurignacian, with Chauvet as the best example. This symbolic use became generalized until its most widespread levels at the end of the Upper Palaeolithic period, during the Middle Magdalenian. Besides, some of these caves were used during several periods in the Upper Palaeolithic. At the same time, even though the presence of graphic palimpsests was noted from the beginning of research in cave art, the recurrent use of caves for symbolic purposes, basically parietal art, in different periods during the Upper Palaeolithic has received the most interest only after the introduction of 14 C-AMS analyses of charcoal paintings. Thus, until now, the reuse of caves for symbolic purposes, especially rock art, has scarcely been studied. The main goal of the present study is therefore to construct a preliminary overview of the phenomenon in order to establish differences and/or similarities in the reutilisation patterns. The methodology to identify the reuse of caves art in the area of study has been based on the critical re-evaluation of existing information. Previous studies have been partial, mostly because they were restricted to specific geographical areas. In this way, a recurrence has been observed in the use of these symbolic spaces which is especially striking in the central/western Cantabrian region, during the whole period, in a way that is not detected in other regions. This is a very significant observation because it is evidence for a shared form of behaviour regarding graphic codes in human groups that followed one another over time and are archaeologically represented by very different technocomplexes. Résumé : L'appropriation symbolique des paysages souterrains est l'un des comportements les plus marquants de l'Homo sapiens pendant le Paléolithique supérieur en Europe. L'incursion à l'intérieur des grottes à des fins symboliques semble être lié à de rares actes funéraires des populations néandertaliennes et des certaines activités ponctuelles comme celles documentées dans la grotte de Bruniquel. Les données archéologiques actuellement disponibles indiquent clairement le développement d'activités symboliques à l'intérieur des grottes depuis l'époque aurignacienne, avec la grotte Chauvet comme meilleur exemple. Ce processus se généralisera jusqu'à atteindre son paroxysme vers la fin du Paléolithique supérieur, au cours du Magdalénien moyen. Dans certaines régions, les grottes demeurent la principale source d'information pour appréhender l'organisation des sociétés paléolithiques en raison des problèmes de conservation des habitats de plein air. Elles ont en effet été occupées, voire habitées, et utilisées pour différentes fonctions selon des chronologies plus ou moins longues. D'ailleurs, certaines d'entre elles ont été occupées pendant plusieurs périodes, continues ou non, pendant le Paléolithique supérieur. C'est la raison pour laquelle certains spécialistes ont proposé l'idée que certains de ces sites aient eu le statut de « sites d'agrégations », comme l'illustre le cas de la grotte d'Altamira. Cette même idée a également été évoquée sous le nom de « super sites » pour certaines grottes pyrénéennes comme Isturitz ou le Mas d'Azil. Si la présence de palimpseste graphique dans l'art ru-pestre a été mise en évidence depuis les prémices des recherches dans ces contextes, l'utilisation récurrente de grottes à des fins symboliques et artistique a été véritablement démontrée avec le développement des analyses 14 C-AMS sur les peintures réalisées au fusain. Pourtant, jusqu'à présent, la réappropriation de grottes à des fins symboliques n'a guère été un véritable objet d'étude. Seules les grottes de Cantabrie occidentale et centrale ont été évaluées de manière conjointe dans cette perspective, alors que dans d'autres secteurs elles ont été considérées individuellement. Récemment, à travers nos recherches dans l'est de la Cantabrie et dans les Pyrénées occidentales, nous avons détecté l'existence de trois sites qui présentaient des récurrences graphiques : les sites d'Aitzbitarte IV et d'Aitzbitarte V, étaient des ensembles d'art rupestre inconnus. Erberua était pour sa part déjà connu, mais nos travaux ont permis la réinterprétation de certaines gravures. En raison de ces nouveaux indices et dans le but de parvenir à avoir une vision d'ensemble de ce comportement culturel à la fin du Paléolithique supérieur, nous avons répertorié et caractérisé tous les sites d'art rupestre qui présentait une réutilisation des parois en réalisant une réévaluation critique des informations publiées et la discussion de modèles pour le bassin versant du golfe de Gascogne. L'objectif principal de la présente étude était de proposer un premier aperçu de ces phénomènes et de trouver des différences et/ou des similitudes dans les schémas de réappropriation des parois. Au final, nous avons observé une récurrence de ces espaces symboliques qui est particulièrement frappante dans la région de Cantabrie centrale/occidentale, pendant tout le Paléolithique supérieur. Ces résultats permettent de mettre en évidence un comportement partagé pour des codes graphiques par des groupes humains qui se succèdent dans le temps, en transcendant les technocomplexes auxquelles ils appartiennent. L'enquête actuelle s'est limitée à un sujet principal-la distribution géographique et spatiale-et reste préliminaire en raison de notre objectif principal qui était d'obtenir une vue d'ensemble à l'échelle de l'Europe occidentale. Dans tous les cas, des analyses plus approfondies devront être effectuées pour préciser les interactions entre les différentes phases de décors, pour définir les schémas de construction graphique de l'ensemble et bien sûr, pour expliquer les différences mises en évidence. Mots-clés : Grotte ornée, Symbolisme, Réutilisation, Europe, Magdalénien. Zusammenfassung: Die symbolische Nutzung unterirdischer Landschaften ist einer der relevantesten Verhaltensaspekte jung-paläolithischer Gesellschaften in Europa. Die zurzeit verfügbaren archäologischen Daten zeigen deutlich die Entwicklung sym-bolischer Aktivitäten in Höhlen seit dem Aurignacien, mit der Chauvet-Höhle als bestem Beispiel. Diese Art der symbolischen Nutzung erfuhr immer weitere Verbreitung bis zu ihrem Höhepunkt gegen Ende des Jungpaläolithikums, während des Mittleren Magdalénien. Außerdem wurden einige dieser Höhlen zu mehreren Zeitpunkten während des Jungpaläolithikums genutzt. Wenn-gleich Palimpseste bei Höhlenkunst von Beginn der Untersuchungen an beschrieben wurden, wuchs das Interesse an der wieder-holten Nutzung von Höhlen für symbolische Zwecke, hauptsächlich an Wandkunst, zu verschiedenen jungpaläolithischen Epochen erst nach der Einführung von 14 C-AMS-Analysen an Holzkohle-Zeichnungen. Bislang wurde die Wiederverwendung von Höhlen zu symbolischen Zwecken, insbesondere Felskunst, kaum untersucht. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es daher, einen vorläufigen Überblick über das Phänomen zu geben, um Unterschiede und/oder Gemeinsamkeiten in den Wiederverwendungsmustern herausstellen zu können. Die Methode zur Erkennung der Wiederverwendung von Höhlenkunst im Untersuchungsgebiet basiert auf der kritischen Neubewertung der vorhandenen Informationen. Bisherige Studien betrachteten meist nur einen spezifischen geographischen Raum und waren daher partieller Natur. Auf diese Weise konnte eine wiederholte Nutzung symbolischer Plätze festgestellt werden, die sich in einer besonders hohen Intensität während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraumes in der zentralen/westlichen kantabrischen Region abzeichnet, wie sie in keiner anderen Region erkannt wurde. Dies ist eine signifikante Beobachtung, da sie beweist, dass zeitlich aufeinanderfolgende Menschengruppen, die archäologisch durch sehr unterschiedliche Technokomplexe repräsentiert sind, eine geteilte Art des Verhaltens in Bezug auf graphische Kodierung hatten.
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Unlike the richly documented rock art of the Sahara or southern Africa, that of sub-Saharan Africa often remains poorly known. With 117 inventoried sites (including 20 decorated caves), the Lovo Massif contains one of the largest concentrations of rock sites in the entire region, representing more than 5700 images. Dating this rock art is a real challenge, and only a few direct dates of drawings made with charcoal have been obtained so far (Heimlich et al., 2013). In this paper, we present the first chronology for the red geometric paintings of the Lovo Massif. We used uranium-series and ¹⁴C on secondary carbonates deposited above a series of geometric paintings at the M'Bubulu rock art site, in order to propose a minimum age for these motifs. The cross-dating shows evidence of a close system behavior for these secondary carbonate layers, thereby validating the ages obtained. They can thus be used to constrain the chronology of the red geometric paintings, which were made before the seventeenth century. Thus, this art could be attributed to a specific Kongo ritual.
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‘Direct dating’ is predicated on two crucial preconditions. First, the physical relationship of the art and the dating criterion must be direct and indisputable. Second, the propositions concerning the chronological relationship of rock art and the dating criterion must be falsifiable. This paper lists all direct-dating results from 1980 to 1995.
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Engravings representing Britain's first apparently Pleistocene cave art were discovered in Church Hole and Robin Hood caves, Creswell Crags. Representations of a deer, highly stylised females or birds and vulvae were engraved into the bedrock, and in some cases had been covered with a thin layer of flowstone. In the absence of radiocarbon datable pigments, uranium-series disequilibrium dating was undertaken on these flowstones to provide minimum ages for the engravings. Here we show that the oldest motif was carved earlier than 12,800 years ago which is consistent with radiocarbon dates for the Late Upper Palaeolithic archaeology at Creswell Crags. Thus we demonstrate the authenticity of the engravings and show them to be the oldest known examples in Britain.
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This paper is a response the the claims that a few engravings in the cave Church Hole represent the first evidence of Pleistocene rock art in the United Kingdom. It finds that no adequate evidence for such a spectacular claim has been provided, and that many of the rock markings appear to be natural. (This was subsequently conceded by the researchers concerned.)
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Cave art is a subject of perennial interest among archaeologists. Until recently it was assumed that it was largely restricted to southern France and northern Iberia, although in recent years new discoveries have demonstrated that it originally had a much wider distribution. The discovery in 2003 of the UK's first examples of cave art, in two caves at Creswell Crags on the Derbyshire/Nottinghamshire border, was the most surprising illustration of this. The discoverers (the editors of the book) brought together in 2004 a number of Palaeolithic archaeologists and rock art specialists from across the world to study the Creswell art and debate its significance, and its similarities and contrasts with contemporary Late Pleistocene ("Ice Age") art on the Continent. This comprehensively illustrated book presents the Creswell art itself, the archaeology of the caves and the region, and the wider context of the Upper Palaeolithic era in Britain, as well as a number of up-to-date studies of Palaeolithic cave art in Spain, Portugal, France, and Italy which serve to contextualize the British examples.