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The Catharsis of Aggression: An Evaluation of a Hypothesis
Abstract
Theorizing on aggression catharsis that follows psychoanalytic or ethological reasoning formulated in the frustration–aggression hypothesis assumes a basic linear cause–effect model. According to this model, provocation to aggression creates a state of arousal that motivates aggression, which in turn lowers arousal and diminishes the probability of further violence. Evidence from psychophysiological research indicates that under some conditions, aggression does produce decreased arousal when the latter is quantified in terms of cardiovascular activity. Data regarding the effects of aggression on the other indices of autonomic recovery are ambiguous. Aggression does not promote cardiovascular recovery in the following conditions: when the target possesses a higher social status than the attacker, when aggression is a manifestly inappropriate response in a given situation, and when the individual is predisposed to react to aggression with the feelings of guilt. The notion of catharsis has not been confirmed, that reductions in aggression following aggression, insofar as they have been demonstrated, might be more parsimoniously explained in terms of active inhibition, and that in the absence of such inhibitions the expression of aggression increases the likelihood of further such behavior.
... drawing upon the concept of catharsis, many video game players still firmly believe that playing violent games cleans from aggressive feelings. The general cathartic hypothesis was rejected decades ago (Geen & Quanty, 1977) and contemporary research has reached the same conclusion. Nonetheless, the idea that venting aggression in video games reduces aggressive feelings and behaviors continues to enjoy widespread public support (Gentile, 2013;Greitemeyer, 2014). ...
... By experiencing and expressing repressed emotions, symptoms of psychological diseases were believed to be alleviated. A more recent definition of catharsis has been given by Geen and Quanty (1977) who define aggression catharsis as a hypothesized process which follows aggression and that is postulated to lead to a reduction in aggressiveness. They argue that the reduction of aggressiveness is not necessarily a product of catharsis as it is intended, but could also be a byproduct of other processes. ...
... This result is in line with mood management theory (Zillmann, 1988), suggesting that playing (violent) video game leads to mood improvements. Although the catharsis hypothesis has been scientifically disproved many times (e.g., Allen et al., 1995;Geen & Quanty, 1977;Gentile, 2013), empirical evidence shows that especially violent video game players still believe in cathartic effects (Greitemeyer, 2014). The present studies' results are in line with previous findings as violent video game play was positively related to the belief in the cathartic effect. ...
Previous research found that violent video game play leads to increased aggression, but many people (mainly habitual violent video game players) still believe that playing violent games releases aggressive feelings and in turn reduces aggressive behavior. Other research has shown that video game play can have a positive impact on the player's mood. Based on the General Aggression Model and mood management theory, we thus hypothesized that habitual violent video game players misinterpret their better mood after game play as a reduction of aggressive feelings and hence believe in the cathartic effects of violent video games. Two studies examined this reasoning in the player's natural habitat. Habitual video game players were surveyed multiple times for a period of 2 weeks before and after each gaming session. Results showed that playing video games improved the participant's mood, which in turn was positively associated with the belief in the cathartic effect of violent video game play. Importantly, this relation held when controlling for the player's actual level of aggressive feelings. Study 1 further showed that playing a violent game tended to lead to a higher level of reported aggressive feelings after playing. In contrast, in Study 2, level of reported aggressive feelings was not related to the violence of the game. Taken together, habitual violent video game players (erroneously) believe in the cathartic effects of violent video games, because they are in a better mood after playing.
... Freud, 1930;Pennebaker, 1997), opponents argue that expressing negative emotions can increase or exaggerate the emotion as well as initiate other aggressive thoughts, emotions, and behaviors (e.g. Berkowitz, 1984;Bushman, Baumeister, & Stack, 1999;Geen & Quanty, 1977;Tice & Baumeister, 1993). Research has demonstrated that venting negative emotions can be effective when (a) individuals express the anger toward the appropriate target (i.e. the transgressor; Geen & Quanty, 1977) and (b) when venting facilitates cognitive processing rather than rumination (Bushman, 2002). ...
... Berkowitz, 1984;Bushman, Baumeister, & Stack, 1999;Geen & Quanty, 1977;Tice & Baumeister, 1993). Research has demonstrated that venting negative emotions can be effective when (a) individuals express the anger toward the appropriate target (i.e. the transgressor; Geen & Quanty, 1977) and (b) when venting facilitates cognitive processing rather than rumination (Bushman, 2002). However, to meet these conditions, the individual must feel safe expressing their anger to the target (i.e. the recipient will not retaliate) and the individual must be able to move beyond the negative aspects of the situation, otherwise venting will simply exacerbate the situation and can create a spiral in which the anger continues to intensify (e.g. ...
... However, to meet these conditions, the individual must feel safe expressing their anger to the target (i.e. the recipient will not retaliate) and the individual must be able to move beyond the negative aspects of the situation, otherwise venting will simply exacerbate the situation and can create a spiral in which the anger continues to intensify (e.g. Geen & Quanty, 1977). Unfortunately, these conditions are not always met, which can make it difficult to forgive. ...
... However, it is unclear whether it is effective, mostly in high-intensity conditions or also in low-intensity conditions. Building on studies showing that venting may increase emotional intensity [27,28], one possibility is that affect labeling would increase emotional intensity in low-intensity conditions. To answer this question, Experiment 2 aimed to compare the effectiveness of affect labeling in aversive conditions with low and high intensities. ...
... Possible support for this view can be found in studies that showed that expressing some emotions, such as anger, is harmful. Hence, venting anger actually increases aggressive feelings [28] and adds fuel to the flame by heightening the activation of angry thoughts and action tendencies [27]. However, future studies which test homeostasis during affect labeling of low and high-intensity stimuli are needed to understand further the interplay between the effectiveness of affect labeling and the intensity of the situation. ...
A growing number of studies have shown that labeling negative feelings can down-regulate distress. The present study aimed to test the effectiveness of affect labeling while manipulating two factors known to influence the emotion regulation process, namely timing, and emotional intensity. In Experiment 1, sixty-three participants completed a performance-based affect labeling paradigm in which they had to choose between two labels that best describe their feeling. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions: (1) Simultaneous labeling- the labeling occurs while watching the aversive picture. (2) Subsequent labeling- the labeling occurs immediately after watching the aversive picture. (3) Delayed labeling- the labeling occurs 10 seconds after watching the aversive picture. We found that affect labeling efficiently down-regulated distress independent of the labeling timing. In Experiment 2, seventy-nine participants utilized simultaneous labeling for aversive pictures with low and high intensity. We revealed that while affect labeling reduces distress in high-intensity aversive conditions, it increases distress in low-intensity conditions. The results question the standard advice, which calls to count to 10 before you speak in highly aversive states. In addition, it suggests that affect labeling can be beneficial in high-intensity conditions. However, it should be used with caution in low-intensity conditions.
... Two intrinsic interpersonal ER strategies with particular theoretical relevance to suicide-related outcomes are reassurance-seeking (i.e., repeated direct verbal requests to others for already provided, known, or available information to reduce doubt, the perception of threat, or confirmation of an affiliation; Joiner & Metalsky, 2001;Rachman, 2002) and venting (i.e., the intense outward expression of negative emotions to others; Pearlin & Schooler, 1978). Although there is some evidence that both reassurance-seeking and venting are response-dependent (Evraire & Dozois, 2011;Horn & Maercker, 2016;Nils & Rimé, 2012), earlier studies of aggressive venting showed that this strategy reduced arousal in the absence of a particular response from another (Geen & Quanty, 1977). As this is a relatively new area of inquiry, additional research is needed to evaluate the parameters under which specific interpersonal ER strategies may be considered response-dependent or independent (e. g., a particular response from another may not be necessary for the venting of anger to reduce arousal, whereas it may be necessary for the venting of sadness to be effective). ...
Background
Despite research and theory linking emotion regulation (ER) difficulties to suicidal thoughts and behaviors, limited research has examined the relations of specific ER strategies to suicide risk outcomes, and almost no research has examined interpersonal ER strategies in particular. Thus, this study sought to examine associations of specific interpersonal (venting, reassurance-seeking) and intrapersonal (avoidance, acceptance) ER strategies to suicide ideation and attempt history.
Methods
A community sample of adults (N = 363) completed an online study, including measures of perceived burdensomeness, thwarted belongingness, past 3-month suicidal ideation, lifetime suicide attempts, and a scenario-based measure assessing the use of both interpersonal (venting, reassurance-seeking) and intrapersonal (avoidance, acceptance) ER strategies.
Results
When controlling for theoretically-relevant clinical and demographic covariates (and all other ER strategies), greater venting was uniquely associated with greater perceived burdensomeness. Greater avoidance was uniquely associated with greater thwarted belongingness, greater perceived burdensomeness, and a lifetime history of suicide attempts.
Conclusion
Results highlight the relevance of two specific ER strategies (venting and avoidance) that warrant further examination as potential treatment targets aimed at mitigating suicide risk. Limitations include examining only a subset of potential interpersonal and intrapersonal ER strategies, as well as the sole use of self-report measures.
... "Anger release," "venting," or more accurately, "catharsis," refers to the release of some strong emotions being felt by the individual in a direct or indirect way, particularly anger and other negative emotions, thereby obtaining a calm mood. According to the theory of classical catharsis, anger must be released, sublimated, or transferred in some way, or it will cause more serious consequences, so catharsis is a way to effectively alleviate anger and aggression (Freud & Breuer, 1895;Geen & Quanty, 1977). In this regard, early studies of catharsis effectiveness have primarily found that aggressive catharsis seems to alleviate the physiological arousal associated with anger (Hokanson, 1974a). ...
Previous studies have found that "general catharsis", such as hitting sandbags, does not reduce but increases an individual's anger feeling and aggressive behavior. Although the "goal catharsis" that is directed at attacking targets can temporarily relieve anger, there is a risk of increasing the tendency of aggressive personality if it is used for a long time. These findings raise serious doubts and challenges to the traditional view that "anger must be released" held by the classic catharsis theory that many people still trust. The present study compared the effects of "general catharsis" and "goal catharsis" on anger-related responses among Chinese people, and the Chinese written form of catharsis was used in this study. The results showed that after participants were provoked, the aggressive behavior of participants who wrote down their dissatisfaction (general catharsis condition) was significantly higher than that of participants who wrote to attack someone who irritated them (goal catharsis condition) as well as that of participants who completed a simple recall task (control condition), and there was no significant difference in the aggressive behavior level between the latter two cases. These results suggest that the catharsis effect is no better than a simple recall task similar to attention distraction, that is, aggressive catharsis is not an effective way for anger relief.
... Aside from instrumental motives, Robinson and Bennett's (1997) framework also highlights that employees may, as a form of coping, enact deviant behavior to express their displeasure with environmental stressors or unfavorable working conditions. Deviance enacted for these reasons is viewed as less calculative and more impulsive (i.e., a cathartic release; Geen & Quanty, 1977). As with above, we examine three indicators of expressive motives that each capture a stressful and unpleasant work environment which may result in employees feeling a need to express their displeasure: work overload, (lack of) role clarity, and boredom. ...
Despite its prevalence, high cost, and practical import, employee time theft has received scant research attention. To facilitate future scholarship on this important topic, the present research endeavors to clarify the conceptualization of time theft and advance understanding regarding the range of its behavioral manifestations, develop and validate an instrument to assess time theft, and provide preliminary insights into its nomological net. Results, gathered across nine samples of employees who are paid on an hourly wage scale, suggest that time theft is a multidimensional formative construct, is distinct from other deviant work behaviors (e.g., withdrawal, property theft), and is influenced by instrumental (e.g., pay satisfaction) and expressive motives (e.g., boredom). Finally, time theft explained incremental variance in criterion variables (e.g., receipt or enactment of interpersonal help) controlling for the effects of other discrete manifestations of deviance (e.g., withdrawal). Implications for future scholarship and managerial practice are discussed.
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... However, in psychology already in the1950-s, the usefulness of aggressive catharsis was questioned: despite the fact that some experimental studies confirmed the positive effect of aggressive catharsis (see, in particular, the hypothesis of catharsis in mass communications by S. Feshbach), a number of published data contradicted this conclusion (see [19,20] and others). Moreover, some of the experiments indicated that catharsis enhances further aggressive reactions in the subjects [21,22]. The bottom line can be summed up with a quote from D. Goleman: "Outbursts of rage typically pump up the emotional brain's arousal, making people feel more anger, not less." ...
The article discusses the possibilities of applying the methodology of cognitive ecology to the agenda of destructive communication. Destructive communication is defined as a special type of interaction, which is based on a destructive communicative intention, which is in turn realized in a number of aggressive communicative actions. However, classifying destructive communication as an exclusively emotional type leaves open the question of the place and role of the rational component of destructiveness in communication. The article proves that it is cognitive ecology as a new direction of cognitive research that can offer a holistic and comprehensive approach to the study of destructive communication. As the main research method, the indicated approach includes a holistic analysis of both linguistic structures and social, situational, biological, i.e. non-verbal components, allowing us to understand the mechanisms underlying the destructive, i.e. ecologically irrelevant, communicative behavior. From the perspective of cognitive ecology, Russian-language situations of open and hidden destructive communication are analyzed in various types of discourse. It is concluded that it is necessary to develop a new interdisciplinary scientific direction – cognitive linguoecology , within which language will be considered as a specific tool that ensures the functioning of the entire cognitive system, which will make it possible to understand the mechanisms of ecological behavior of the human being as its subject.
... Bushman, Baumeister, and Phillips (2001), across five experiments, showed that to the extent actors believed that venting would help them relieve anger, they tended to engage in aggression in response to anger (see also Bushman, Baumeister, & Stack, 1999). However, they further found, as did some others, that aggression did not reduce subsequent hostility but instead increased negative affect (see Geen & Quanty, 1977, for a review on the catharsis hypothesis). Likewise, Carlsmith, Wilson, and Gilbert (2008) found that although actors expected to attain emotional benefits from punishing perpetrators' free-riding behavior, doing so actually resulted in more rumination over the perpetrator and an increase in negative affect. ...
Negative workplace behavior has received substantial research attention over the past several decades. Although we have learned a lot about the consequences of negative behavior for its victims and third-party observers, a less understood but equally important research question pertains to the consequences for bad actors: How does engaging in negative behavior impact one’s thoughts, feelings, and subsequent behaviors? Moreover, do organizational members experience costs or benefits from engaging in negative acts? We address these questions with an integrative review of empirical findings on various actor-centric consequences of a wide range of negative behaviors. We organize these findings into five dominant theoretical perspectives: affective, psychological-needs, relational, psychological-resources, and cognitive-dissonance perspectives. For each perspective, we provide an overview of the theoretical arguments, summarize findings of relevant studies underlying it, and discuss observed patterns and contradictory findings. By doing so, we provide a very tentative answer to our initial questions, contending that engaging in negative acts is a two-edged sword for actors and its costs seem to slightly prevail over its benefits. Nevertheless, we make this preliminary conclusion based upon an incomplete knowledge base. In order to further our understanding of actor-centric outcomes of negative behavior, we also identify several important research gaps and needed future research directions.
... Those positive effects of involvement in contact sport are explained by the frustration-aggression hypothesis (Eron, 1994) and displacement catharsis theory (Bushman, Baumeister, & Phillips, 2001;Geen & Quanty, 1977). On the other hand, above-mentioned Anderson's (1999) research, despite showing a higher level of aggressiveness of youth karate athletes in comparison to basketball and baseball athletes, found no increase or decrease of aggressiveness during the period of karate ...
On-field aggressive behaviour is often seen on sports fields and numerous theories tried to identify its origins. This study tackled the question of whether the youth athletes in contact and non-contact sports could be differentiated on the basis of the hostile and competitive aggression, and some other characteristics that showed to be related to the aggressive on field behaviour. The study sample comprised 154 of (51% girls) young athletes aged between 10 and 15 years from various contact and non-contact disciplines (wrestling, boxing, taekwondo, football, swimming, athletics, and dance). Participants completed several questionnaires regarding their aggressive behaviour, motivation, anxiety, self-esteem and emotional regulation. Only the competitive, but not hostile, aggression was more present among the youth athletes in contact sports. From all other characteristics, self-esteem, although in a lower extent, predicted affiliation of the non-contact sports group.
... Catharsis for patients with anger and aggression would not be useful since venting is practicing how to behave aggressively (Bushman 2002). Ellis (2003), Kassinove and Tafrate (2002), and some of the life-long research in anger and aggression (Bushman 2002;Geen and Quanty 1977;Nighswander and Mayer 1969) do not recommend techniques of catharsis, venting out, hitting a pillow, scream, and yell at others in a therapy session. However, a schema therapist might instruct the patient to pound a pillow or the couch with his fist as he speaks to abusive mother (Young et al. 2003, p. 143). ...
Anger in Novaco model (in: Monahan, Steadman (eds) Violence and mental disorder: developments in risk assessment, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994) follows in cognitive, arousal and behavioral dimensions. Considerable research (Anderson and Bushman in Annu Rev Psychol 53(1):27–51, 2002; Dozois et al. in Early maladaptive schemas, styles of humor and aggression, 2013; Huesmann, in: Geen, Donnerstein (eds) Human aggression, Elsevier, Amsterdam, pp 73–109, 1998) has documented that one’s underlying belief system may influence dispositions toward anger and aggression. The aggressive individuals tend to hold several kinds of elaborate and readily accessible aggression-related cognitions (Gilbert et al. in Crim Justice Behav 40(2):119–138. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854812467943, 2013). Recognizing the schemas or core beliefs that are associated with anger and aggression would facilitate the therapy for patients with anger and aggression. This study examined the relationships between early maladaptive schemas (EMSs), anger, and aggression among 86 adult individuals in Anger therapy group (n = 24), Control group (n = 29) and Outpatients group (n = 33). The results indicated that the mistrust/abuse schema among five schemas in disconnection/rejection domain, and the entitlement/grandiosity schema among two schemas in impaired limits domain were the strongest predictors of anger and aggression. The next schemas that were associated or predicted anger and aggression and might be considered in therapy are insufficient self-control, abandonment, emotional deprivation, unrelenting standards, approval seeking, subjugation, self-sacrifice, and punitiveness. A comprehensive assessment, interpretation, and intervention for these EMSs, their interaction, and the coping styles would be helpful in anger and aggression therapies.
... Auch wenn diese Annahme teilweise empirische Unterstützung findet (z. B. Geen & Quanty, 1977;Lamarre & Nosanchuk, 1999), so zeigen jedoch die Ergebnisse verschiedener Studien keinen Effekt von Kampfsport auf Aggressivität oder sogar den gegenteiligen Effekt (z. B. Bushman, Baumeister & Stack, 1999). ...
In the media coverage, the potential to facilitate aggressiveness was attributed to Thai boxing. However, in a recently published qualitative study, kickboxers described themselves as refusing and avoiding violence. While the cognitive-neoassociation theory postulates a negative relationship between martial arts and aggression, the catharsis-hypothesis assumes that participating in martial arts may actually reduce aggression. The aim of the present study was to determine the self-reported aggressiveness of Thai boxers relative to athletes from two established sports (soccer and tennis). For that purpose, 114 male athletes in the city of Bern participated in a survey using a standardized aggressiveness scale. Thai boxers reported significantly higher general aggressiveness scores than soccer and tennis players. This was particularly due to higher scores on the subscale physical aggression. Soccer and tennis players did not significantly differ in their aggressiveness scores. The use of meditation techniques during Thai boxing training may help to reduce aggressiveness.
... The person pivots to more accessible means and targets: bullying or sabotaging bystanders, disproportionately retaliating against an unrelated provocateur, or engaging in imagined or fantasized aggression (Bushman, Bonacci, Pedersen, Vasquez, & Miller, 2005;DeWall, Twenge, Gitter, & Baumeister, 2009;Dollard et al., 1939). Prevailing ideas about a proximal psychological function of displaced aggression, such as catharsis or venting, have historically received little empirical support (Bushman, Baumeister, & Stack, 1999;Geen & Quanty, 1977). Given its seeming disconnection from the original harm-doer, displaced aggression instead often appears purely hostile or senseless. ...
Thwarted goals and motivational obstacles are antecedents of aggression, but it is not entirely clear what motivates the aggressive response or why it is often displaced onto unrelated targets. The present work applies Goal Systems Theory (Kruglanski et al., 2002) to consider how displaced aggression can sometimes operate like any other means to an end. Specifically, in five studies, we find that thwarted goals motivate displaced aggression to compensate for a threatened sense of competence. First, when an achievement goal is experimentally thwarted, it both threatens self-efficacy beliefs and increases displaced aggression (Studies 1–2). Second, when goal-thwarted individuals have the means to engage in displaced aggression, it reestablishes self-efficacy in the thwarted goal domain (Study 3). However, we find that the superordinate goal being served is competence and not to be aggressive per se: In Study 4, goal thwarted individuals choose to help someone rather than remain idle, even if idleness is the more aggressive alternative. In Study 5, displaced aggression is attenuated among individuals who expect a second performance opportunity in the thwarted goal domain. Together, the results suggest goal-thwarted individuals mainly resort to displaced aggression when they lack other means to interact effectively with the environment.
... While catharsis theory states that short bursts of aggression will decrease overall anger by means of a " purge " , early research indicated this may not be so. Bandura (1973) and Geen and Quanty (1977) suggested that venting can reinforce already negative attitudes and actually increase aggressive behaviour. Similar results were presented more recently by Bushman (2002). ...
Many services fail. Failures are those encounters during which the user assesses the service as flawed (Maxham & Netemeyer, 2003; Palmer, Beggs, & Keown-McMullan, 2000), or improper (Maxham, 2001). An emergent service failure literature has determined that such failures play an important role in user perceptions and subsequent behaviours. The present study sought to discover the ways in which possible users responded to an ambiguous service failure. The purpose of the study was to twofold: (a) to understand the situational,
emotional, and dispositional factors which influence users’ likelihood of complaining behaviours; (b) to develop connections between these factors and users’ preferences for service recovery. We were guided by several research questions including: RQ1: When the cause of the failure is ambiguous, to what/whom do users attribute blame? RQ2: How well do attribution of blame and perceived failure severity predict negative emotions? RQ3: What is the relative influence of each negative emotion in predicting the likelihood of each
complaining behavior? RQ4: Does user disposition intervene in the relationship between emotion and complaining? RQ5: What is the role of appraisals and emotion in determining service recovery preferences?
Borrowing from the service quality, consumer behaviour, health, and therapy literatures, we develop a conceptual framework for answering our questions. Consistent with recent research, we conceptualized that negative emotions following service failures were dependent on users’ appraisals of the situation. Specifically, we looked at the effects of failure severity and attribution of blame on anger, frustration, shame, guilt, regret, and dissatisfaction. We then conceptualized complaining behaviour as a coping mechanism for these negative emotions, and preferences for service recovery as manifestations of immediate desires users would have to address their emotions. To test our theory, an experiment with hypothetical scenarios and a survey instrument
was developed. We manipulated two conditions (time lost and money lost) at different points in the survey while participants while self-selected into an attribution of blame condition (Self, provider, other). Undergraduate students at the University of Waterloo (n=288) served as the sample. The questionnaire assessed such variables as attitudes towards complaining, locus of control, tendency for avoidance, emotional response, complaining behaviours, and preferences for service recovery.
Results from multivariate analyses confirmed that appraisals help predict negative emotions, and that negative emotions influence complaining behaviours. Results also demonstrated that appraisals and emotions do begin to explain variance in service recovery preferences. Contrary to the interactionist approach, results failed to support the notion that personal dispositions (such as attitudes and personality traits) moderate the relationship between situational factors and behaviour. Finally, conclusions for the study are made, and implications for future research and the design of service recovery strategies are discussed.
... Unfortunately the facts and findings do not support catharsis theory. Venting anger tends to make people more aggressive afterward (Geen & Quanty, 1977). Venting anger is also linked to higher risk of heart disease (Lewis & Bucher, 1992). ...
Emotionen spielen bei den psychologischen Ursachen von Aggression und Gewalt eine wichtige Rolle. Und obwohl es absurd wäre, anzunehmen, Emotionen seien die wichtigste oder gar die einzige Ursache von Aggressionen, besitzen sie einen bedeutenden, unmittelbaren Einfluss auf deren Entstehung. Gewaltakte bestehen letztlich darin, dass Menschen anderen Menschen Schaden zufügen, wobei der emotionale Zustand des Angreifers das Ausmaß der Gewalt und sogar die Frage, ob es überhaupt zur Aggression kommt, entscheidend beeinflussen kann.
... Global society does not create rational mechanisms to compensate for the effects of universal education for violence and aggression. On the contrary, the false concept of catharsis is reinforced by watching and experiencing scenes of violence and aggressiveness -such recommendation turned out to be counterproductive [6,7,28]. ...
Bibliotherapy is a form of psychological support and is used in psychotherapy. The term bibliotherapy has appeared for the first time in Atlantic Month journal in 1916 and was defined in Oxford English Dictionary in 1920. Special usefulness of the bibliotherapy was verified by the military libraries in a field hospitals during the First World War. Wounded soldiers about traumatic experiences from the battlefield nurses and volunteers were reading a book about the entertainment character. The result of these tragic experiences is defined phenomenon of the combat stress reaction (CSR). The aim of this paper is based on general principles of bibliotherapy assumptions and criteria for the creation in future models of martial arts bibliotherapy (MAB) as a method of support for people susceptible of learning aggressive behaviour (preventive aspect) and for people with diagnosed aggressiveness (therapy aspect). The aim of the mentioned clinical effects of the bibliotherapy is to realize the possibility of compensating the negative effects of continuous education to aggression by electronic media and aggressive interpersonal relationships of children and adults, if only in the near future qualified experts (with social acceptance and support) will competently use the MAB.
... For instance, E. Kronhausen (1959, 1964) suggested that pornography may have the positive effect of acting as a catharsis or "safety valve" for the pent-up frustrations of potential sexual offenders. Although there is little supporting evidence for catharsis theory in the context of violence (e.g., Geen & Quanty, 1977;Watt & Krull, 1977) and sparse, contradictory evidence in the context of sexuality (Howard, Liptzin, & Reifler, 1973;Kutchinsky, 1973;McCormack, 1988), researchers have focused on the manifest media content rather than "the mind of the viewer" (Copeland & Slater, 1985, p. 356). Kutchinsky (1973) begins to take a more psychological approach in the following: ...
Scholars have examined the phenomenon of telepresence, a perceptual illusion of nonmediation experienced by media users, in a wide variety of contexts. This paper explores telepresence theory and research in the rarely examined but important context of sexually arousing media content. After defining key concepts, the paper presents reasons scholars should study telepresence in the context of sexuality, reviews the evolution of relevant media technologies and the nature of relevant telepresence responses, and considers potential theoretical contributions and avenues for future research in interpersonal communication, media studies, and presence scholarship.
... According to psychoanalytic theory, exposure to media violence can act as a safety valve by releasing violent impulses into harmless channels through catharsis. However, scientific evidence contradicts the catharsis hypothesis (e.g., Bushman, 2002;Bushman, Baumeister, & Stack, 1999;Geen & Quanty, 1977). Another theory proposes that media violence may reduce violent crime by keeping young men off the street (Dahl & DellaVigna, 2009), but more evidence is needed before firm conclusions can be drawn. ...
School shootings tear the fabric of society. In the wake of a school shooting, parents, pediatricians, policymakers, politicians, and the public search for "the" cause of the shooting. But there is no single cause. The causes of school shootings are extremely complex. After the Sandy Hook Elementary School rampage shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, we wrote a report for the National Science Foundation on what is known and not known about youth violence. This article summarizes and updates that report. After distinguishing violent behavior from aggressive behavior, we describe the prevalence of gun violence in the United States and age-related risks for violence. We delineate important differences between violence in the context of rare rampage school shootings, and much more common urban street violence. Acts of violence are influenced by multiple factors, often acting together. We summarize evidence on some major risk factors and protective factors for youth violence, highlighting individual and contextual factors, which often interact. We consider new quantitative "data mining" procedures that can be used to predict youth violence perpetrated by groups and individuals, recognizing critical issues of privacy and ethical concerns that arise in the prediction of violence. We also discuss implications of the current evidence for reducing youth violence, and we offer suggestions for future research. We conclude by arguing that the prevention of youth violence should be a national priority. (PsycINFO Database Record
Die Psychologie beschäftigt sich unter anderem mit der Frage, wie das menschliche Denken, Begreifen und Erkennen funktionieren, wie intelligentes Verhalten hervorgebracht und auf welche Art und Weise dies von unserem Gehirn bewerkstelligt wird. Dies ist ein sehr spannendes Forschungsfeld, denn es ist die Frage nach der Möglichkeit des menschlichen Geistes, sich selbst mit seinen geistigen Operationen verstehen zu können.
Based on the dual filial piety model and the integrated model of emotion processes and cognition in social information processing, this study examined the relationship between filial piety belief and cyberbullying perpetration and the role of anxiety and implicit emotion belief underlying this relationship. A total of 837 college students were tested with filial piety belief scale, GHQ-20 scale, implicit beliefs about emotion scale and cyberbullying perpetration scale. The correlation results showed that reciprocal filial piety was negatively correlated with anxiety and cyberbullying perpetration. Authoritative filial piety was positively correlated with anxiety and anxiety was positively correlated with cyberbullying perpetration. After controlling for socioeconomic status, age and gender, reciprocal filial piety negatively predicted cyberbullying perpetration and authoritative filial piety positively predicted cyberbullying perpetration. The mediation analysis indicated that anxiety played a mediating role on the relationship between filial piety belief and cyberbullying perpetration. Moreover, the mediating model was moderated by implicit emotion belief. Compared with entity theorists, incremental theorists who have anxiety issues are less likely to develop cyberbullying perpetration. The results suggest that educational and psychological practitioners can intervene in aggressive behaviors through regulating students’ negative emotions and promoting incremental belief of emotions.
When anger is abruptly triggered during driving, it becomes difficult to control one’s feelings. In this situation, other people can help mediate the angry emotional state through social interaction. However, it is not feasible to expect a passenger’s help for controlling the driver’s anger during every single drive. Failure to control the driver’s anger can lead to road rage, which can cause a critical danger. In this study, we addressed these concerns by designing and evaluating a driving companion bot that helps drivers control their anger. The bot was designed to deliver verbal comments which was developed based on five different cognitive coping strategies to the driver when the driver faced anger-inducing situations while driving. A within-subjects lab experiment was conducted with 38 participants who had driver’s licences. The results indicated that the use of a blaming others coping strategy was the most effective for anger reduction, perceived empathy, and companionship with no additional cognitive load compared to other strategies. Feedback from a post-experiment interview was also presented to discuss the long-term application of the study results. This includes theoretical findings and practical implications for designers and stakeholders focused on safe driving.
The present research examined whether the Dark Tetrad facets—narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and everyday sadism—are predictive of engagement in athletic aggression. In Study 1, participants (N = 603) received a list of 46 sport activities and were asked to assess the level of aggressiveness of the sport activity they participate in most intensively. They also provided self-reports of the Dark Tetrad. As predicted, athletic aggression was positively related to all facets of the Dark Tetrad. Multiple regression analyses showed that psychopathy had the most robust association with the engagement in athletic aggression. Study 2 (N = 208) showed that differences in the endorsement of self-transcendence values (benevolence and universalism) accounted for the relationships between Machiavellianism and psychopathy and athletic aggression. As also predicted, most of the Dark Tetrad scales were positively related to self-enhancing values (achievement and power). However, because self-enhancing values were not related to athletic aggression, they did not account for the relationship between the Dark Tetrad and engagement in athletic aggression. Overall, it appears that people who score relatively high on antagonistic personality traits tend to care little about the well-being of other people and therefore have little hesitation in harming others in their sporting activities.
Venting—an emotion‐focused form of coping involving the discharge of negative feelings to others—is common in organizational settings. Venting may benefit the self via the release of negative emotion, or by acting as a catalyst for changes to problematic work situations. Nonetheless, venting might have unintended consequences via its influence on those who are the recipients of venting from others. In light of this idea, we provide a theoretical explanation for how leaders in particular are affected by venting receipt at work. Drawing from the transactional model of stress, we theorize that venting tends to be appraised as a threat, which triggers negative emotion that, in turn, potentiates deviant action tendencies (i.e., interpersonal mistreatment). Yet, our theory suggests that not all leaders necessarily experience venting in the same way. Specifically, leaders with higher need for cognition are less influenced by surface‐level cues associated with others’ emotional expressions and find challenging interpersonal situations to be less aversive, thereby attenuating the deleterious effects of receipt of venting. In an experience sampling study of 112 managers across 10 consecutive workdays, we find support for our theoretical model. Altogether, our findings provide insight into the costs incurred when leaders lend an ear to those who vent, which can result in negative downstream consequences.
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In diesem Kapitel geht es zunächst um die biologischen und kulturellen Grundlagen aggressiven Verhaltens (Abschn. 5.1). In Abschn. 5.2 werden die Rolle von Gefühlen, insbesondere von Ärger und Frustration, aber auch von negativem Affekt allgemein für die Auslösung und Intensivierung aggressiven Verhaltens beschrieben. Um das Erlernen aggressiver Verhaltensschemata sowie die Sozialisierung in die gruppenspezifischen aggressionsbezogenen Normen geht es in Abschn. 5.3. In Abschn. 5.4 werden wichtige situative Einflussfaktoren auf aggressives Verhalten aufgezeigt und in Abschn. 5.5 wird – aufgrund der zunehmenden Relevanz – der Einfluss der Medien auf aggressives Verhalten gesondert behandelt.
The main goal of examining a single philosophical theory, connected with social and political disciplines, is not just to identify its incoherence or to restate the theory in a more elegant way. More important in that kind of investigation is to show its possible impact on people’s lives and the functioning of communities. Thus, it seems more reasonable to conduct a critical analysis of the possible consequences for a real society than to undertake a simple study of the argument’s logical consistency. The main aim of this paper is to introduce doubts about the thesis of Chantal Mouffe presented by her in Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically and Passion and Politics. Main hypothesis is that thinking about the “political” and “politics” with reference to enmity as well as claiming that the source of every political and social activity is antagonism, can provoke an attitude that social and political scenes are battlefields rather than an agora or the space of human interactions. First of all, the author provides the critical analysis and reconstruction of the most important claims connected with the “political”, which can have strong negative effects-i.e. brutalization and creating a negative basis for social relation. Then presents a few possible sources of thinking of “political” as a “competition” or rather “enmity”. The last part it is the critic of what Mouffe claims about reason why people get involve into politics, based on the psychological experiments and in result of this the author shows the importance of validity the high standards in politics, diplomacy and relation on the social level.
This study investigated emotional experience and emotion regulations among emotional laborers at work and off work across work years. In order to make a cross-sectional approach, 165 cabin crews were recruited from a commercial airline in Korea, whose work experiences varies from 1 month to longer than 16 years. The results of regression analysis showed that negative emotional experiences were explained by work years. However, positive emotional experiences reduced among laborers with up to around 8 work years and then increased. Such curvlinear pattern was also found in cognitive reappraisal, which is a type of emotion regulation strategies. In addition, we conducted moderation analyses to investigate the association between emotion regulation at work and off work in terms of work years. The results showed that the association between cognitive reappraisal at work and off work were stronger among laborers with short work years than those with long work years. These findings suggest that the maladaptive consequences of emotional labor such as less positive emotional experiences, less cognitive reappraisal, and more spillover effect may tone down at some point of work years. Theoretical implications and suggestions for practitioners were included.
Attention is focused upon an important perspective if war is to be thought of as an institution. The Oxford English Dictionary describes the use of the word ‘institution’ in a number of ways which include
an established law, custom, usage, practice, organization or other element in the political or social life of a people.
Conflicts often lead to expression of emotion to unrelated parties. We study non-instrumental verbal expression in binary ultimatum games, where receivers can comment either privately or to a third-party audience prior to accepting or rejecting the offer. The potential for gossip is sufficient to induce image concerns in senders, resulting in fairer offers in the audience treatment. Consequently, despite insignificant effect on receivers’ behaviour, the possibility of verbal expression to an audience is found to increase co-operation and hence welfare. There is demand for verbal expression even when it is unobserved or not triggered by negative stimulus.
Previous research found correlational evidence that the trait of everyday sadism is associated with the amount of violent video game play. Due to the correlational design, the direction of the association remained unclear. According to the selection hypothesis, everyday sadists should be attracted to violent video games, whereas the socialization hypothesis would propose that repeated exposure to violent video games makes the player more sadistic. However, these hypotheses are by no means mutually exclusive and the relation between everyday sadism and violent video game exposure could be bidirectional. To examine the causal mechanisms more closely, we carried out a longitudinal study (N = 743) for which we collected data at two points in time, six months apart. Results showed that (a) everyday sadists are more likely than others to play violent video games and (b) repeated exposure to violent video games predicts everyday sadism over time. Overall, this bidirectional influence reflects a downward spiral of everyday sadistic tendencies and violent video gaming reinforcing each other.
The term “agonology in preventive and therapeutic dimension” is an abbreviation informating for application of science about struggle (agonology) in preventive and therapeutic dimension. Its rational use is limited by widespread lack of knowledge about this science. Preventive and therapeutic value of agonology primarily relates to i.a. to micro scale (an individual or a small group). This formula of agonology is typically applied in upper-medium scale to the victory of Mahatma Gandhi over the British Empire who masterfully used the non-violence (method to struggle without violence). It does not matter that the term “agonology in preventive and therapeutic dimension” historically emerged later than non-violence. Agonology is an interdisciplinary science which is still evolving and since 1991 its preventive and therapeutic dimension has been developing. Agonology analyses the effectiveness of methods incorporated into a defensive fight and formulates practical rules which do not tolerate any form of retaliation for physical or verbal aggression, or combination thereof that goes beyond necessary counteractive methods and measures which fall within the criteria of self-defence. As the most effective counteractive measure of even the most violent verbal aggression, agonology in preventive and therapeutic dimension recommends the method established by Buddha Sakyamuni. If it is assumed that peace is the greatest global welfare, then armed fights (wherever they take place) based on mutual destruction would inevitably lead to total destruction. This is just a matter of time. If it is believed that science is the second greatest global welfare, ignoring the preventive and therapeutic features of agonology will only accelerate this process.
This chapter considers the different types of effects that violent video games might have on players. Earlier work on media violence explained many of the alleged effects of violent portrayals on television and film by using specific theories concerning the nature of people’s psychological reactions to media. There were concerns that exposure to media violence could lead to imitation effects, trigger aggressive impulses, reduce socially conditioned controls over aggression, arouse people to anger, desensitise them to being less concerned about violence and the plight of victims of violence, discharge aggressive impulses, reduce prosocial behavioural tendencies, create greater acceptance of social violence or greater fear of it, and serve as a mood management device. This chapter considers these effects in relation to video game violence. The chapter also examines new theories, such as the general aggression model and catalyst model, trying to integrate video game effects at cognitive, emotional and behavioural levels.
Although aggression and violence have always been an important human social problem, even cursory examination of the crime statistics for any western country leaves no doubt about the high incidence of homicides, muggings, rapes, bombings, and assassinations at the present time. Moreover, whether or not aggression and violence have increased in the past 10 or 20 years, the evidence indicates that people believe these to be violent times and are increasingly concerned for their safety (Scherer, Abeles, & Fischer, 1975).
Although the notion that spectators enjoy violence in sports seems to be a truism in contemporary society, it has received scant scholarly attention. In this chapter we consider the nature and consequences of sports violence; present popular notions, formal proposals, and empirical evidence for the enhancement of spectators’ enjoyment of sports contests through aggressive play; and examine ways in which the media exploit sports violence.
Man’s inhumanity to man has perplexed psychologists for decades. Through human ingenuity the instruments of aggression have been refined to such precision that there exists the real possibility that humans will succeed in accomplishing the feat that has eluded disease, predators, and natural disasters: They will succeed in destroying the human race. Freud (1930) expresses a similar concern:
The fateful question for the human race seems to me to be whether and to what extent their cultural development will succeed in mastering the disturbance of their communal life by the human instinct of aggression and self-destruction.... Men have gained control over the forces to nature of such an extent that with their help they would have no difficulty in exterminating one another to the last man. They know this and hence comes a large part of their unrest, their unhappiness, and their mood of anxiety. (p. 92)
Zwischenmenschliche Aggression kann unterschiedliche Ursachen und auch Funktionen haben. Dementsprechend gibt es nicht die eine Aggressionstheorie, die für sich behaupten könnte, allen Facetten dieses Phänomens gerecht zu werden. Auf den folgenden Seiten soll eine aktuelle Theorie in den Mittelpunkt gestellt werden, die in Anspruch nehmen kann, eine Vielzahl früherer Ansätze integrieren zu können und gleichzeitig ein guter Startpunkt für zukünftige Fortentwicklungen zu sein: das Neoassoziationistische Aggressionsmodell von Leonard Berkowitz (1990).
In der sozialpsychologischen Forschung wird schädigendes Verhalten in der Regel als Aggression aufgefasst. Gewalt hingegen konstituiert bislang kein eigenständiges Gebiet der Grundlagenforschung, wenngleich zuweilen ein hohes Maß an Aggression oder Zufügung physischen Schadens als Gewalt bezeichnet wird. Man nimmt an, dass dieselben Kausalfaktoren, die aggressives Verhalten aktivieren, auch zu Gewalthandlungen führen. Eine Prüfung der aktuellen Lehrbücher der Sozialpsychologie ergibt, dass sich zwar stets ein Kapitel zur Aggression findet, Gewalt jedoch nur als deskriptiver Begriff auftaucht, der sich auf den Inhalt von Fernsehsendungen oder auf Gewaltverbrechen bezieht. In der angewandten Forschung werden natürlich Gewalt in der Ehe und Kindesmissbrauch, sexuelle Nötigung, die Wirkungen von Gewaltdarstellungen in den Massenmedien, tätliche Übergriffe und Tötungsdelikte sowie (seltener) Terrorismus untersucht, aber es wird keine zusammenhängende Theorie der Gewalt entwickelt.
This study examined whether game usage would alleviate players` aggressive tendencies. Other game-related variables, psychological care factors (adaptive game use tendency, game self-efficacy, and life self-efficacy), and psychological problem factors (loneliness and depression) were controlled for determination of the effect. We drew on the catharsis theory from therapeutic psychology literature to explain how game usage contributes to the alleviation of aggressive tendencies. Over two weeks data were collected from 918 participants online. The results indicated that gaming activity had a significant effect on aggression. Higher levels of game and life self-efficacy, as well as adaptive game use tendencies, decreased the degree of aggression. Likewise, higher levels of loneliness and depression reduced the degree of aggression. Results and implications are discussed.
Zwischenmenschliche Aggression kann unterschiedliche Ursachen und auch Funktionen haben. Dementsprechend gibt es nicht die eine Aggressionstheorie, die für sich behaupten könnte, allen Facetten dieses Phänomens gerecht zu werden. Auf den folgenden Seiten soll eine aktuelle Theorie in den Mittelpunkt gestellt werden, die in Anspruch nehmen kann, eine Vielzahl früherer Ansätze integrieren zu können und gleichzeitig ein guter Startpunkt für zukünftige Fortentwicklungen zu sein: das Neoassoziationistische Aggressionsmodell von Leonard Berkowitz (1990).
This chapter defines peace psychology and gives an overview of its origins in the work of William James. It describes the classic experimental work of Milgram and Zimbardo and provides examples of applying their work to understanding contemporary issues. A number of psychological theories that attempt to explain the cognitive and emotional substrates of violence, both direct and structural, are described. The effects of violence are considered and the idea of cycles of violence is introduced. Moving beyond the prevention of violence to the positive promotion of peace, the author turns to social explanations like the contact hypothesis and findings from social psychology about the behavior of people in groups. A number of these findings can be applied to understanding nonviolent campaigns, social movements, and to wider processes in society, such as reconciliation. As well as giving a broad overview of theories and issues that have been researched by peace psychologists, the chapter raises a number of questions that deserve further investigation. Although the main objective of the chapter is to introduce theories underlying research, there is a strong link to real-life applications. This is consistent with the aim of peace psychology, which is not just to conceptualize and understand the root causes of violence but also to actively work to apply that knowledge to the prevention of violence and the promotion of peace.
A review of the popular and scientific periodical for the 1930s and 1940s revealed that the controversy surrounding the radio "thriller" and its possible harmful effects on young listeners was one of radio's most highly publicized issues during its golden years of broadcasting. Many of the questions raised concerning this issue were similar to those asked later during the age of television. Relying heavily upon the psychoanalytic emphasis on emotion, catharsis, and intrapsychic dynamics, expert opinion voiced in various popular periodicals and newspapers of the day suggested that the violence and excitement portrayed in many of the crime and adventure programs was harmless, and perhaps beneficial, for most listeners. However, research in support of this conclusion was sparse, and psychologists evidenced little interest in the issue. Not until the advent of television, and the emergence of social learning theory in the early 1960s, did psychologists direct significant research effort towards evaluating the effects of media violence. (C) 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Do people aggress to make themselves feel better? We adapted a procedure used by G. K. Manucia, D. J. Baumann, and R. B. Cialdini (1984), in which some participants are given a bogus mood-freezing pill that makes affect regulation efforts ineffective. In Study 1, people who had been induced to believe in the value of catharsis and venting anger responded more aggressively than did control participants to insulting criticism, but this aggression was eliminated by the mood-freezing pill. Study 2 showed similar results among people with high anger-out (i.e., expressing and venting anger) tendencies. Studies 3 and 4 provided questionnaire data consistent with these interpretations, and Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies I and 2 using measures more directly concerned with affect regulation. Taken together, these results suggest that many people may engage in aggression to regulate (improve) their own affective states.
Emotions constitute an important category of the psychological causes of aggression and violence. Although it would be absurd to suggest that emotions are the sole or primary causes of aggression, they constitute a very important and proximal factor. Ultimately, violent acts consist of individual human beings inflicting harm on other human beings. The emotional states of the perpetrators at those moments can have a decisive effect on the degree of violence and even on whether any aggression occurs at all.
INTRODUCTION, Given the recent trend toward distinguishing between implicit and explicit processes in a number of areas in social psychology, the present volume can make a timely contribution to applying this distinction to motivational processes. In this chapter, we will focus mainly on implicit motivational mechanisms and, in particular, on the role of goal-related accessibility in motivated thinking and behavior. Theories in both cognitive and social psychology propose that motivational states such as needs, goals, intentions, and concerns are characterized by enhanced accessibility of motivation-related constructs (Anderson, 1983; Bruner, 1957; Higgins & King, 1981; Wyer and Srull, 1986, 1989). Similar ideas came from theories of motivation and volition (Ach, 1935; Gollwitzer 1996; Gollwitzer & Moskowitz, 1996; Goschke & Kuhl, 1993; Kuhl, 1983; 1987; Kuhl & Kazén-Saad, 1988). In this chapter, we summarize some general principles of accessibility from motivational sources, and briefly review extant and novel empirical evidence for these principles. We then discuss a possible theoretical account for these principles within a general functional approach to accessibility. Finally, we examine some implications of the outlined theory for person perception, postsuppressional rebound, and catharsis of aggression. ACCESSIBILITY FROM MOTIVATIONAL SOURCES: GENERAL PRINCIPLES, We propose the following principles to characterize accessibility from motivational sources such as goals, needs, or concerns: (a) Motivation enhances the accessibility of motivation-related constructs; (b) accessibility from motivational sources persists until the motivation is fulfilled or becomes irrelevant; (c) fulfillment of the motivation inhibits the accessibility of motivation-related constructs; and (d) accessibility of motivation-related constructs and postfulfillment inhibition are proportional to the strength of the motivation.
The foreign policy of the United States is guided by deeply held beliefs, few of which are recognized much less subjected to rational analysis, Christopher J. Fettweis writes, in this, his third book. He identifies the foundations of those beliefs – fear, honor, glory, and hubris – and explains how they have inspired poor strategic decisions in Washington. He then proceeds to discuss their origins. The author analyzes recent foreign policy mistakes, including the Bay of Pigs, the Vietnam war, and the Iraq war, and he considers the decision-making process behind them, as well as the beliefs inspiring those decisions. The American government's strategic performance, Professor Fettweis argues, can be improved if these pathological beliefs are recognized and eliminated.
What makes us human? Why do people think, feel, and act as they do? What is the essence of human nature? What is the basic relationship between the individual and society? These questions have fascinated people for centuries. Now, at last, there is a solid basis for answering them, in the form of the accumulated efforts and studies by thousands of psychology researchers. We no longer have to rely on navel-gazing and speculation to understand why people are the way they are; we can instead turn to solid, objective findings. This book not only summarizes what we know about people; it also offers a coherent, easy-to-understand though radical, explanation. Turning conventional wisdom on its head, the author argues that culture shaped human evolution. Contrary to theories that depict the individual's relation to society as one of victimization, endless malleability, or just a square peg in a round hole, he proposes that the individual human being is designed by nature to be part of society. Moreover, he argues that we need to briefly set aside the endless study of cultural differences to look at what most cultures have in common; because that holds the key to human nature. Culture is in our genes, although cultural differences may not be. This core theme is further developed by a tour through the main dimensions of human psychology. What do people want? How do people think? How do emotions operate? How do people behave? And how do they interact with each other? The answers are often surprising, and along the way, the author explains how human desire, thought, feeling, and action are connected.
Behavioral contagion is defined operationally and is contrasted with conformity, imitation, social pressures, and social facilitation. Experiments dealing with contagion are reviewed and theoretical statements derived from this review. The basic theoretical argument is that the lowering of the avoidance gradient in an approach-avoidance conflict is essential to the occurrence of contagion. (2 p. ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Exp I, with 144 high school students, evaluated the usefulness of the hydraulic, self-arousal, and dissipation of anger concepts in accounting for the "cathartic effect" in human aggression. While most of the hydraulic model's predictions were disconfirmed, aggression was superior to other activities in decreasing the amount of angered Ss' subsequent aggression. With the exception of the latter finding, the self-arousal and dissipation concepts were accurate predictors of the amount of aggression displayed by angered people. Exp II, with 100 high school students, investigated the effects of a change of mode of aggression from the interpolated to the dependent-measure stage, in conjunction with factors of the duration of the interpolated period and the amount of the interpolated aggression. Results are discussed in terms of a relationship of bidirectional causality between the level of arousal (anger) and the amount of aggression. (38 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Aggression is a kind of behavior, whose goal is the injury of some person or object. This chapter discusses the concept of aggression including instinct, frustration and learning, the drive concept, and purpose in aggressive behavior. Aggressive actions undoubtedly are sometimes carried out to achieve certain purposes, as the ego formulation maintains, yet, it is also apparent that automatic processes, unaffected by ego controls, also occasionally govern the magnitude of aggression displayed in a given situation. A frustration arouses instigation to aggression, and a thwarting will produce instigations to many different kinds of responses. Several critics have maintained that only certain kinds of frustrations give rise to hostile reactions, but mere deprivations supposedly lead to other consequences, such as frustrations can intensify the strength of the responses following immediately afterward. Animals and humans can be trained to respond nonaggressively to situations that ordinarily produce hostile responses. The physiologically aroused subjects may have acted aggressively and then interpreted their feelings as anger, because of what they had done. Cues in the situation, such as the confederate's aggressive and perhaps unpleasant behavior, could have evoked aggressive responses from the physiologically aroused people. This knowledge, which was perhaps also considerably influenced by the confederate's behavior, could have prevented various nonaggressive actions from appearing.
Forty-three subjects were stimulated in the laboratory to "fear" and "anger," during which the following physiological reactions were recorded: (1) heart rate, (2) ballistocardiogram, (3) respiration rate, (4) face temperature, (5) hand temperature, (6) skin conductance, and (7) integrated muscle potential. The scores used were the maximum rise and maximum fall from the preceding resting level and the number of responses of a critical value per unit time. Of the 14 scores thus obtained, 7 showed significant discrimination between anger and fear. Diastolic blood pressure rises, heart rate falls, number of rises in skin conductance, and muscle potential increases, were greater for anger than for fear, whereas skin conductance increases, number of muscle potential increases, and respiration rate increases were greater for fear than for anger. Profile difference scores, computed from appropriate combinations of these differences, were found to be greater than zero in 42 of the 43 cases and to have a mean which deviated very significantly from zero, which rejects the null hypothesis that there is no difference in physiological reaction between anger and fear. The patterns obtained for anger and fear argue against the Arnold proposal that anger is a strong reaction of both the sympathetic and parasympathetic branches of the autonomic nervous systems, whereas fear is but a sympathetic reaction. Another finding was the very low correlations among the physiological reactions and the significantly higher intercorrelations for anger than for fear, which was interpreted as indicating greater physiological integration during anger. Between-subject variance was significantly greater than within-subject variance, which supports the findings of Lacey and Malmo that there is considerable specificity in physiological response patterns. The physiological response patterns of anger were suggested as being similar to those produced by injections of epinephrine and nor-epinephrine combined, and those of fear as being similar to injections of epinephrine. Copyright (C) 1953 by American Psychosomatic Society
A field experiment was conducted to determine the effects of expression of verbal aggression on subsequent verbal aggression of angered and nonangered subjects. Subjects who were being laid off their jobs (angry subjects), and subjects who were leaving their jobs for “other reasons” (nonangry subjects), were induced to aggress verbally against the company, their supervisor, themselves, or to discuss neutral topics. In a factorial design, the subjects then filled out one of three “aggression” questionnaires: one concerned the company; another, their supervisors; and the third, themselves. The results indicated that when angered subjects directed verbal aggression at a specific target, their subsequent verbal aggression increased only when it was directed at the same target. However, self-criticism by angered subjects decreased subsequent self-derogation.
In a factorial design, Ss were (a) differentially aggressively instigated (low vs high), and (b) placed in different states of sympathetic arousal (low vs high) by means of physical exercise. Subsequent aggressive behavior, as measured by the intensity of shock ostensibly delivered to the earlier instigator, was found to increase significantly with initial instigation. It was also found to increase significantly with residual sympathetic activation from strenuous exercise (bike-riding) interpolated between instigation and retaliation. A significant interaction was obtained deriving from the fact that residual excitation greatly facilitated subsequent aggressiveness under conditions of pronounced initial instigation, whereas its effect was negligible under minimal instigation. The findings were interpreted as consistent with expectations from the two-factor theory and the transfer theory of emotion.
113 Ss participated in simulated interaction in the course of which they were verbally attacked. The experiment demonstrated (with a Before-After measure) increased hostility in the Ss at the end of the experiment which was a positive function of the number of hostile statements made to the attacker after the attack. A vicarious analogue was consistent in showing a similar increase. The major findings are inconsistent with a simple catharsis hypothesis. They are more easily interpreted by viewing hostility as instrumental behavior which is unsuccessful (frustrated) and as a result increases in intensity. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
FEMALE COLLEGE STUDENTS, AFTER HOSTILE PROVOCATION OR NEUTRAL BEHAVIOR BY A MALE CONFEDERATE, WERE GIVEN A SERIES OF SENTENCE CONSTRUCTION TASKS INVOLVING DIFFERENT VERBS AND THE SELECTION OF A PRONOUN FROM A CONSTANT SET. AFTER EACH SENTENCE, THEY JUDGED THE EMOTIONAL REACTION OF THE CONFEDERATE WHO WAS PERFORMING ANOTHER TASK. FOR 1/2 THE SS, THE CONFEDERATE WOULD APPEAR TO RECEIVE AN ELECTRIC SHOCK AND, FOR THE OTHER 1/2, A LIGHT WOULD FLASH CONTINGENT UPON THE S'S USE OF SELECTED PRONOUNS IN HER SENTENCES. THE SHOCK ACTED AS A POSITIVE REINFORCER FOR THE INSULATED SS IN THAT THEY MANIFESTED A SIGNIFICANT INCREASE IN COMPARISON TO OTHER GROUPS IN THE USE OF THE SELECTED PRONOUNS, AND TENDED TO ACT AS A NEGATIVE REINFORCER FOR THE NONINSULTED SS. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
6TH-GRADE CONFEDERATES EITHER DID OR DID NOT FRUSTRATE 168 8-9 YR. OLD SS OF THE SAME SEX (N = 168, 1/2 BOYS). TREATMENTS FOLLOWING EITHER FRUSTRATION OR NONFRUSTRATION INCLUDED AGGRESSIVE PLAY, SOCIAL TALK, AND REASONABLE INTERPRETATION OF THE FRUSTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR. AGGRESSION WAS MEASURED BEHAVIORALLY (RESPONSES WERE ALLOWED THAT PRESUMABLY PUNISHED THE CONFEDERATE, WHETHER OR NOT HE HAD BEEN A FRUSTRATOR) AND BY LIKE-DISLIKE RATINGS. DATA FROM THE 3 STUDIES ARE CONSONANT IN DIRECTION WHEN THE DESIGNS PERMIT DIRECT COMPARISONS, AND LEAD TO THE FOLLOWING CONCLUSIONS: (1) FRUSTRATION LEADS TO HEIGHTENED AGGRESSIVE FEELINGS, BUT SUBSEQUENT AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR DOES NOT REDUCE THE AGGRESSION, (2) AGGRESSION IN THE ABSENCE OF ANGER IS WITHOUT CATHARTIC VALUE, (3) REASONABLE INTERPRETATION OF A FRUSTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR IS STRIKINGLY EFFECTIVE IN REDUCING BOTH BEHAVIORAL AND VERBAL (RATING) AGGRESSION TOWARD HIM, (4) VERBAL AGGRESSION TOWARD THE FRUSTRATOR DOES NOT REDUCE AGGRESSION DIRECTED TOWARD HIM, BUT MAY ACTUALLY INCREASE IT, AND (5) IN A PERMISSIVE, CONFIDENTIAL SITUATION, GIRLS BEHAVE AS AGGRESSIVELY AS BOYS, ALTHOUGH THEIR LIKE-DISLIKE RATINGS OF FRUSTRATING CONFEDERATES REVEAL LESS HOSTILITY. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
ATTEMPTED TO SHOW A SET OF CONDITIONS CONDUCIVE TO AGGRESSION CATHARSIS. IT WAS PREDICTED THAT HOSTILITY, AGGRESSIVENESS, AND UNPLEASANT AFFECT AROUSED BY AN INSULTING E WOULD BE REDUCED BY OBSERVING HIM SUFFER, AND INCREASED BY OBSERVING HIM EXPERIENCE EUPHORIA. RESULTS WERE UNIFORMLY IN THE PREDICTED DIRECTION WHEN THE ANTAGONIST SUFFERED AND GENERALLY SO WHEN HE WAS EUPHORIC. EXCEPT FOR WEAK DATA ON SS' FINAL LEVEL OF HAPPINESS, ALL OVERALL TESTS OF SIGNIFICANCE REACHED ACCEPTABLE LEVELS. IT IS SUGGESTED THAT CATHARSIS APPEARS MOST CLEARLY WHEN THERE IS UNAMBIGUOUS FEEDBACK THAT THE ENEMY IS HURT, GUILT IS ABSENT, AND THERE ARE NO FACTORS ENCOURAGING IMITATION OF AGGRESSION OR THE RELEASING OF INHIBITIONS OF AGGRESSION. (17 REF.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In a series of experiments at the University of Iowa concerning the role of aversive motivational factors in learning situations, degree of motivation was estimated in terms of "performance on a so-called scale of emotional responsiveness or manifest anxiety." These experiments have aroused considerable and also "not infrequent critical reactions." In part these criticisms "reflect a serious lack of understanding of the structure and purpose of the basic theoretical framework underlying the experiments… . One of the purposes of this paper is to provide a more systematic presentation of our basic theory." A diagram representing a portion of the theoretical schema relevant to data for classical conditioning and specifying classes of independent variables, intervening variables, and dependent variables is provided. "The theory takes its start from Hull's basic assumption that the excitatory potential, E, determining the strength of a response is a multiplicative function of a learning factor, H, and a generalized drive factor, D,
i.e., E = H X D." On the basis of analogy with overt reflexes a number of properties that could be assigned to the hypothetical response mechanism proposed are indicated. Experimental evidence relating to the theory is presented and discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Investigated the influence of the type of resource loss and the type of resource of retaliation on the intensity of retaliation and the intensity of residual hostility in aggressive exchanges. 140 female undergraduates were exposed to 1 of 6 types of resource loss and allowed to retaliate in 1 of 2 polar classes (love, money). Type of resource loss and type of retaliation thus constituted the independent variables forming a 6 * 2 factorial design. Ss were randomly assigned to 1 of 12 experimental groups or to 1 of 2 control groups. Analysis of the data involved comparing the intensity of retaliatory responses within each class of retaliation (love, money) for the 6 resource classes in which loss was incurred. The same type of analysis was used for the other dependent variable, residual hostility. Results clearly support the efficacy of the resource model in predicting the intensity of retaliatory responses and the level of residual hostility following retaliation. The implications of the findings for further work on injustice in social exchange are discussed. (25 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
SS (AGGRESSORS) WERE GIVEN THE OPPORTUNITY TO SHOCK 2 SUCCESSIVE VICTIMS. IN THE EXPERIMENTAL GROUP THE 1ST VICTIM INDICATED THAT HE HAD BEEN HARMED BY THE SHOCK. IN THE CONTROL GROUP THERE WERE NO INDICATIONS OF HARM TO THE 1ST VICTIM. THE OVERALL EFFECT OF HARMING A VICTIM WAS A DROP IN AGGRESSION INTENSITY TO THE 2ND VICTIM. THIS EFFECT VARIED SLIGHTLY WITH THE GENDER OF THE AGGRESSOR AND CONSIDERABLY WITH THE GENDER OF THE VICTIM, BUT IT WAS UNRELATED TO VERBAL REPORTS OF BEING CONCERNED. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The following hypotheses were confirmed: (1) If a subject is instigated to aggression and observes an aggressive model, the amount of yielding by the target of aggression will not affect the subject's aggression. (2) Instigation to aggression (a) combined with observation of an aggressive model (b) will produce a greater frequency of aggression by a subject than a simple additive model of the effects of (a) and (b) would predict. The hypotheses were tested in a 6-condition experiment (N = 191) in which the model and the target were standard stimulus tapes. Instigation to aggression was created by the target's socially deviant opinions. Hypotheses were derived from a behavioral contagion framework, utilizing restraint reduction as the central concept.
To test the effect of excitation produced during exposure to communication, both the excitatory potential and the degree of manifest aggressiveness of communications were assessed to select: (a) an aggressive communication associated with a particular excitatory potential; (b) a nonaggressive communication associated with an excitatory potential significantly below that of a; and (c) another nonaggressive communication associated with an excitatory potential significantly above that of a. A model of excitation transfer was advanced, based on the assumption that salient elements of excitation decay relatively slowly, and that interoception of excitation is nonspecific, permitting the integration of any residue with elements of the excitatory response to subsequent stimuli. If the postcommunication situation provides the individual with perception-cognitions enabling him to unambiguously interpret his emotional state, it is expected that this state is intensified by the magnitude of the excitational residue from the response to the communication. It was predicated that, quite independent of the degree of aggression manifest in the communication, postcommunication aggressive behavior would be facilitated mainly as a function of the communication's excitatory potential. The highly significant results obtained (b < a < c) were fully consistent with the predictions from the transfer paradigm.
Nnety male subjects were either attacked or treated in a more neutral manner by a male confederate. On a subsequent maze-learning task, one third of the subjects shocked the confederate, one third observed as the experimenter shocked the confederate, and one third waited for a period of time during which the confederate was not shocked. Finally, all subjects shocked the confederate as part of a code-learning task. Subjects who had been attacked and had shocked the confederate during the maze task delivered shocks of greater intensity on the code task did subjects in the other two conditions, and the former subjects also experienced a greater reduction in diastolic blood pressure than did the latter. The results contradict the hypothesis of aggression catharsis and are discussed in terms of feelings of restraint against aggressing that a subject experiences after committing an aggressive act.
Examines some of the stimulus characteristics that enable external events or objects to elicit impulsive aggressive responses. It is proposed that stimuli connected with reinforcements can elicit components of the behavior that led to these reinforcements. To the extent that the individual has been rewarded for aggression, stimuli that are associated (either directly or through verbal mediation) with these rewards become capable of evoking impulsive aggressive reactions which can intensify his attacks upon some target. As a special case, since the angry person is reinforced when his frustrater is hurt, stimuli that have been paired with the pain he has inflicted on those who provoked him are also capable of eliciting impulsive aggressive reactions. (42 ref)
Assigned 90 undergraduate and high school students who had or had not been annoyed by a female confederate to 1 of 3 groups: (a) Ss gave electric shocks to the confederate, (b) Ss watched E give identical shocks, and (c) the confederate was not hurt by anyone. All Ss were then given an opportunity to shock the confederate. When Ss were annoyed, having the confederate get hurt decreased the number of electric shocks that he was subsequently given, whereas when the Ss were not annoyed, hurting the confederate increased the number of shocks he was subsequently given. Results are discussed in terms of a specific form of the catharsis hypothesis as well as alternative interpretations, e.g., relations. (22 ref.)
After completion of the Forced-Choice Guilt Inventory, a total of 64 females were randomly assigned to frustration or neutral conditions. Frustrated Ss were told by E that their performance on a counting task was unsatisfactory and were not given an expected reward. Frustrated Ss showed (a) a significant increase in diastolic blood pressure during the task; (b) more aggression toward E on a postexperimental Research Evaluation Questionnaire (REQ); and (c) a significant decrease in diastolic pressure after the REQ, especially in low-guilt Ss. No differences were found between groups in systolic pressure, and not all high-guilt Ss inhibited their aggression. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Investigated the relationship between verbal cues and motor aggression. 51 male undergraduates were verbally reinforced for selecting and speaking either aggressive, neutral, or helpful words. On a subsequent test for nonverbal aggression in which Ss had an opportunity to shock another individual, those reinforced for aggressive verbalizations were more aggressive, whereas those reinforced for helpful verbalizations were less aggressive than those in the neutral word group. Findings are consistent with the view that both the elicitation and inhibition of nonverbal aggression can be regulated by verbal cues. The importance of overt verbalization and reinforcement in achieving this control is briefly discussed.
Tested and confirmed the hypothesis that reinforced Ss react more aggressively to violence-related words than do nonreinforced Ss. 24 male undergraduates were given either a verbal reinforcer or no reinforcer for delivering electric shocks to another person each time a light went on. Reinforced Ss increased the intensity of shocks delivered over a long series more sharply than did nonreinforced Ss. Reinforced Ss also subsequently gave more intense shocks than nonreinforced Ss in response to a verbal stimulus related to aggression. Nonreinforced Ss inhibited aggression in the presence of aggressive verbal cues. Results are discussed in terms of antecedent habit strength which increases the intensity of responses to stimuli related to aggression. (15 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The study was concerned with the adequacy of several methods for reducing or preventing hostility toward a frustrating teacher and examined whether classroom performance was affected. Two cathartic methods, Rating Scale and Mutual Expression, and two non-cathartic methods, Explanation and Control, were induced. Residual hostility toward the teacher was measured by means of a Teacher Evaluation Form. Results showed that the Explanation method was most effective and the two cathartic methods were least effective in preventing or reducing residual hostility. The two cathartic methods actually increased residual hostility as compared to the Control treatment. Task performance efficiency varied directly with the level of residual hostility. Doubt is cast upon the catharsis hypothesis and a relationship between residual hostility and performance was found.
Argues that L. Berkowitz (see 44:20852) is right in asserting that the energic theory of catharsis is untenable on both logical and empirical grounds, but that he is wrong in clinging to the underlying tension-reduction theory of motivation on which catharsis was based. It is also suggested that he fails to distinguish constructive from destructive ways of expressing anger, and some researchable hypotheses about this distinction are presented. Clinical and experimental data are cited to show that not expressing anger can also have maladaptive consequences: "poisoning" of relationships, psychosomatic disorders, and impairment of cognitive functions. (26 ref.)
Reviews the literature and reinterprets evidence presumably indicative of hostility catharsis. It is proposed that the sight of people being injured aggressively (to an appropriate degree) is a reinforcement for those Os who are angry or who have been frequently rewarded for aggression. As a reinforcement, this stimulus might be gratifying, but it is also capable of eliciting further aggression. It is concluded that the catharsis hypothesis blinds us to the important social principle that aggression is likely to lead to still more aggression. (32 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Hypothesized that: (a) under conditions where Ss were not angered prior to their opportunity to aggress, increments in the magnitude of pain cues emitted by the victim would lead to corresponding reductions in the strength of the attacks against this individual; and (b) under conditions where Ss were angered before aggressing, it was predicted that increments in the magnitude of pain cues from the victim would either fail to inhibit or actually tend to facilitate subsequent aggression. Results of an experiment with 60 male undergraduates indicate that Ss direct more intense attacks against the victim under the angered than the nonangered condition, but the strength of these attacks decreases significantly under both conditions as the magnitude of pain cues from the victim increases.
120 MALES WERE REINFORCED OR NOT REINFORCED FOR SHOCKING A PEER, THEN WERE SUBJECTED TO FAILURE AT A TASK, TO THWARTING AT THE TASK BY THE PEER, OR TO INSULT BY THE PEER FOLLOWING SUCCESS AT THE TASK. AFTER WITNESSING A VIOLENT MOVIE, ALL SS WERE GIVEN A SOCIALLY SANCTIONED OPPORTUNITY AGAIN TO SHOCK THE PEER. BOTH TASK FRUSTRATED AND THWARTED SS SHOCKED AT A HIGHER INTENSITY LEVEL THAN UNTREATED CONTROLS, BUT AT A LOWER INTENSITY LEVEL THAN INSULTED SS. PRIOR REINFORCEMENT FOR SHOCKING WAS FOUND TO INTERACT WITH THE FRUSTRATION-INSULT VARIABLE ACROSS BLOCKS OF TRIALS. THE RESULTS ARE DISCUSSED IN TERMS OF FRUSTRATION-PRODUCED AROUSAL AS AN ACTIVATOR OF RESPONSE ELICITED BY AGGRESSIVE CUES.
Developed forced-choice and true-false guilt inventories for females from a sentence-completion measure of guilt for 3 subcategories of guilt: sex-guilt, hostility-guilt, and morality-conscience. A multitrait-multimethod matrix and a factor analysis based on the responses of 62 females to the 3 measures of 3 aspects of guilt provided evidence for convergent and discriminant validity. The measures of guilt are not significantly correlated with 2 measures of social desirability and are factorially dissimilar from responses given under instructions to make a favorable impression. The inventories measure the personality disposition of guilt rather than the feeling state of guilt.
80 male undergraduates in angered groups, were allowed to aggress, either directly by shocking their frustrator, indirectly by shocking a nonfrustrator, or not at all. Ss who underwent the frustration sequence rated themselves as significantly more angry than controls, and their mean diastolic blood pressure was significantly elevated as a result of the experimental procedure. Among all Ss, low-guilt Ss exhibited a significantly greater mean diastolic decrease in the postaggression or control stage than high-guilt Ss. Shocking the frustrator resulted in a significant decrease of anger-elevated diastolic blood pressure. Shocking a nonfrustrator resulted in a nonsignificant diastolic decrease. However, within, this indirect aggression group, it was found that low-guilt Ss exhibited a significant diastolic decrease in the postaggression phase, while high-guilt Ss actually showed a slight diastolic increase. Results emphasize the importance of taking the guilt variable into consideration when investigating the catharsis hypothesis. (18 ref.)
Investigated the hypothesis that aggressive experience reduces frustration as expressed by physiological and psychological arousal by assessing differences in arousal reduction achieved by the S counteraggressing alone or through aggressive responses expressed with another person (vicar). Counteraggression occurred through overt (physical and verbal) and covert (fantasy and abated) means. 128 undergraduate males were assigned to the different treatment conditions. Significant changes in systolic blood pressure were noted as a function of overt means of counteraggression. Effects of counteraggressing alone or with another, however, did not differ significantly.
Evaluated the hypothesis that cathartic-like, rapid arousal reduction associated with behavioral counterrespones to other's aggression is an acquired process. Specifically, the current design involved the use of a modified 2-person interaction procedure in which 7 male and 7 female undergraduates went through a series of interchanges with an "aggressive" partner (experimental confederate). The interpersonal contingencies were arranged so that by making intropunitive responses (self-administered electric shocks), S could avoid even more severe shocks from the partner. After this interpersonal learning situation the results showed that the partner's aggression tended to be met with intropunitive behaviors by the S; and that these self-shock responses were accompanied by cathartic-like, vascular arousal-reduction.
Physical aggression was studied in relation to 5 variables, using 2 intensities of frustration plus a control group. The aggression (delivery of electric shock) was either of instrumental value in overcoming the frustration or of no instrumental value. The "victim" (actually a confederate) either gave feedback (moans, groans) or did not. Frustration did not lead to more aggression than a control. When aggression was of instrumental value, it was more intense than when it was of no value. Feedback lowered aggression intensity. Men aggressed more intensely than women, and male "victims" received more intense aggression than women. Thus frustration was the only variable that did not affect aggression, a fact which bears on both the definition of frustration and the frustration-aggression relationship.
36 male freshmen were angered and randomly assigned to a catharsis or noncatharsis condition. Physiological measures were recorded for a 20-min recovery period. Catharsis Ss: (1) disliked their annoyer significantly more than control Ss; (2) showed a slower rate of physiological recovery in skin temperature, PGR, skin conductance, and muscle tension (blood pressure showed a reverse finding); and (3) showed more of a physiological recovery pattern than control Ss. It is suggested that support and encouragement from an authority, and the need to reduce the cognitive dissonance created by getting a person in trouble, increased anger and raised autonomic levels, but that a value of catharsis may be the replacement of an autonomic arousal pattern with an autonomic recovery pattern.
2 separate studies were conducted to investigate the effects of various social responses on vascular processes. It was found that: (1) receipt of a noxious stimulus caused by a "fellow S" produced systolic elevations of 6-10 mm., (2) an aggressive counterresponse was followed by a relatively rapid return of the vascular measures to the prefrustration base level, (3) friendly or ignoring counterresponses were followed by a relatively slow return to base line comparable to that of control Ss who were given no opportunity to respond, (4) the above results were obtained with the systolic blood pressure and a vasomotor response but not with diastolic blood pressure or heart rate. These results were obtained only with male Ss. Female Ss showed no differential recovery rates.
As part of a larger study, hostility was aroused in 56 Ss who then were or were not permitted to respond with aggression. Ss not permitted to respond with aggression to the frustrater reduced their physiological arousal level (blood pressure or heart rate) significantly more than Ss who were permitted to respond. This result is exactly opposite to the general finding reported in 4 studies by Hokanson and his associates. It was suggested that the results of the Hokanson studies might reveal as much about the nature of the maintenance of a high level of physiological arousal as they do about the nature of the reduction of physiological arousal accompanying expressions of aggression.
119 SS PARTICIPATED IN A 6-CONDITION EXPERIMENT INVOLVING A "DISCUSSION" BETWEEN S AND 3 TAPE-RECORDED CONFEDERATES. THE DEPENDENT VARIABLE WAS S'S VERBAL AGGRESSION TOWARD CONFEDERATE A-AS A FUNCTION OF THE DEVIANCY OF A'S OPINIONS, THE MODELING OF AGGRESSION TOWARD A BY CONFEDERATE B, AND THE CENSURING OF B FOR HIS AGGRESSION. THE RESULTS WERE THAT RESTRAINTS AGAINST AGGRESSION WERE REDUCED BY B'S MODELING OF AGGRESSION AND WERE REINSTATED BY E CENSURE OF B. B'S SELF-CENSURE OR CENSURE OF B BY CONFEDERATE C DID NOT REINSTATE RESTRAINTS. POSTEXPERIMENTAL LIKING FOR B WAS LEAST WHEN HE HAD UNJUSTIFIABLY AGGRESSED AND WHEN HE HAD BEEN CENSURED FOR JUSTIFIABLE AGGRESSION BY E OR BY CONFEDERATE C. LIKING FOR B WAS GREATEST WHEN HE HAD REFRAINED FROM JUSTIFIABLE AGGRESSION AND WHEN HE HAD CENSURED HIMSELF FOR JUSTIFIABLE AGGRESSION. REINSTATEMENT OF RESTRAINTS BY E CENSURE PRODUCED HIGH SCORES ON A DEPRESSION SCALE.
EACH OF 90 MALE SS WAS 1ST DELIBERATELY PROVOKED BY E'S ACCOMPLICE, THEN WATCHED EITHER (1) JUSTIFIED FILM AGGRESSION, (2) LESS JUSTIFIED FILM AGGRESSION, OR (3) AN EXCITING BUT NONAGGRESSIVE TRACK RACE. HE WAS THEN GIVEN AN OPPORTUNITY TO ADMINISTER ELECTRIC SHOCKS TO THE ACCOMPLICE, AFTER LEARNING THE ACCOMPLICE'S NAME WAS EITHER "KIRK" OR "BOB." FOR THE MEN SEEING THE AGGRESSIVE FILM, THE NAME "KIRK" ASSOCIATED THE ACCOMPLICE WITH THE VICTIM OF THE WITNESSED VIOLENCE. EVEN THOUGH THE AVAILABLE TARGET'S NAME WAS INTRODUCED AFTER THE FILM WAS SEEN, THE TARGET WAS ATTACKED MORE OFTEN WHEN INHIBITIONS AGAINST AGGRESSION WERE WEAKEST AND THE TARGET'S NAME ASSOCIATED HIM WITH THE VICTIM OF THE MOVIE AGGRESSION. AS IN OTHER EXPERIMENTS, THE TARGET'S CUE VALUE FOR AGGRESSION DETERMINED THE MAGNITUDE OF AGGRESSION DIRECTED AGAINST HIM.
The purpose of this experiment was to test the hypothesis that overt acts of aggression in response to instigation to hostility will tend to reduce the level of hostile tension in the aggressor. Twenty-one S's were permitted to communicate back to an instigator immediately after instigation to hostility, while another 20 S's were not permitted this final communication. The former S's showed relatively more post-experimental friendliness toward the instigator, thus giving qualified confirmation to the hypothesis A second experiment showed that the differences between the two groups in the first experiment may also be a function of relatively heightened hostility in the group whose communication is thwarted.
"The purpose of this study was to investigate the hypothesis that the expression of aggression in fantasy will serve to partially reduce aggressive drive. This hypothesis was tested by experimentally including aggression by insulting a group of students, interpolating a fantasy or nonfantasy activity, and subsequently measuring the strength of the aggressive drive . . ... The results are consistent with the drive-reduction hypothesis." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
A study of the effect of different cathartic techniques on the relief of hostility feelings.
Emotion reduces utilization of cues. In some tasks this can be an advantage (elimination of irrelevant cues); more often, however, such reduction inhibits performance. Attentive behavior fits into the framework of this theory. It can also be easily translated into terms of information theory allowing a qualitative evaluation of task difficulty.
A study of the frustration-aggression hypotheses. Ss were required to count backwards from 100 by 3. A high and low level of frustration situation was constructed, with the "high" being characterized by a threat of electric shock if E was dissatisfied with Ss performance, and E interrupting S by making sarcastic and insulting comments. Following this, E made predictions on what might be S's response on a questionnaire assessing attitudes towards driving, and S was allowed to administer shock to E when S felt E was in error. Measures of frequency and duration of shock and pressure exerted in depressing a shock plunger were obtained as well as GSR and answers to an anxiety questionnaire. The findings generally confirmed the frustration-aggression thesis. From Psyc Abstracts 36:04:4HK46H.
Ss were exposed to frustrating conditions involving frustrators of high and low status, with or without an opportunity to give the frustrator an electric shock. Tension level (TL) was measured by systolic blood pressure. TL increased under conditions of frustration; returned to prefrustration level when S was able to retaliate against low-status frustrator, with or without retaliation against low-status frustrator, with or without retalition against high-status frustrators, and remained high only when S was not able to express aggression against low-status frustrators. The results suggested that under certain conditions overt aggression was tension reducing; under others, TL may be reduced by other behavior, e.g., withdrawal.