“Cleat Chasers”: College Football Players Talk about Women and Sex

Abstract

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the ways that the high social status gained through sports participation, and the competitive pressures surrounding hypermasculinity and male bonding influenced the behavior and attitudes of college football players in their sexual relationships with women. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 male college-football athletes at a Southeastern NCAA football bowl subdivision university. Findings indicate that the college football players feel a sense of sexual power over women, which fuels their sense of entitlement to do what they want with women, and get what they want from women. Many of them viewed women as sex objects, and discussed how common it was for them to have multiple women as sexual partners. Their reference to women as “cleat chasers”, “hunters”, and “gold diggers” further suggests that they may be adhering to a traditional masculine script in which they believe that women use their sexuality as a resource to help them gain status and financial stability.

Full text

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
120
“Cleat Chasers”: College Football Players Talk about
Women and Sex
Marni Finkelstein, Ph.D. (Corresponding author)
Department of Anthropology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
524 West 59th Street, New York, NY 10003, United States
Tel: 1-212-673-2834 E-mail: mfinkelstein@jjay.cuny.edu
Timothy Baghurst, Ph.D.
Health and Human Performance, Oklahoma State University
184 Colvin, Stillwater, OK 74075, United States
Tel: 1-405-744-4346 E-mail: tbaghurst@live.com
Tommy Shavers, DM
Tommy Speak LLC / Atlas Group Advisors
PO Box 781547 Orlando, FL, 32878, United States
Tel: 1-407-716-3708 E-mail: tommy@tommyshavers.com
Received: April 26, 2015 Accepted: May 24, 2015 Published: June 6, 2015
doi:10.5296/iss.v3i1.7499 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v3i1.7499
Abstract
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the ways that the high social status
gained through sports participation, and the competitive pressures surrounding
hypermasculinity and male bonding influenced the behavior and attitudes of college football
players in their sexual relationships with women. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with 15 male college-football athletes at a Southeastern NCAA football bowl subdivision
university. Findings indicate that the college football players feel a sense of sexual power
over women, which fuels their sense of entitlement to do what they want with women, and
get what they want from women. Many of them viewed women as sex objects, and discussed
how common it was for them to have multiple women as sexual partners. Their reference to
women as “cleat chasers”, “hunters”, and “gold diggers” further suggests that they may be

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
121
adhering to a traditional masculine script in which they believe that women use their
sexuality as a resource to help them gain status and financial stability.
Keywords: masculinity, gender, sexual activity, athletes, college football

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
122
1. Introduction
The relationship between college athletics and sexual attitudes has been widely studied (e.g.,
Curry, 1991; Gage, 2008; Jackson & Davis, 2000; Murnen & Kohlman, 2007). Many of these
studies have been spurred on by the number of high profile incidents where male athletes
have been accused of sexual assault on women. These include the high profile cases of rape
charges being made against four Vanderbilt University football players (Bishop, 2013), and
the federal lawsuit that was filed against the University of Colorado by two women who felt
that the university encouraged an atmosphere that led to their being sexually assaulted by
university football players (Abbot, 2005).
Despite these and other high profile incidents, athletics at all levels remain extremely popular
(Dabbs, 1998; Gage, 2008; Madigan & Sink, 2004; Meadows & Thomas, 2006). Accordingly,
society lavishes upon athletes many privileges which aid in reinforcing their superior status
and view of self. These privileges are especially evident in college athletic programs
throughout the United States (Jackson & Davis, 2000). College athletes experience high
exposure on their campuses, which affords them more opportunities than non-athlete students
in not only the athletic domain, but also in many other aspects of their lives. For example,
many NCAA Division I schools offer student-athletes a number of exclusive privileges, such
as better housing, food, medical care, academic services, and financial scholarships (Jackson
& Davis). Other perks such as scholarships, alumni gifts, stipends, and leniency in their
academic standards may increase the feelings of self-esteem and entitlement among college
athletes (Murnen & Kohlman, 2007). The popularity of student-athletes often extends outside
of their college campuses to a level of national recognition. As a result, the increased social
status gained through sports participation can have significant influence on an athlete‟s
behavior and attitudes, such as their sexual relationships with women. Furthermore, the
competitive pressures surrounding hypermasculinity and male bonding also influence the
attitudes that male athletes hold towards women. Male athletes often talk about women in the
context of their being objects and sexual conquests (Curry, 1991).
Sports participation reinforces traditional gender roles in males while de-emphasizing or
contradicting traditional scripts for females (Miller et al., 1999). Grossbard et al. (2007)
investigated the sexual activity motives of male athletes and found that their motivations for
sex were associated more with status enhancement than they were with intimacy.
The status that come from athletic success is often correlated with the characteristics of
control, domination, competitiveness, physical strength, and aggressiveness (Murnen &
Kohlman, 2007). Prior studies have suggested that the domination and aggression that is
admired in one area of life - such success in sports - can shift over to other parts of life, such
as sexual relationships (Brown, Sumner, & Nocera, 2002). For example, some research has
suggested that successful athletes transfer the model of competition they use for their sport as
a problem-solving mechanism in their interpersonal interactions (Gage, 2008). Other research
has found that reinforcement of masculine gender norms through strict football rituals in team
practice follows the player off the field and into their personal relationships with others (Sabo
& Panepinto, 1990). Since male-dominated sports such as football place such a high

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
123
emphasis on hypermasculinity, there is an inherent devaluation of women and anything that is
seen as being feminine. Therefore, the subordination and sexualization of women may be an
acceptable attitude in the world of male sports (Curry, 1991).
This article reports on findings from a research project that sought to explore the sexual
attitudes and behaviors of college football players. Within these findings emerged a set of
perceptions that the football players held about their relationships with women, and the ways
these perceptions manifested within their sexual behaviors with these women. Through an
analysis of narratives of college football players, the findings focus on several themes
including the ways that the football players feel that their status and power influences their
sexual relationships with women, the attitudes they hold towards women and sexual
relationships, and the perceptions they have about how their enhanced status as athletes is the
main motivating factor for women's pursuit of them.
2. Literature Review
The continued growth of media exposure has positioned football as the most popular sport in
America (Harris, 2009). With the rise in its popularity comes a significant increase in the
revenue generated from the sport, as well as the salaries of those in the profession (Harris,
2009; Simmons, 2007). As a result, football players have also risen in popularity and
notoriety. At the more advanced levels, society views both college and professional football
players as high status or celebrity individuals (Kurzman et al., 2007), where football players
receive unique treatment that is commonly reserved for those with high status (Thirer &
Wright, 1985). The preferential treatment received from society lends support to athletes
reporting higher levels of self-esteem and social connectedness than nonathletes (Armstrong
& Oomen-Early, 2009). As celebrities in the sporting arena, athletes live and function within
a set of cultural norms that are different from those who are nonathletes (Kurzman et al.,
2007). Messner (2002) suggests that the characteristics of these cultural norms are contingent
on the sport's historical impact within society, and the university. Football is a sport with a
long tradition in the university structure, where norms of masculinity have been reinforced.
College football has a long historical connection to funding sources, institutional ties, and
social traditions.
As a result, college football players may become isolated from outside regulation, and
protected from social control. This, in turn may allow football players to take greater sexual
risks with women, and view them in ways that would otherwise be seen as deviant to social
norms, while greatly lowering their potential consequences of this treatment. For example, a
recent government report on sexual violence on college campuses found that many college
institutions use different adjudication procedures for student athletes who are involved in
sexual misconduct cases, than they do for non-athlete students. More than 20 percent of the
colleges surveyed in the national sample give the athletic department oversight of sexual
violence cases involving student athletes (U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Financial &
Contracting Oversight, 2014).
Smith & Bargh (2008) suggest that once the risk and consequences of an activity are
minimized, those with high status are more inclined to engage in behaviors that lower status

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
124
individuals would not. Therefore, the more social power an individual has, the more justified
they are in the use of their power to achieve their pursuits (Kipnis, 1972). The social power of
college football players greatly influences their sexual activity and sexual relationships. As
status increases, power increases. With increases in social power comes greater engagement
in behaviors associated with goal pursuit (Kipnis, 1972).
2.1 Sports Participation and the Amplification of a Traditional Masculine Gender Script
Increase in social power also allows for hypermasculine subcultures among football players
to emerge and flourish (Gage, 2008). Messner (2002) suggests that since football generates
high revenue at the university level, the media reinforces that football players be dominant,
aggressive, and subscribe to a hegemonic masculinity. Because of the revenue and status that
football brings to the university culture, college football players are often protected from
external pressures that would normally discourage deviant behaviors and attitudes, and
encourages them to bond over the norms of this hegemonic masculinity. Sports are a
particularly well suited environment for the perpetuation of male bonding (Messner, 1987).
Furthermore, sports participation may legitimize male domination over women (Bryson, 1987;
Farr, 1988), and provides an ideal forum for young men to display masculinity in a socially
acceptable forum (West & Zimmerman, 1987).
Some of the behaviors and attitudes over which college football players bond are negative
towards women. In his study on locker room talk, Curry (1991) found that when male
athletes talked about women as persons rather than objects they were ridiculed by their
teammates in the form of male posturing, joking, and put-downs. Therefore, to avoid this,
“..the athlete may choose to present his attitude toward women in a different way, one that
enhances his identity as a „real man.‟ The resulting women-as-objects stories are told with
braggadocio or in a teasing manner...” (Curry, 1991, p. 128).
Research has looked at the association between participating in college athletics and male
attitudes associated with sexual relationships with women. (Murnen & Kohlman, 2007).
Miller, et al. (1999) found that male athletes began having sex earlier, had more partners, and
had more sexual encounters than nonathletes. Male football players may exert their status to
fulfill the expectation that they engage in sexual relations more than non-athlete students, and
compete with each other to be the most sexually active. Jackson and Davis (2000) found that
student-athletes often brag with one another about their sexual conquests or „notches on the
bedpost‟. Since athletes have their choice of sexual partners, they feel they don‟t have to form
emotional or intimate attachments with women. Rather, sexual activity is seen as a transient,
relationship, or as a means of competition with their teammates. In many ways, the use of
women‟s bodies as sexual objects is more important to the football player than knowing them
as people (Curry, 1991).
Athletes have conflicting social norms they face on a continual basis. On the one hand they
are expected to act in ways that legitimize hypermasculine behaviors and attitudes. However,
at the same time, they face negative perceptions due to several highly publicized events that
highlight negative treatment and attitudes towards women (Jolly, 2008; Merton, 1957;
Simons, 2007). The insights gained from the current study may provide an understanding of

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
125
the perceptions and behaviors of college football players, which could aid in the development
of resources to help college athletic programs prepare their athletes to better navigate the
complex social norms they face. Such resources may be able to help mitigate the level of
deviant and at-risk behaviors of college athletes towards women.
3. Methods
In this study, qualitative phenomenological research methods were used to explore the ways
that status and social power influence the sexual behavior and attitudes of male
college-football athletes. The current study was used to understand how the status and social
power of individuals could influence their engagement in sexual behaviors.
3.1 Participants
The participants in this study consisted of 15 male college-football athletes at a Southeastern
NCAA football bowl subdivision university. They were upperclassmen college-football
players who have spent at least two years on the team. Non travel squad and practice team
players were not included in the study. Of the 15 participants, 13 identified as African
American, one identified as White, and 1 identified as mixed ethnicity. Seventy-three percent
of the participants were starters on their football team, meaning that they participated the
most in the games and were the most visible and recognized players on the team. All
participants were unmarried.
3.2 Data Collection and Analysis
Data was collected through individual interviews with the 15 study participants. Audio-taped
interviews were conducted in an individual, face-to-face format, ranging from 60-90 minutes
in length. The tapes were transcribed verbatim and analyzed through the lens of hermeneutic
phenomeno logy by applying van Manen‟s six activities of hermeneutical research: (1)
Turning with commitment to an abiding concern; (2) investigating the experience as it is
lived; (3) characterizing the phenomenon using themes; (4) describing the phenomenon
through writing and rewriting; (5) maintaining a strong, oriented stance toward the question;
and, (6) balancing the research context by considering parts and whole. (van Manen, 1990, p.
93).
Using NVivo data analysis software, the data was analyzed by isolating thematic statements
according to van Manen's (1990) processes of holistic and selective highlighting. The
collected data was transcribed into verbatim text that was read several times by the researcher.
Initial themes were developed by looking at words, phrases, sentences, blocks of dialogue,
and the transcript as a whole. The process continued until sensible meanings of the
experience were reached that were free from inner contradictions (Laverty, 2003). Themes
from each interview were compared to look for similarities and differences, as well as overall
themes that describe the phenomenon (van Manen, 1990). The developing of emerging
themes was accomplished through a coding process that categorized the highlighted data;
interconnected the categories by commonalities to develop themes; and, connected the
interrelationship of the emergent themes to the phenomenon of the research topic of the status
and power of college football players.

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
126
Triangulation was utilized in order to maximize the validity of the data analysis, and to
minimize the possibility of chance associations or systematic bias, thus increasing confidence
in the analysis and interpretation of the data (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007). Triangulation
occurred through the collaboration of participant interviews, recordings, and emerging
thematic analysis (Golafshani, 2003). Each data collection source was assessed and compared
with the others to verify that the multiple data sources arrived at similar conclusions on how
status and social power may influence the attitudes that college football players hold towards
women.
4. Results
The concepts of power, status, and entitlement were powerful themes that emerged from the
data. These concepts influence the perceptions that college football players hold about their
status, especially in the ways they manifest in their treatment of women, and women's
treatment of them. While the participants acknowledged that there were some women who
were not interested in them sexually due to negative perceptions of college athletes, the
findings reported here are their attitudes about women who were. We begin with an analysis
of how the college football players feel that their status gives them sexual power over women.
Furthermore, this power fuels their sense of entitlement to do what they want with women,
and get what they want from women. Finally, we discuss the perceptions that college football
players have concerning the motivations that some women have for being with them sexually,
especially in their attitudes of women as gold-diggers and groupies.
4.1 The Perks of Being a College Football Player: “You Can Do Whatever You Want to Do
and You Don’t Care”
All participants in the current study commented on how the status of being a college football
player allowed them to do whatever they wanted and get whatever they wanted from others,
most specifically women. They felt their status as football players accorded them special
treatment by others. Having sex with women they barely knew and sharing women with other
athletes were experiences expressed by some participants. Derrick shared,
You kind of have the power to do want you want in this society...You can end up
making choices that can affect you and the people around you if you tend to set that
tone about yourself and show people that you can do whatever you want to do and you
don‟t care.
Participants further believed that their status as college football players increased their
physical attractiveness to women, and that women were more drawn to them than they were
to non-athletes. They expressed how the higher a player‟s status, the more women that would
be attracted to that player. They also felt that women become more physically attracted to
them after learning that they were on the football team. Accordingly, the football players
leveraged their increased attractiveness into opportunities for sex with women. Greg shared,
Being a football player makes you look nice. You may not look nice but being a football
player or having certain things make you look nice. Being that star athlete makes you
look real handsome and everything…It is definitely the status that makes a football

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
127
player look more attractive…Sometimes, just being honest, some girls find out you‟re a
football player and they might want to do something (sexually) with you for that reason.
Michael shared the following experience:
The way they call it here, it‟s a panty dropper. I don‟t know why but this one time I was
at the club just a rando m night and some girl came up to me and asked me who I was…
the minute I told her (who I was) and I kid you not, she literally dragged me into the
girls bathroom and she just kind of had her way with me. She was like I always wanted
to be with a football player like you…That was what we call “Cleat Chasers.” That‟s
the term we have among football players when we know all you have to do is talk to
that girl and its game over.
Participants also believed that women were drawn to them as a result of their physical
appearance. When asked why he felt college football players were able to have more sex that
non college football p laying males, Joseph responded, “Because of the fact that women like
more men who are athletic and in shape; that can be a reason.” Participants expressed how
they believed women were more physically attracted to college football players or athletes in
general than they were to regular nonathlete college males. George mentioned how he felt it
would be tougher for regular college males than college athletes to get women when it comes
to physical attraction. He said,
For a regular college kid it can be tougher to get a girl. Most girls they like athletes;
guys who are in good condition, shape, are bigger, and taller. Most football players are
bigger and taller than most of the regular students on campus. Eric added, “As a college
football player some females see you as eye candy.
Kurzman, et al. (2007), found that college athletes often develop a glorified sense of self due
to the attention they receive on campus and in society. As a result of the preferential treatment
they receive, some participants felt that their status and power led to some players getting a
“big head”, including a sense of superiority, entitlement, and invincibility. As it relates to the
current study, women in particular were reported as giving preferential treatment to athletes
in the form of increased attention and sexual favors. Participants felt women showed them
more attention as a result of their status. Jerry added, “You get more attention tha n like
regular students; like ladies just throw themselves at you sometimes. That‟s happen to me a
couple of times before. You get a lot of love.”
Another recurring theme in their discussions were of women finding them desirable due to
their power and status as football players. They shared their experiences of women who were
willing to give them whatever they wanted due to their athletic status. Leroy said, “Women
want a person with status...they are going to want to be with you, doing your homework, give
you whatever you want, give you money, buy you clothes, have sex with you.”
Accordingly, there was a shared perception among the participants about the ease of football
player's having sex with women. Michael candidly shared that, “You can pretty much do
want you want … but as far as women; that the easy part of it... If you want a girl and you are
a football player you are going to get a girl. It‟s pretty dang close to inevitable.”

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
128
Participants also expressed experiencing almost worship-like treatment from women because
of their status as college football players. Joseph said, “You do have girls out here that just
want to chase athletes around and that will just do anything for a football player … they do n‟t
care who it is, as long as you play football, they‟re chasing that jersey as some would say,
cleat chasers.” Colin added, “Yo u got some (girls) that go out of their way for you, above and
beyond what you never would think people would do just because you are a football player or
player in general…I don‟t think it would be the case if you were not an athlete.”
Michael was laughing as he shared the following experiences about getting special treatment
from women:
I‟ve never been treated to more d inners b y a female since I‟ve been here… They want
to be the one to say yeah I got him to come out with me and I got him to do that. I‟ve
been taken out to a lot of places (by wome n) and I didn‟t have to pay a dime…I don‟t
know, I guess it makes them feel better, but they do it! They are like hey let‟s go do this
and I‟ll pay for everything, that‟s hard to resist.
Participants felt that they not only got what they wanted from women, but also discussed the
ways that they were able to treat women because of their status as college football players,
especially from a sexual context. Many of them viewed women primarily as sex objects, and
discussed how common it was for college football players to have multiple women as sexual
partners. They felt that the high number of female sexual partners they have is largely due to
the high number of women who pursue them sexually. Colin shared, “If one isn‟t treating you
right, you just get rid of her, you don‟t keep her around. This becomes their motivation—that
you‟ll get rid of them if they do n‟t act right or treat you right.” Fred added, “When I was a
freshman, all I had to do was to send out one text... then choose who I wanted to come over
[for sex] because they all would respond.”
Participants also shared that they engaged in sex with women as a means of competition with
their teammates. Michael said, “Some guys even try to compete, to see who can get more the
easiest. It‟s sad in some respects but I guess it‟s just the way it is.”
4.2 “Hunters” and “Gold Diggers” - College Football Players’ Views on Women
Another recurring theme that emerged from the data was the football players attitude that
women pursued relationships with them in order to benefit their own financial and social
status, and as a way out of financial hardships. They further expressed that women would try
to get purposely get pregnant by them as a way to gain financial security. As a result,
participants said that some women would pursue or attempt to have unprotected sex with
them. Fred mentioned, “S he says, ok I want to have sex with him (athle te). Maybe if I have
sex with him, maybe he‟ll be with me when he goes to the (NFL) d raft and maybe the
NBA… Maybe he‟ll like me if I give it (sex) up to him; that‟s how girls think.”
Many of the participants associated having children with financial obligations to the women
for child support. George shared, “A girl sees a guy doing well in football; she‟ll try to have
intercourse with him and try to eventually get pregnant by the football player…It will give
her a way that he has to be around forever as far as the kid growing up. For the women, I

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
129
think they think having unprotected sex with a football player is definitely worth the risk.”
Leroy added, “Some may try to trap you with pregnancy. To some of the girls you just a
paycheck really…To get the money or whatever you are going to be in life.” Colin referred to
these types of women as “gold diggers” because of their pursuit of financial wealth from
college football players who may go to the NFL. George believes “the NFL means millions to
many girls.”
In addition to financial perks, participants felt that women pursued them in order to
experience the fame, notoriety, high status, and preferential treatment that may come with
their being in a relationship with a college athlete. Participants believed that women desired
the drama of a life that comes with being a well-known college football player. Joseph added,
“A lot of these girls might say they don‟t want or like drama, b ut a lot of them feed off of it
and thrive from it. They see it and think that‟s the life and the way to live and that‟s what they
go after.” Participants further suggested that some women were willing to do anything to
form a romantic or sexual relationship with a college football player so they can experience
the lifestyle that goes along with being in a relationship with someone of high status. Michael
added, “Everybody wants what you have and some girls are willing to sleep with you to try to
get it.” Participants believe women e ven pursue marriage or long term relationships with
them in order to inherit the celebrity type life style associated with high status football
players. They mentioned several reality television shows that focused specifically on women
who were in relationships with celebrity athletes. They believed the potential to be in the
media spotlight was a motivating factor on some women‟s desires to pursue relationships
with them.
On TV now you see the shows like Basketball Wives or Real Housewives. The only
reason they are on those show is because they are either the wives of a famous person
or the wives of somebody who plays a sport. Women see that „hey this guy on the team
looks like he‟s go ing to be pretty successful so I‟m going to try to talk to him, try to get
to know him. Maybe if I do this for him (have sex), maybe in time he ‟ll give me
something in return.‟ They see us as kind of a meal ticket (Eric).
George shared that some women are “hunters” when it comes to their desire of the lifestyle
they see that college football players can potentially provide. He added the following
thoughts:
Think about what girls are learning their whole life. They watch the Disney channel
movies and they see the little girl who didn‟t come from much and come see the big
prince take her from her bad situation and bring her somewhere better. It‟s instilled in a
girls mind early in life that if you luck up, you may find that one guy who will take care
of you and you don‟t have to do much.
Participants believed that women wanted the popularity and status that comes from being in a
relationship with a football player. They expressed how some women made their sexual
activities with them public in order to enhance their status in their own social circles. They
also believed that as a woman‟s status increased as a result of being sexually involved with
them, she would become even more attractive and desired by other males; including males of

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
130
higher status. Jerry mentioned,
If it was a regular student, the identity would be secret and they wouldn‟t tell anyone
about it. As a student athlete- depending on your status, they feel like they have to tell
someone else to make their image look good. It helps their status more by having sex
with a football player...From a football player‟s perspective we don‟t see it as an
upgrade in status, but I guess ladies see it as an upgrade in status.
Bryce stated, “I think women probably see more benefits, as bad as that sounds, to having sex
with an athlete as opposed to a regular student.” He continued, “I think a woman‟s status can
increase by having sex with an athlete…The fact that they are around the athlete more and the
chance that others will see them around with the athlete is how sex can indirectly help
increase the status of women who have sex with athletes.”
Eric believed that a woman can have sex with somebody with high status and as a result her
status increases. With her newly increased status, she is now able to attract men of higher
status, further inc reasing her own status. He added, “They [women] are living o ff other
people to get their status higher and they‟re making money from other people; that‟s how I
see it. I can go on with different female stars that are stars because the people who they had
sex with were stars.”
The perceptions and experiences expressed from participants was a result of their social
status among women, and their sexual behavior with women. When women were said to view
and treat participants with special treatment it was believed by participants to be because of
their high status. This celebrity-like perception from women often led to sexual encounters
for participants. Participants expressed that their status as college football player can have an
influence on their self- perception and behavior. College football players were said to become
“big headed,” which refers to d eveloping a larger than life mentality about themselves. This
mentality were said to frequent result in college football players believing they could obtain
anything they desired and pursue those desires with little or no fear of potential consequences.
Women were said by participants to be treated often as sex objects or objects of personal
desire or gratification. As a result of their status, participants expressed that college football
players often believed that they could have sex with the women of their choosing and rarely
think they would not be able to do so.
5. Discussion
The college football players in our study felt that most women were drawn to them due to
their athletic status, and that this attraction resulted in increased sexual activity with women.
They further believed that because of their participation in college athletics and the notoriety
and popularity that comes with it, women were more attracted to them they were to
non-athletes. As a result they felt that most women actively and often aggressively pursue
college football players for sex.
These finding can be supported by existing scholarly research that suggests that men who
play aggressive and competitive sports are rated by women as being more attractive and
desirable for dates and sexual relationships than men who do not play sports, or who play

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
131
sports in a non-aggressive way (Brewer & Howarth, 2012; deBlock & Dewitte, 2009; Snyder
et al., 2008). For example, Brewer and Howarth asked women to rate both the attractiveness
of males and their level of desire to enter a relationship with them. They found that women
rated men who did not participate in sports as the least attractive. They further found that
women rated men that played aggressive, competitive sports as most desirable for both long
and short-term relationships. This may be because desirable physical traits, such as body size
and strength, are consistent with aggression and dominance (Archer & Thanzami, 2007;
Snyder, et al., 2008), which has been found to be associated with increased male
attractiveness (Sadella et al., 1987). Simply put, women find athletic physiques more
attractive (Dixon et al., 2003; Li & Kendrick, 2006).
Participants also believed that most women saw having sex with college football players as
more beneficial than having sex with non-athletes. They felt that in addition to women seeing
college football players as more physically attractive, the lifestyle experience that would
come from being sexually involved with a college football player was also appealing to
women. In their own social circles women were said to gain status and positive recognition
from having sex with a college football player as opposed to someone who did not have the
same level of notoriety or popularity. Women were said by participants to feel better about
themselves when engaged in a sexual relationship with someone of higher status as opposed
to someone with lesser status on campus.
Several theories have been put forth on the relationship between social status and sexual
selection. Some theories are based on Darwinian evolutionary theory that suggests that it is
genetically hard-wired into women to seek out men in high status positions because social
status is a cue to the male's ability to control resources (Buss, 1990; Miller, 2000). Therefore,
the preference of high status men by women is independent of the power that women have
gained in society. Other theories are based on rational choice where sexual relationships are
seen as an exchange between men and women, where women bring youth and physical
attractiveness to the relationship, while men bring wealth and power. Alternately, Martin
(2005) suggests that status may not be something that women find attractive in men per se.
Rather, status may be something that compensates for lack of physical attractiveness. This is
often exemplified through the stereotype of the young, beautiful woman married to the older
wealthy, powerful man (Martin, 2005).
However, a likely explanation for the participants‟ attitudes may be the result of their
socialization to the cultural ideal that women‟s physical attractiveness, submission, and
gratification can be exchanged for a man‟s wealth, p rotection, and social standing (Fogarty,
2009; Miller et al., 1999; Rijt & Macy, 2006). Baumeister and Vohs (2004) refer to this as
female resource theory which endows female sexuality with economic value, where women
trade sexual favors for other valued goods and services. Further, this theory suggests that this
is a one way exchange - male sexuality cannot be exchanged for other goods. This leads to
the dichotomous relationship of women being the suppliers of sex, and men being the
demanders of sex. Therefore, sex becomes a female resource for which men must offer a
price. “The price of sex (so to speak) may vary widely. To commence a sexual relationship
with a particular woman, a man may have to offer her a fancy dinner, or a long series of

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
132
compliments, or a month of respectful attention, or a lifetime promise to share all his wealth
and earnings with her exclusively” (Baumeister & Vohs, 2004, p. 343). This theory may offer
one explanation as to why participants held the belief that women would not engage in sex
with them if they did not have the status as college football players, or their perceptions that
some women only want to have sex with them to be a part of their lifestyle or for potential
financial security.
However, other studies suggest that the football players may hold an erroneous perception of
the women in their lives. For example, Stanick and Ellsworth (2010) found in their study on
the correlation between a woman's intelligence and her emphasis on status and wealth and
choosing a mate that women with access to education, career opportunities, and higher
intelligence affects the characteristics they look for in a mate. Their study of college women
found that as a woman‟s education and intelligence level increases, her desire for traits in a
long-term partner, such as status and wealth decreases. Therefore, women may be more
flexible in prioritizing what they seek in a mate than what has been suggested in the past.
This is particularly relevant for our study, as it is assumed that the majority of the women that
are mentioned by participants in this study are their fellow college students. Also relevant is
Stanick and Ellsworth's further finding that as a college woman's educational and intelligence
level increased, she had more options for pursuing short-term partners. Since educated
women have less fear that sexual partners will not be able to provide for them in the case of a
pregnancy, they feel freer to pursue more short-term sexual relationships. Therefore, while
the football players may perceive their status as what is attracting women, it may just be that
these educated women feel freer to pursue many sexual relationships.
Other recent studies have found that the effect of sport participation on female mate
preferences was modest at best (Schulte-Hostedde, Eys, & Johnson, 2008). Schulte-Hostedde,
Eys, and Johnson (2008) found that while women did have favorable views on athletes in
general compared to non-athletes, they found no evidence that females perceive male athletes
as better long-term mates. Furthermore, they found that women did not distinguish between
the financial prospects of athletes and non-athletes. “It appears that there is no effect of sport
involvement on perceptions of earning ability by potential mates” (p. 91). Thus, participants
may have wrongly assumed or overestimated the role that their status plays on their sexual
relationships with women (Martin, 2005).
6. Research Limitations
Future study is necessary to understand the influence that status and social power has on
sexual behavio r. Additionally, conducting a study from a women‟s perception of ho w the
status and social power of college football players influences their sexual attitudes and
behaviors towards them would give more insight into this issue from both perspectives.
The study was limited to 15 male college football players at a Southeastern university who
were primarily African American. Therefore, the findings may not be applicable to
universities in other regions of the country, male athletes from other sports, or other division
levels. The lack of ethnic diversity among the participants may also be considered a
limitation. Furthermore, the perceptions of women who have relationships with college

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
133
football players were not gathered for this study. Therefore, the findings from this study
cannot be generalized to be the same as the perceptions and experiences of the women
themselves.
7. Recommendations
The findings of this study may be able to aid the leaders of athletic programs by
demonstrating the potential influence social power and status can have on college athletes. As
this study found, the sexual behaviors and attitudes of male college football players is
influenced significantly by their status and social power. The combination of the ease at
which they are able to obtain sexual goals, as well as the pursuit of women wanting to engage
college football players sexually creates a culture of increased sexual exchange.
After their interviews, several participants expressed that they had not considered the
significance of the influence their status had on their sexual attitudes. Some mentioned that
they intended to be more aware of their actions and how their status influences them and
others around them. The development of programs aimed at education and awareness of the
significance of how status and social power can influence athletes and potentially influence
how society treats athletes may help the leadership of sports organizations to better prepare
their athletes at various levels of sports participation. At the higher levels of sports such as the
college and professional ranks, such programs or resources could potentially aid sports
organizations by minimizing potential behavior that could negatively affect public image,
team performance, and ultimately organizational profits. Such programs could be
incorporated into already developed player development programs provided for athletes by
their organizations
Knowing the influence that status and social power has on the sexual behaviors or mentality
of male athletes, as well as female subordinates can aid athletic organizations in their
attempts to provide a safe and ethical culture within their organizations. Developing training
programs for college athletic organizations that is supported by sound research in the area of
the influence of status and social power on sexual behavior can provide a training tool that
allows organizations to better educate and minimize negative sexual behaviors and attitudes,
which have the potential to minimize issues of sexual harassment, and sexual violence. The
insights from the current study can potentially help athletic organizations more effectively
address issues where individuals may behave adversely when status and social power is
obtained or increased (Schaubut et al., 2006).
8. Conclusions
High status football players are seen as leaders among their peers and in society, as well as
models of emulation for youth and fans. The findings from this study provide a good insight
into the ways that college football players perceive their relationships with women based on
the status and social power they hold. These perceptions suggest that they adhere to a
traditional masculine script where they believe that women use their sexuality as a resource to
help them gain status and financial stability. It is interesting to note that none of the
participants viewed their relationships with women as being equal, loving, or nurturing.

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
134
Adhering to these hypermasculine notions may cloud these yo ung men‟s abilities to vie w
women as being able to attain status and success through their own achievements. In his 1991
study, Curry suggested that the attitudes that college students learn through masculine athletic
bonding may create barriers to these young men ultimately accepting women in the
workplace or in positions of power. Since that time, women have made great strides in
gaining power in the workplace and other professional settings, yet many of the attitudes
expressed by these college football players towards their relationships with women seems to
be mired in the past.
References
Abbott, K. (2005). CU “regrets” perceived lack of cando r": University lawyers: Rape case
info not intentionally hidden. Rocky Mountain News, p. 6A, July 21.
Archer, J., & Thanzami, V. L. (2007). The relation between physical aggression, size and
strength among a sample of young Indian men. Personality and Individual Differences, 43,
627-633.
Armstrong, S., & Oomen-Early, J. (2009). Social connectedness, self-esteem, and depression
symptomatology among collegiate athletes versus nonathletes. Journal of American Health,
57, 521-526. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/JACH.57.5.521-526
Baumeister, R. F., & Vohs, K. D. (2004). Sexual economics: Sex as female resource for social
exchange in heterosexual interactions. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 8(4),
339-363.
Bishop, G. (2013). A new low at rising Vanderbilt. New York Times (September 7): D1.
Brewer, G., & Howarth, S. (2012). Sport, attractiveness and aggression. Personality and
Individual Differences, 53, 640-643.
Brown, T. J., Sumner, K. E., & Nocera, R. (2002). Understanding sexual aggression against
women: An examination o f the role of me n‟s athletic participation and related variables.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17, 937-952.
Bryson, L. (1987). Sport and the maintenance of masculine hegemony. Women's Studies
International Forum, 10, 349-360.
Buss, D. M. (1990). International preferences in selecting mates: A study of 37 cultures.
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 21, 5-47.
Curry, T. J. (1991). Fraternal bonding in the locker room: A profeminist analysis of talk about
competition and women. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 119-135.
Dabbs, E. E. (1998). Intentional fouls: Athletes and violence against women. Columbia
Journal of Law and Social Problems, 31, 167-199.
deBlock, A., & Dewitte, S. (2009). Darwinism and the cultural evolution of sports.
Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 52, 1-16.

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
135
Dixon, A., Halliwell, G., East, R., Wignarajah, P., & Anderson, M. (2003). Masculine
somatype and hirsuteness as determinants of sexual attractiveness to women. Archives of
Sexual Behavior, 32, 29-39.
Farr, K. A. (1988). Dominance bonding through the good old boys sociability group. Sex
Roles, 18, 259-277.
Fogarty, A. (2009). Exploring the impact of gender and social status on the collegiate sexual
market. Paper presented at the Rational Choice I Session, Annual Meetings of the American
Sociological Association, San Francisco, CA.
Gage, E.A. (2008). Gender attitudes and sexual behaviors: Comparing center and marginal
athletes and nonathletes in a college setting. Violence Against Women, 14, 1014-1033.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801208321987
Golafshani, N. (2003). Understanding reliability and validity in qualitative research. The
Qualitative Report, 8, 597-607.
Grossbard, J. R., Lee, C. M., Neighbors, C., Hendershot, C., & Larimer, M. (2007). Alcohol
and risky sex in athletes and nonathletes: What roles do sex motives play? Journal of Studies
on Alcohol and Drugs, 68, 566-574.
Harris, P. (2009). Professional football continues dominance over baseball as America’s
favorite sport. Retrieve from http://www.harrisinteractive.com
Jackson, T. L., & Davis, J. L. (2000). Prevention of sexual and physical assault towards
women: A program for male athletes. Journal of Community Psychology, 28(6), 589-605.
Jolly, J. (2008). Raising the question # 9: Is the student-athlete population unique? And why
should we care? Communication Education, 57(1), 145-151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080
/03634520701613676
Kipnis, D. (1972). Does power corrupt? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 24(1),
33-41.
Kurzman, C., Anderson, C., Key, C., Lee, Y. O., Moloney, M., Silver, A., & Van Ryn, M. W.
(2007). Celebrity Status. Sociological Theory, 25, 347-367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111
/j.1467-9558.2007.00313.x
Laverty, S. M. (2003). Hermeneutic phenomenology and phenomenology: A comparison of
historical and methodological considerations. International Journal of Qualitative Methods,
2(3), 1-29.
Li, N. P., & Kenrick, D. T. (2006). Sex similarities and differences in preferences for short
term mates: What, whether, and why. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90,
468-489.
Madigan, N., & Sink. M. (2004). End of Kobe Bryant case brings out strong sentiments. New
York Times, Sept. 3; A14.

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
136
Martin, J. L. (2005). Is power sexy? American Journal of Sociology, 111(2), 408-446
Meadows, S., & Thomas, E. (2006). What happened at Duke? Newsweek, May 1: 40.
Merton, R. K. (1957). Social theory and social structure. Toronto, Canada:
Collier-Macmillian.
Messner, M. A. (1987). The meaning of success: The athletic experience and the development
of male identity. In H. Brod (Ed.), The Making of Masculinities: The New Men's Studies (pp.
193-209). Boston: Allen & Unwin.
Messner, M. A. (2002). Taking the Field: Women, Men, and Sports. Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press.
Miller, G. (2000). The Mating Mind. New York: Anchor Books.
Miller, K. E., Sabo, D. F., Farrell, M. P., Barnes, G. M., & Melnick, M. J. (1999). Sports,
sexual behavior, contraceptive use, and pregnancy among female and male high school
students: Testing cultural resource theory. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16, 366-387.
Murnen, S. K., & Kohlman, M. H. (2007). Athletic participation, fraternity membership, and
sexual aggression Among college men: A meta-analytic review. Sex Roles, 57, 145-157.
Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Leech, N. L. (2007). Validity and qualitative research: An oxymoron?
Quality & Quantity, 41, 233-249. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-006-9000-3
Rijt, A. V. D., & Macy, M. W. (2006). Power and dependence in intimate exchange. Social
Forces, 84, 1455-1470.
Sabo, D. F., & Panepinto, J. (1990). Football ritual and social reproduction of masculinity. In
J. McKay et al. (Eds.), Masculinities, Gender Relations and Sport (pp. 115-126). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sadalla, E. K., Kenrick, D. T., & Vershure, B. (1987). Dominance and heterosexual attraction.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 730-738.
Schaubut, N., Donnay, D. A. C., & Thompson, R. C. (2006). Personality profiles of North
American professional football players. Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology,
1-15.
Schulte-Hostedde, A.I, Eys, M.A., & Johnson, K. (2008). Female mate choice is influenced
by male sport participation. Evolutionary Psychology, 6(1), 113-124.
Simmons, R. (2007). Overpaid athletes? Comparing American and European football.
WorkingUSA, 10, 457-471. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2007.00176.x
Smith, P. K., & Bargh, J. A. (2008). Nonconscious effects of power on basic approach and
avoidance tendencies. Social Cognition, 26(1), 1-24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521
/soco.2008.26.1.1
Snyder, J. K., Kirkpatrick, L. A., & Barrett, H. C. (2008). The dominance dilemma: Do

Issues in Social Science
ISSN 2329-521X
2015, Vol. 3, No. 1
www.macrothink.org/iss
137
women really prefer dominant males? Personal Relationships, 15, 425-444.
Stanick, C. E., & Ellsworth, P.C. (2010). Who cares about marrying a rich man? Intelligence
and variation in women‟s mate preferences. Human Nature, 21, 203-217.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-010-9089-x
Thirer, J., & Wright, S. D. (1985). Sports and social status for adolescent males and females.
Sociology of Sport Journal, 2(2), 164-171.
U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Financial & Contracting Oversight. (2014). Sexual Violence on
Campus. Washington, DC: United States Senate. Retrieve from
http://www.mccaskill.senate.gov/SurveyReportwithAppendix
van Manen, M. (1990). Researching Lived Experience: Human Science for an Action
Sensitive Pedagogy. Ontario, Canada: Althouse Press.
West, C., & Zimmerman, D. H. (1987). Doing Gender. Gender & Society, 1, 125-149.