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Confirming first impressions in the employment interview: A field study of interviewer behavior.
Abstract
This research examined behavioral styles used by interviewers to confirm their first impressions of job applicants. Three interviewers in a corporate setting formed first impressions based on application blank and test score information. They then conducted autiotaped interviews. Coders independently coded 79 interviews and found that first impressions were related to confirmatory behavior. Interviews followed up positive first impressions, for example, by showing positive regard toward applicants, ''selling'' the company and giving job information, and gathering less information. Applicants' communication style and rapport with interviewers also differed. Significant differences in confirmatory behaviors also occurred among the three interviewers. A number of interviewer behaviors, especially positive regard, were related to applicant behavior in interviews. Although previous studies of expectancy confirmation have produced mixed results, our results suggest that interviewers in natural settings do use confirmatory strategies, underscoring the importance of additional research on ''self-fulfilling prophecies.''
... When evaluating interviewees, interviewers generally tend to seek confirmation of their first impressions of interviewees (Dougherty et al., 1994). Past research has shown that the first impressions that interviewers gain of interviewees during the opening minutes of the interview relate to how interviewers evaluate interviewees' responses Table 1 Item analyses of authenticity cues N = 181. ...
Job interviews are among the most popular selection methods. Previous research suggests that interviewees who are perceived as being authentic are evaluated more favorably in job interviews. However, little is known about which behavioral cues elicit perceptions of authenticity in others and whether interviewees who exhibit such authenticity cues are more likely to perform better in the job interview and on their actual job. Drawing from person perception theories, the purpose of this study is to introduce the concept of authenticity cues to interview research and to examine the extent to which authenticity cues are related to (a) raters’ perceptions of interviewee authenticity, (b) interviewer ratings of interview performance, and (c) supervisor ratings of job performance. We used video recordings from 181 employed individuals participating in a mock interview to observe and rate interviewees’ authenticity cues. Results indicate that observers can distinguish between verbal and para/nonverbal authenticity cues and that both verbal and para/nonverbal cues influence the extent to which interviewees are perceived as authentic by independent raters. Moreover, we found that interviewees’ para/nonverbal authenticity cues were particularly relevant to predicting interview performance, whereas only verbal authenticity cues were related to job performance. In our analyses, we further considered the role of first impressions in the interview, interviewees’ verbal cognitive ability, and interviewees’ extraversion. Implications for theories of person perception, authenticity research, and interview practice are discussed.
... Roth and colleagues (2016) propose that social media information, including LinkedIn profiles, used to screen applicants may impact subsequent stages in the selection process, such as an employment interview. Research suggests that pre-interview information can impact interview evaluations (Dipboye et al., 1984;Dougherty et al., 1994). For example, an applicant's resume provided before an interview has been found to influence interviewers' judgments of candidates (Levashina et al., 2014). ...
Mental health challenges are stigmatized in society and at work, yet people are increasingly posting about their experiences of anxiety and depression on social media. Drawing from the expectancy-confirmation framework in the stereotype literature by Darley and Gross (1983), this experiment examined whether stigma associated with anxiety and depression induces initial expectancies about the traits and behavioral tendencies of applicants who post about their anxiety and depression on LinkedIn. We then tested whether these expectancies are strengthened via confirmation bias when the applicant has the chance to perform in an interview. Findings from 409 individuals with hiring experience revealed that, regardless of an applicant gender and evaluator age, when applicants write about their experiences with anxiety and depression on LinkedIn, it affects evaluators’ impressions of their work-related personality traits (i.e., emotional stability, conscientiousness) but not expectations about their work performance (i.e., task performance, organizational citizenship behaviors). Unexpectedly, evaluators’ initial impressions of the applicant’s emotional stability were slightly enhanced, rather than worsened, when listening to a recording of the applicant’s job interview, but perceptions of conscientiousness remained unchanged. Overall, this study suggests that using LinkedIn to screen job candidates may introduce personal information about applicants that can be difficult to ignore later. While people are encouraged to share their experiences with anxiety and depression on social media, doing so can impact their professional image.
... This might lead to erroneous decision-making in recruitment processes because, for instance, suitable applicants might be immediately falsely rejected due to their apparent "not suitable" personality. Also, inaccurate initial personality impressions might transfer to hiring decisions in advanced selection stages and harm their validity (e.g., Dougherty, Turban, & Callender, 1994). Trainings educating about incorporating valid LinkedIn cues (as identified in the present study) consistently into personality inferences could improve recruiters' accuracy (see Cole, Feild, & Stafford, 2005;Karelaia & Hogarth, 2008). ...
Recruiters routinely use LinkedIn profiles to infer applicants’ key personality traits like narcissism and intelligence. However, little is known about LinkedIn profiles’ predictive potential to accurately infer personality. According to Brunswik’s lens model, accurate personality inferences depend on (a) the presence of valid cues in LinkedIn profiles containing information about users’ personality and (b) the consistent utilization of valid cues. We assessed narcissism (self-report) and intelligence (aptitude tests) in a mixed sample of 406 students/professionals along with 64 deductively derived LinkedIn cues coded by 3 trained coders. Applying nested cross-validated elastic nets, we demonstrate that (a) LinkedIn profiles contain valid information about users’ narcissism (e.g., uploading a background picture) and intelligence (e.g., listing many accomplishments). Furthermore, (b) mechanical perceivers like machine learning algorithms use these valid cues consistently so that the elastic nets attained substantial prediction accuracy (r = .28/.32 for narcissism/intelligence). This way, we uncover LinkedIn profiles’ potential to accurately infer personality: Personality can be inferred accurately if (a) the valid cues contained in LinkedIn profiles are (b) used consistently like a mechanical perceiver does. The results have practical implications for improving recruiters’ accuracy and foreshadow potentials of automated LinkedIn based personality assessments for recruitment purposes.
... Third, even when structured interviews are conducted by trained and experienced interviewers and the process does not deviate to an unstructured format, empirical evidence shows that structured interviews may not be systematic and free of bias because interviewers may used them to confirm their preexisting judgments rather than to evaluate the candidates-that is, a potential self-fulfilling prophecy (Dougherty, Turban, & Callender, 1994). On the candidates' side, there is also much room for introducing bias. ...
Why do organizations conduct job interviews? The traditional view of interviewing holds that interviews are conducted, despite their steep costs, to predict a candidate’s future performance and fit. This view faces a twofold threat: the behavioral and algorithmic threats. Specifically, an overwhelming body of behavioral research suggests that we are bad at predicting performance and fit; furthermore, algorithms are already better than us at making these predictions in various domains. If the traditional view captures the whole story, then interviews seem to be a costly, archaic human resources procedure sustained by managerial overconfidence. However, building on T. M. Scanlon’s work, we offer the value of choice theory of interviewing and argue that interviews can be vindicated once we recognize that they generate commonly overlooked kinds of noninstrumental value. On our view, interviews should thus not be entirely replaced by algorithms, however sophisticated algorithms ultimately become at predicting performance and fit.
... People typically gather more information about a person over time (e.g., from additional interview questions or longer conversations in a social setting) that may change their perception. However, studies have shown that the first impression in both social and professional settings may already diminish interest in a person, and people may not be willing to spend more time gathering additional information [37][38][39]. This is an indication that people were subjected to some stigma even with mild-to-moderate TD movements, which they may not even be aware of. ...
Objective:
Antipsychotic medications may cause tardive dyskinesia (TD), an often-irreversible movement disorder characterized by involuntary movements that are typically stereotypic, choreiform, or dystonic and may impair quality of life. This study evaluated others' perceptions of abnormal TD movements in professional and social situations.
Methods:
This was an experimental, randomized, blinded, digital survey in a general population sample. Participants were randomized 1:1 into a test or control group to view a video of a professional actor simulating TD movements or no TD movements prior to completing surveys on employment, dating, and friendship domains. Assessments for mild-to-moderate and moderate-to-severe TD movements were conducted separately. Authenticity of abnormal movements and Abnormal Involuntary Movement Scale (AIMS) scores were evaluated by physician experts.
Results:
Surveys were completed by 2,400 participants each for mild-to-moderate and moderate-to-severe TD. In all domains, participants responded significantly less favorably to persons with TD movements (both mild-to-moderate and moderate-to-severe) than those without TD movements. Fewer participants in the test versus control group for mild-to-moderate and moderate-to-severe TD, respectively, considered the candidate as a potential employee (29.2% and 22.7% fewer), found him/her attractive (20.5% and 18.7% fewer), and were interested in becoming friends with him/her (12.3% and 16.5% fewer).
Conclusion:
Professional actors simulating TD movements were perceived more negatively than those without TD movements in employment, dating, and friendship domains. To our knowledge, this is the first randomized study to quantify professional and social stigma associated with TD movements that may reduce opportunities for gainful employment, marital status, and an effective support system.
... Willis & Todorov, 2006). Impressions have lasting effects since we subsequently alter our behaviors around others (Dougherty, Turban, & Callender, 1994; M. J. Harris & Garris, 2008). Although face masks occlude a large portion of the face, we speculate that the unobstructed area of the face continues to convey information such as first impressions for social communication. ...
Faces convey a lot of information about a person. However, the usage of face masks occludes important parts of the face. There is already information that face masks alter the processing of variable characteristics such as emotional expressions and the identity of a person. To investigate whether masks influenced the processing of facial information, we compared ratings of full faces and those covered by face masks. 196 participants completed one of two parallel versions of the experiment. The data demonstrated varying effects of face masks on various characteristics. First, we showed that the perceived intensity of emotional expressions was reduced when the face was covered by face masks. This can be regarded as conceptual replication and extension of the impairing effects of face masks on the recognition of emotional expressions. Next, by analyzing valence and arousal ratings, the data illustrated that emotional expressions were regressed toward neutrality for masked faces relative to no-masked faces. This effect was grossly pronounced for happy facial expressions, less for neutral expressions, and absent for sad expressions. The sex of masked faces was also less accurately identified. Finally, masked faces looked older and less attractive. Post hoc correlational analyses revealed correlation coefficient differences between no-masked and masked faces. The differences occurred in some characteristic pairs (e.g., Age and Attractiveness, Age and Trustworthiness) but not in others. This suggested that the ratings for some characteristics could be influenced by the presence of face masks. Similarly, the ratings of some characteristics could also be influenced by other characteristics, irrespective of face masks. We speculate that the amount of information available on a face could drive our perception of others during social communication. Future directions for research were discussed.
The well-researched sociological concept known as Zero Acquaintance Judgment frames first impression scenarios and highlights their prevalence and importance to our everyday lives, yet sociology so far overlooks how these might be affected by the built environment where first impressions are typically situated. Broadly, spatial discriminatory discourse investigates how spaces can affect social judgments, yet no research has investigated how this dynamic might unfold within a first impression scenario. Using the Zero Acquaintance Judgment concept as a lens of inquiry, a comprehensive review of feminist, queer, racial, and disability frameworks (which comprise spatial discriminatory discourse) was undertaken. From this investigation, three broad theoretical themes were articulated and rationalized as to how the built environment can potentially affect first impressions between strangers. The discussion bears relevance for researchers and designers of spaces where first impressions are paramount to function as well as highlights how the settings of research into first impressions may affect outcomes.
This research examines the overlooked phenomenon of first impressions between strangers in urban and psychological research. These rapid social judgments have a significant impact on potential future relations and contribute to a sense of welcomeness and belonging in communities. They occur abundantly in urban transitory spaces such as streets, malls, public squares, park(let)s and other in-between arenas where we frequently encounter strangers. This study formed and tested a theoretical hypothesis about how the composition of such spaces affects first impressions through survey-experiment and causal-comparative analysis. The discussion highlights and introduces the relevance of first impressions to urban discourse while offering a pathway to spatially investigate them. The findings have implications for convivial design and psychological research.
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