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We explored individuals' behavior in relation to level of trust when they encounter attractive or unattractive faces. Individuals' implicit responses were examined in Experiment 1 and their explicit responses in Experiment 2. Results of Experiment 1 indicated that the latency of the unattractive faces with words indicating trust or attractive faces with words indicating distrust (incompatible group) was twice as long as that of the attractive faces with trust words or unattractive faces with distrust words (compatible group). In Experiment 2, we used an investment game to measure individuals' explicit trusting behavior and found that participants gave significantly more money to attractive partners than they did to unattractive partners. These findings extend understanding of the relationship between perceptions of attractiveness and trust building.
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Chinese Academy of Sciences
We explored individuals’ behavior in relation to level of trust when they encounter attractive
or unattractive faces. Individuals’ implicit responses were examined in Experiment 1 and
their explicit responses in Experiment 2. Results of Experiment 1 indicated that the latency
of the unattractive faces with words indicating trust or attractive faces with words indicating
distrust (incompatible group) was twice as long as that of the attractive faces with trust words
or unattractive faces with distrust words (compatible group). In Experiment 2, we used an
investment game to measure individuals’ explicit trusting behavior and found that participants
gave significantly more money to attractive partners than they did to unattractive partners.
These findings extend understanding of the relationship between perceptions of attractiveness
and trust building.
Keywords: attractiveness, trust building, implicit trust, explicit trust, investment game.
Ever since Lavater published his work on physiognomy (Hassin & Trope,
2000), it has been widely believed that human appearance, and particularly
faces, can reveal information about inner personality traits, moral virtues, and
sociability. Indeed, it has been documented that it takes only 100 ms of exposure
to a neutral face for individuals to make judgments about personality traits
including trustworthiness, competence, and aggressiveness (Engell, Haxby, &
Todorov, 2007). Researchers have shown that face attractiveness is an important
aspect of human social life and that attractive faces are a biological ornament that
© Society for Personality Research
Na Zhao, Mingjie Zhou, Yuanyuan Shi, and Jianxin Zhang, Key Laboratory of Mental Health,
Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences.
This project was supported by the major program of the National Social Science Foundation of China
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Jianxin Zhang, Key Laboratory of
Mental Health, Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, 16 Lincui Road, Chao-Yang
District, Beijing 100101, People’s Republic of China. Email:
signals valuable information to others (Penton-Voak & Perrett, 2000). Moreover,
researchers of interpersonal attraction have indicated that people generally tend
to attach positive attributes to people whom they perceive as having attractive
faces. For example, good-looking people have been perceived to have greater
leadership skills, to be friendlier, and to be more competent than unattractive
people (see Rhodes, 2006, for a review). Other researchers have shown that
physically attractive people are perceived to be more intelligent than unattractive
people, even after controlling for social class, body size, and health conditions
(Kanazawa, 2011). Accordingly, it has been found that people are more likely to
react favorably to others whom they consider to be attractive, for example, by
providing attractive people with higher salaries than they provide to unattractive
people (Bzdok et al., 2011).
Thus, we speculated that individuals’ trust building would be influenced
through the halo effect, a cognitive bias in which an individual’s general
impression of a person affects his or her views about the person’s character or
personality traits (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972). Generally, beautiful people
are expected to be more cooperative than others. For example, researchers have
reported that attractive people are usually perceived as honest, and people tend
to ignore the risks in their interactions with attractive people (Stirrat & Perrett,
2010). In addition, Zaatari and Trivers (2007) reported that, in a trust game,
the level of the offer made by participants varied according to male players’
attractiveness (there was no significant effect for female players). Takahashi,
Yamagishi, Tanida, Kiyonari, and Kanazawa (2006) found that participants were
more likely to cooperate with others they found more attractive than they were to
cooperate with those whom they found less attractive. Furthermore, Wilson and
Eckel (2006) found that beauty elicits positive expectations and that attractive
individuals are trusted more than unattractive individuals are. Other research has
shown that a political candidate’s attractiveness affects how trustworthy he or she
is perceived to be by others (Little, Robert, Jones, & DeBruine, 2012).
There are some inconsistent results in the literature and the findings reported
above have not always been able to be replicated (Hassin & Trope, 2000).
However, the majority of researchers in this area have measured trust via scales
designed to assess individuals’ explicit behavior. It has recently been suggested
that people process social information explicitly (i.e., aware, controlled,
reflective, or declarative response) and implicitly (i.e., unaware, automatic,
intuitive, or procedural response; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). To the best of our
knowledge, in only one study has trust been examined using a scale designed to
assess implicit response, and that was a study of trust in safety in organizational
culture (Burns, Mearns, & McGeorge, 2006). Thus, in the current study, we
explored how an attractive and an unattractive face separately influenced trust
building by using a measure to assess implicit responses and also a measure of
explicit responses.
Almost all researchers of trust have examined it from an explicit perspective.
In an attempt to minimize response biases associated with explicit measures,
researchers have developed instruments that measure attitudes implicitly (i.e.,
indirectly), including the Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald, Nosek, &
Banaji, 2003). According to the theory on which the IAT is based, distinct implicit
and explicit constructs require different measurement strategies, so that implicit
attitudes are measured according to their underlying automatic evaluation. More
specifically, instead of asking for verbal reports from respondents, in implicit
measures, the theoretical base is reliance on the automatic activation of attitudes
and the time it takes an individual to react to an attitude-evoking word (see Fazio
& Olson, 2003, for a review). Furthermore, in implicit attitude measures, such
as priming tasks, quicker reaction times are taken to be indicative of automatic
attitude activation whereas longer reaction times represent the lack of automatic
attitude activation (Greenwald et al., 2003). In our study, to minimize response
bias, we used measures of both implicit and explicit responses to explore the
effect of facial attractiveness on trust building with strangers. We used this
method based on the literature in which it has been indicated that seeing the
face of the partner in a transaction/encounter/task affects individuals’ behavior.
Various researchers have indicated that when an individual viewed a partner prior
to a cooperative task, this affected that individual’s subsequent behavior (Wilson
& Eckel, 2006). There is also experimental evidence from the sociological
and psychological literature to indicate that beauty influences others’ behavior
(Mulford, Orbell, Shatto, & Stockard, 1998). Therefore, we used a set of images
of faces as stimuli to explore the role of attractiveness in building trust. In
Experiment 1, we measured trust with the IAT. In Experiment 2, we used a trust
game to measure trust in order to validate the results of Experiment 1.
Experiment 1
Participants. Fifty-nine college students (Mage = 21.7 years) were recruited
from several universities in Beijing and were paid RMB25 (about US$4) for their
participation. Three participants were dropped from the analyses because they
either did not complete the experiment or had an error rate on the IAT over 20%,
suggesting that they either misunderstood the instructions or made responses too
rapidly without the required consideration.
Measures. IAT procedures. Participants completed the IAT on personal
computers (PC) via Inquisit 4.0. Each participant was shown a series of images
of six attractive faces and six unattractive faces. They were also shown words
and phrases about trust and distrust. For the IAT, the attractiveness + words trust
block was counterbalanced. The IAT consists of seven blocks of categorization
50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Unattractive Actual Attractive
50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Unattractive Actual Attractive
Unattractive target Attractive target
Unattractive target Attractive target
Figure 1. Examples of the morphed face (females above, males below).
trials, with two practice blocks and five data collection blocks (see Table 1). Each
face stimulus is displayed until participants make the correct response. After a
150 ms interval, the next face is shown. The computer records the elapsed time
between the start of the presentation of each face stimulus and the occurrence of
the correct keyboard response. To encourage participants to respond rapidly and
accurately, the computer displays the mean latencies in ms and the percentage
rate of errors after each block.
IAT items: Attractive and unattractive faces. We morphed the face stimuli
using the procedure set out in the study by Epley and Whitchurch (2008). This
procedure produced 11 faces for each face type, with five morphed toward the
attractive category (up to 50%), five morphed to the unattractive category, and
one unmorphed (see Figure 1). We then asked another 30 pilot participants to rate
these faces (“To what extent do you think the face is beautiful?”) on a 7-point
scale from 1 (completely ugly) to 7 (completely beautiful). From these ratings,
with the objective of keeping the gender balanced, we selected images of six
male and six female faces as stimuli. The results showed that the differences in
facial attractiveness ratings for the images were significant (Mattractive = 5.36 >
Munattractive = 3.19, t(29) = 7.66, p < .01), which demonstrated that the images we
selected were appropriate.
IAT items: Target words. The trust-evoking word lists were based on previous
research (Burns et al., 2006). The 10 words and phrases about trust were as
follows: being sure of, caring, confident, counting on, dependable, honest,
honorable, loyal, reliable, and truthful. They had a mean rating score of 4.42.
The 10 lowest rating words and phrases were as follows: backstabbing, deceitful,
devious, dishonest, double-dealing, untruthful, sly, traitorous, two-faced, and
unreliable. They had a mean rating score of 1.21. We adopted these words as our
target words and an IAT procedure was conducted on a PC in a counterbalanced
order (see Table 1).
Table 1. Target and Attribute Categories for the Implicit Association Test
Sequence Task description Stimuli assigned Stimuli assigned
to left-key response to right-key response
1 Initial target Attractive Unattractive
2 Associated attribute Trustworthy Not trustworthy
3 Initial combined task Attractive or trustworthy Unattractive or not
4 Reversed target Unattractive Attractive
5 Reversed combined task Unattractive or trustworthy Attractive or not
Data reduction. The IAT data for analyses were obtained only from the five
data collection blocks. The two practice trials from each data collection block
were dropped because of their typically lengthy latencies.
Implicit responses. The analyses followed the improved algorithm
recommended by Greenwald et al. (2003). Specifically, there was no latency
greater than 10,000 ms, and no response was faster than 300 ms for more
than 10% of the trials. The results showed that neither of the counterbalancing
variables (the order in which the two tests of the IAT were completed or the
order of the two data collection blocks) significantly influenced the participants’
responses to the IAT. Participants responded faster to the congruent pairings (M
= 821 ms) than to the incongruent pairings (M = 1510.3 ms); the single-sample
t test revealed that the IAT effect (d score) differed significantly from 0 (M =
1.05, SD = 0.21), t(55) = 38.89, p < .001, d = .49. The results of the comparison
indicated a large effect, thereby demonstrating a strong automatic association
between attractiveness and trust rating. Further analyses indicated that no
demographic variables affected the trust measured on the IAT (all Fs > .05; see
Figure 2).
Figure 2. The response time for the implicit measure of the different faces.
Blocks of trials
Latency (ms)
The results of Experiment 1 showed that participants made their judgments of
others’ trustworthiness via an implicit response based on the facial attractiveness
of the other person. Further, facial attractiveness had a halo effect on the
respondents’ trusting behavior; specifically, it appears that people tend to trust
attractive faces unconsciously. These findings lead to an additional issue of
whether or not the halo effect influences people’s explicit trusting behavior.
If it does, then another aspect of the behavior to be explored is the basis of
expectation of the individual as regards trusting others.
Experiment 2
The purpose of Experiment 2 was to validate the results of Experiment 1 and
explore people’s explicit trust-building behavior when they interact with a person
whom they perceive as having an attractive or unattractive face. We expected that
people would engage in more trusting behaviors towards those individuals whom
they perceived as having an attractive face.
Participants. A sample of 92 undergraduate students (M = 22.76, SD = 3.55)
at several universities in Beijing was recruited via advertisements and posters.
After two participants dropped out, 90 participants (Mage = 21.4 years, 56 women)
remained in the experiment.
Materials and procedure. Participants were each randomly assigned to a
computer after arriving at the laboratory and asked to play a role in a trust game
with a partner. This was done to assess their trusting behavior. After making
sure that the participants understood the rules of the game, each participant
was randomly presented with images of faces of their partners on the computer.
Participants were asked to evaluate their partner’s personality traits, including
trustworthiness and attractiveness, according to the image of the face that was
being presented, with the same measure used in Experiment 1. Finally, the
participants were asked to invest their money in their partners during the Trust
Game (Berg, Dickhaut, & McCabe, 1995; see procedure below).
Facial stimuli. The stimuli images of faces were identical to those used in
Experiment 1. The two most attractive faces (Mmale = 5.66 and Mfemale = 7.46) and
the two most unattractive faces (Mmale = 2.26 and Mfemale = 2.44) were selected
for this experiment. The images of the faces were randomly presented to the
participants in the decision-making game described below.
Trust game. We used the Trust Game (Berg et al., 1995) to measure trust
behavior. Each participant was randomly assigned to the role of investor (referred
to as “Player 1”) in the game. Each participant had RMB10 (US$1.5). The
investor could give out none or any amount of his or her money (from RMB0 to
RMB10) to a receiver (referred to as “Player 2”), who could then return none or
any amount of the money he or she got from the investor at any moment. The
rules of this game are as follows: any amount of money sent from the investor to
the receiver is tripled, whereas the amount of money returned by the receiver to
the investor is not tripled. For instance, if Player 1 gave all of his or her RMB10
to Player 2, Player 2 would receive RMB30. Then, if Player 2 returned RMB15,
each player would have RMB15. Thus, any of the money not given out or not
returned to the other partner in the pair could be kept by that player him/herself.
All participants were led to believe that the receivers (i.e., Player 2) had full
information about the rules of the game, although there was actually no player 2
in the game. All of the participants were informed that they could make only one
transaction and that they could not meet with their partner. Because giving money
to an unknown receiver made the investor vulnerable, the amount of money that
was given out by an investor was operationally defined as a measure of trusting
behavior (Pillutla, Malhotra, & Murnighan, 2003). Thus, the more money that
Player 1 invested, the greater was his or her intention to engage in trusting
behavior. In order to motivate all of the participants to play the game seriously,
they were informed that at the end of the experiment, an unspecified amount of
money would be randomly awarded to several participants. This money was in
addition to the actual amount they could potentially earn during the game, plus
the RMB10 they received for participating.
Dependent variable. The amount of money given out by the investor was opera-
tionalized as the measure of trusting behavior. The more money the players gave
out, the more this suggested that they trusted their partner. To better understand
the role of face attractiveness in building trust, we also considered the amount of
money the participants expected to receive from their partners.
Manipulation check. We conducted t tests to verify the manipulation of the
stimuli of the facial images. Participants were asked to rate “To what extent do
you think the face is beautiful?” on a 7-point scale where 1 = not at all attractive,
and 7 = very attractive. As we had predicted, the attractive faces were rated as
significantly more beautiful (Mattractiveness = 5.34, SDattractiveness = 0.92) than the
unattractive faces (Munattractiveness = 3.26, SDunattractiveness = 0.81), t(88) = 7.34, p < .01,
thereby indicating that the manipulation of the stimuli was effective.
The effect of perceived attractiveness on trust behavior. The correlation
between perceived facial attractiveness and face trustworthiness was significant,
r = .84, p < .01. We conducted a further regression analysis to test the effect of
attractiveness on individuals’ perceptions about the faces, and their behaviors of
trust. As expected, the effect of perceived attractiveness on facial trust rating was
significant, R2 = 0.19, F = 11.29, p < .01.
An independent samples t test was conducted to verify whether or not facial
attractiveness could affect individuals’ trusting behavior. The average sum of
money that participants gave out when their partner had an attractive face was
RMB7.21 (US$1.15; SD = 0.96), but the amount given out to the when their
partner had an unattractive face was RMB4.79 (US$0.76; SD = 1.10), t(88) =
3.65, p < .01, d = 0.77. Thus, it appears that facial attractiveness has a significant
effect in eliciting trusting behavior. Specifically, participants tended to engage in
significantly more trusting behaviors toward a person whom they perceived as
attractive than someone perceived as unattractive (see Figure 3, left bars).
Another independent samples t test was conducted with the amount of money
that the investors expected to receive from their partners as the dependent
variable. Consistent with the previous finding, when the participants perceived
their partner as attractive, they expected that more money would be returned (M
= 10.07, SD = 1.03) than did the participants who had unattractive partners (M
= 7.64, SD = 0.87), t(88) = 2.40, p < .01, d = 0.51. Thus, the results of the two
separate analyses supported one another (see Figure 3).
Amount of money (RMB)
Figure 3. Upper bars = average amount of money given out by investors to a partner with an
attractive/unattractive face. Lower bars = average amount of money investors expected to
receive from a partner with an attractive/unattractive face.
Amount of money (RMB)
The findings from Experiment 2 support our expectation via measures of
explicit mode. We believe that our results provide compelling evidence for this
relationship between face attractiveness and trust in that the participants tended
to expect to get back more money from the partners they found attractive than
from the partners they saw as being unattractive. This finding is consistent with
the calculation rule, the mathematical process of maximizing economic utility
(Kahneman & Tversky, 1984), in that people will be more trusting of attractive
partners, because they believe they will receive more back from attractive people
than from unattractive people. Thus, our results demonstrate empirically that
facial attractiveness can influence an individual’s explicit trusting behavior.
General Discussion
The findings we have presented have several theoretical and practical
implications. First, we have provided evidence for understanding the common
stereotype that “beauty is good” and that attractive people appear to be treated
positively in a variety of settings. Although individuals may think that they do
not rely on facial beauty to form feelings of trust with others, the results of the
implicit test confirm that the perception of attractiveness did influence trust.
Thus, we found that facial beauty plays an important role when people are
building trust.
Our findings also show implications for managers of businesses. Trust is an
important phenomenon for every individual, especially in the area of social
exchange (Nyqvist, Nygård, & Jakobsson, 2012). It has been argued that we
live in an experience economy (Schmitt, 2003), and there is growing interest
in gaining a better understanding of how consumers evaluate, and choose
between, different types of hedonic experiences (Noseworthy, Cotte, & Lee,
2011). As suggested by our findings, it may be that when consumers see images
they perceive as beautiful, see saleswomen they perceive as attractive, and
hear music that they find pleasant, they are primed to be in a good mood; in
turn, compared with consumers who are not encountering these pleasant and
attractive experiences, these consumers may have a higher level of trust toward
the products being sold and have a greater purchase intention.
The IAT has some methodological drawbacks. The purpose of the IAT is to
eliminate response bias by measuring individuals’ attitudes indirectly. However,
there are also some discrepancies surrounding its measurement, such as large
variations reported in the internal consistency of the measure. Moreover, the
concept of implicit or automatic associations is relatively new in the social
and behavioral sciences. The scientific community has received the concept
with considerable skepticism for a number of reasons. For instance, the IAT
is assessed by means of the (in)compatibility of the response tendency that is
elicited by an automatic affective reaction corresponding to the accurate response
required by the task (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995).
A second limitation in our study is that the trust game we used was a single
trial. Individuals entered the single-trial game with cooperative choices that
would yield greater gains for both partners in the interaction; those individuals
with a competitive orientation frequently make uncooperative choices that will
result in losses for both partners. This pattern could be an accurate measure of
trusting behavior in a laboratory. However, the paradigm is also problematic
in that it was used only to examine a single trial of an interaction between
strangers. Because the interaction between individuals was a single event only,
and the interaction was not between people who shared a past or would share a
future, it is difficult to generalize the results we obtained to real-world, everyday
interactions and relationships. In addition, previous researchers have shown that
studies that involve single-trial games produce different outcomes from studies
in which iterative, higher stakes games are played.
Finally, our study was limited in that we did not control for some facial char-
acteristics that are highly correlated with facial attractiveness, such as similarity
and familiarity, and this may have influenced the result we obtained. Currently,
it is still unclear how familiarity and associated perceptual fluency contribute to
people’s preferences in regard to facial attractiveness. Future researchers should
control for these unrelated variables in order to further explore the relationship
between attractiveness and trusting behavior.
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... One of the leading research goals is to understand the relationship between user experience (UX) and Trust, user's trust encourages the usage of cryptocurrencies for trading and exchange (Rehman et al., 2019). UX explains why and how UX can affect trust and adoption (Zhao et al., 2015). Current research focuses on UX and Trust; very few studies have attempted to do it this way to explain user behavior according to their trust. ...
... These constructs will play the role of moving across the trust and customer intentions. In service use, attractiveness impacts the user's trust in the service (Zhao et al., 2015). In this study, the trust is used as a dependent variable (latent variable) and we measure the impact of UX on the users' trust and how this causality relationship will influence the usage of cryptocurrency, which means the trust level observed by the level of user's overall impression of use; the user impression will impact the safety feelings which reflect on the user's intention that will in turn affect the usage rate of cryptocurrency. ...
... It has answered the question, do users like or dislike the product? Attractiveness was mentioned affects people's trust in many research (Williamson et al., 2003;Zhao et al., 2015), the general shape or design could reflect on building and increasing the trust. The attractiveness of online services significantly impacted trust, as this outcome measures service participants' trust (Swaak et al., 2009). ...
Recently, the cryptocurrency market has been overgrowing, many investors from the global stock market entered the cryptocurrency business. Users interact and manage their investments and transactions through the cryptocurrency wallet, which is the gateway to buying, selling, sending, receiving, and trading. Studies and statistics show sixfold growth in cryptocurrency wallet accounts over the past 4 years (2017–2020). However, the rate of inactive trading that occurs during the same period causes market sluggishness. This paper examines the reasons behind the high adoption and low usage rate of cryptocurrency wallets, highlighting the factors impacting the utilization of cryptocurrency wallets. We aim to testify the impact of user experience (UX) on the usage level and the impact of trust on wallet usage. We designed a new model to understand the actual users' behavior on using the cryptocurrency wallets. This model combined User Experience Questionnaire (UEQ) with usability to comprehend UX and add trust as a significant construct to understand the impact of user trust in cryptocurrency wallets. The examination was performed with an actual user on an online survey. The data were analyzed using Smart‐PLS. The results show good outcomes that contribute to developing and enhancing the implementation of cryptocurrency wallets. Highlighting the importance of UEQ, Usability, and Trust in a blockchain‐based application and showed vital signs affecting wallet users. These results could be applied to enhance cryptocurrency wallet utilization and improving the adoption of blockchain applications.
... In another study, Weber et al. (2013) demonstrated that perceived attractiveness can reduce VBA and lead to more social support. Notably, research has identified a link between attractiveness and trust (Bascandziev & Harris, 2014;Wilson & Eckel, 2006;Zhao et al., 2015). ...
Victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) are frequently blamed and disbelieved, which may affect their willingness to report their abuse experiences. This vignette-based online experiment examines whether victim attractiveness (attractive vs unattractive) and the type of abuse suffered (psychological vs psychological plus physical abuse) may impact attributions of victim blame or victim credibility. The final sample included 167 UK residents (79% females) aged between 18 and 66 years (M = 33.17, SD = 11.26). Results indicated that the attractive victim was judged as being more credible than the unattractive victim. Results are discussed in light of societal attitudes towards IPV.
... The authors found both implicit pro-attractiveness bias and implicit anti-unattractiveness bias. Similarly, Zhao, Zhou, Shi, and Zhang (2015) used the Implicit Association Test (IAT; Greenwald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003) to measure associations between attractiveness and trust and found that there are implicit associations between attractiveness and trust, as well as unattractiveness and distrust. Eastwick, Eagly, Finkel, and Johnson (2011) reported that when the go/no-go association task (GNAT, Nosek & Banaji, 2001) was employed, participants tended to associate ideal romantic partner words with physical attractiveness words. ...
In two studies, participants completed an implicit attractiveness task with faces as primes varying on (a) facial features from Afrocentric to Eurocentric and (b) skin tone from dark to light, and target pictures of environmental scenes varying in attractiveness. On each trial, participants were briefly primed with a face. Next, they categorized a target picture as either attractive or unattractive as quickly as possible. In addition, in Study 2, participants rated the same faces on an attractiveness scale. While results of Study 1 showed that when faces were medium in skin tone, participants were more accurate when primed with a Eurocentric face responding to attractive targets, but also more accurate when primed with an Afrocentric face responding to unattractive targets, a more powerful Study 2 failed to replicate this effect. There was no relationship between participants’ explicit ratings of attractiveness and accuracy rates in the implicit attractiveness task.
... With the increasing use of social media and digital platform, the focus on faces is of extreme interest, especially considering the wide adoption of human faces as profile pictures [27], as well as to promote brands and services [16]. Unfortunately, little is known about the possibility of transferring the Halo Effect from human faces to other objects [28][29][30]. In a study from Guthrie et al. [30], for example, it has been found that the aesthetic appearance of faces influence the perceived competence of a brand, while Fleck et al. [31] reported that the presence of a spokesperson can help giving human values to a brand. ...
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Trustworthiness is a core concept that drives individuals’ interaction with others, as well with objects and digital interfaces. The perceived trustworthiness of strangers from the evaluation of their faces has been widely studies in social psychology; however, little is known about the possibility of transferring trustworthiness from human faces to other individuals, objects or interfaces. In this study, we explore how the perceived trustworthiness of automated teller machines (ATMs) is influenced by the presence of faces on the machines, and how the trustworthiness of the faces themselves is transferred to the machine. In our study, participants (N = 57) rated the trustworthiness of ATMs on which faces of different age, gender, and ethnicity are placed. Subsequently, the trustworthiness of the ATMs is compared to the trustworthiness ratings of faces presented on their own. Results of our works support the idea that faces’ trustworthiness can be transferred to objects on which faces are presented. Moreover, the trustworthiness of ATMs seems to be influenced by the age of presented faces, with ATMs on which children faces are presented are trusted more than the same machines when adults’ or elders’ faces are presented, but not by the ethnicity (Asian or Caucasian) or gender (male or female) of presented faces.
... Researchers have shown that face attractiveness is a crucial factor of human social life (Penton-Voak & Perrett, 2000). Previous study has confirmed that facial beauty plays a critical role when people are building trust (Na Zhao et al., 2015). Facial beauty is a key aspect of attractiveness. ...
Conference Paper
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Since the COVID-19 pandemic has been forcing citizens stay social distance, it's not convenient to purchase outside and people feel lonelier than before. Although Live streaming commerce solved these social problems, scandals of Live streamers are causing consumers' trust crisis. This study aims to determine the relationship between Live streamers and trust of consumer. To put the conceptual model to the test, we used an online survey questionnaire to gather dataset from 209 users of Live streaming commerce. Then we analysed the data using PLS-SEM. We found a positive significant connection between trust, trustworthiness of Live streamer and expertise of Live streamer. We also found that trust in the products is positively influenced by the trust in the Live streamers. The findings revealed that Live-streamers' expertise is critical for sellers to earn consumer trust. Future researches need to explore other factors that have positive impact on trust in different backgrounds.
... Third, this study did not take the facial attractiveness or trustworthiness of the putative players A and B into account. Previous research has indeed found a relationship between perceptions of attractiveness and trust building (Zhao et al., 2015;Li et al., 2017b). However, some other studies suggest that partner reciprocation is more important than physical appearance in economic games (Yu et al., 2014). ...
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Social comparison is a common behavior that largely determines people's experience of decision outcome. Previous research has showed that interpersonal relationship plays a pivotal role in social comparison. In the current study, we investigated whether the manipulation of context-based relationship would affect participants' comparison of self-outcome and other-outcome. Participants first finished a trust game with likeable (dislikeable) partner and then they were involved in a gambling task and observed the outcomes for themselves and for partners. According to self-reports, participants were more satisfied with likeable partner's gains than losses only when they received gains, but they were always more satisfied with dislikeable player's losses compared to gains. Event-related potentials including the feedback-related negativity (FRN), P3 and late positive component (LPC) were sensitive to context-based relationship. Specifically, the prediction error signal (indexed by the FRN) was largest when participants received losses but dislikeable player received gains. Meanwhile, the P3 indicates that participants had stronger motivation to outperform dislikeable player. Finally, the LPC was larger when participants received the same outcomes with dislikeable players. In general, our results support the key point of the self-evaluation maintenance model that personal closeness modulates subjective sensitivity when drawing a comparison of one's outcomes with other's outcomes.
Imitation plays a crucial role in learning and communication, although a little is known whether individuals imitate each other based on particular personality traits. Facial features and personal characteristics are the major components of personal impressions. This study adopted the color paradigm to explore the effect of the two factors on imitation. Experiment 1 examined the effect of facial attractiveness and face gender on imitation. The results showed that woman who appeared attractive drove imitation more than woman who did not. However, men who appeared attractive and unattractive differed insignificantly. Experiment 2 investigated the effect of facial attractiveness and personal characteristics on imitation. The results of Experiment 1 were verified, stating that positive personal characteristics drove imitation more than negative personal characteristics. The study found that facial attractiveness still affected imitation when characteristics information appeared. Regarding negative personal characteristics, individuals who appeared attractive drove imitation more than individuals who did not. The results indicate that imitation is automated, influenced not only by face types but also by personal characteristics.
A well-documented “beauty is good” stereotype is expressed in the expectation that physically attractive people have more positive characteristics. Recent evidence has also found that unattractive faces are associated with negative character inferences. Is what is good (bad) also beautiful (ugly)? Whether this conflation of aesthetic and moral values is bidirectional is not known. This study tested the hypothesis that complementary “good is beautiful” and “bad is ugly” stereotypes bias aesthetic judgments. Using highly controlled face stimuli, this preregistered study examined whether moral character influences perceptions of attractiveness for different ages and sexes of faces. Compared to faces paired with nonmoral vignettes, those paired with prosocial vignettes were rated significantly more attractive, confident, and friendlier. The opposite pattern characterized faces paired with antisocial vignettes. A significant interaction between vignette type and the age of the face was detected for attractiveness. Moral transgressions affected attractiveness more negatively for younger than older faces. Sex-related differences were not detected. These results suggest information about moral character affects our judgments about facial attractiveness. Better (worse) people are considered more (less) attractive. These findings suggest that beliefs about moral goodness and physical beauty influence each other bidirectionally.
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While there already is a huge body of research examining the advantages and disadvantages of physical attractiveness in social and economic decisions, little research has been made to explore the role of individual differences in social decision-making with regard to beauty. To close this scientific gap, we conducted a multiparadigm online study ( N = 210; 52% females) in which participants were asked to make decisions in four different economic games facing differently attractive counterparts. Additionally, the personality trait agreeableness was assessed to test for individual differences in decision-making. In exploratory analyses, we also assessed which facet of agreeableness is the most appropriate to predict individual differences in the various economic games. In the study, we were able to replicate the finding of a beauty premium and a plainness penalty but did not find any support for the idea of a beauty penalty. Furthermore, evidence for an opposite-sex advantage was found, which was greater when men were facing women than the other way around. While agreeableness as an overall trait influenced decision making across various paradigms, interactions of distinct facets of agreeableness with the partners’ attractiveness remain heterogeneous and ambiguous. This underlines the importance of integrating the specificity of certain traits in experimental research and the necessity of combining them with different social situations.
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The role of perceived physical attractiveness in everyday exchange is addressed using a laboratory paradigm that examines both play-versus-not-play and cooperate-versus-defect choices in an ecology of available prisoner's dilemma games. The analysis considers the actions of both subject and other in encounters where exchange relationships are possible and include perceptions of others' and own physical attractiveness. Results indicate that subjects are more likely to enter play and to cooperate with others they find attractive. Men who see themselves as more attractive more often cooperate than other men, while women who see themselves as more attractive less often cooperate than other women. In addition, subjects who rate themselves as highly attractive are more likely to cooperate with others they see as also highly attractive. Subjects expect others whom they see as attractive to cooperate more often. At the same time, the effect of perceived attractiveness on choice is independent of these expectations, supporting the hypothesis that attractiveness is a "taste" or "benefit" for actors in exchange relationships.
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This research examines one mechanism by which people decide whether to trust strangers. Using a laboratory setting that provides subjects with controlled information about their counterparts, we test whether attractive subjects gain a “beauty premium” in a game involving trust and reciprocity. Attractive trustees are viewed as more trustworthy; they are trusted at higher rates and as a consequence earn more in the first stage of the game. Attractiveness does not guarantee higher earnings, as we find a “beauty penalty” attached to attractive trusters in the second stage of the game. This penalty arises because attractive trusters do not live up to expectations of them on the part of the trustees. Trustees withhold repayment when their expectations are dashed. This punishment is larger when the disappointing truster is attractive.
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Evidence from three experiments shows that due to superior visuo-spatial elaboration, females (relative to males) have a heightened ability to identify visually incongruent products that are promoted among competing products. Females discriminate relational information among competing advertisements and use this information to identify incongruent products that would otherwise go unidentified. Consequently, they evaluate the products more favorably. Consistent with predictions of a limited capacity in working memory, we find this performance for females coincides with a reduction in ad claim recognition. Close inspection reveals the trade-off between product identification and ad recognition is the result of involuntary resource allocation from verbal processing to visuo-spatial processing. Hence, females may be able to use the advertising context to identify an extremely incongruent product, but this performance is not without a cost. Our results have important implications for research on product incongruity, gender, and advertising context.
We discuss the cognitive and the psy- chophysical determinants of choice in risky and risk- less contexts. The psychophysics of value induce risk aversion in the domain of gains and risk seeking in the domain of losses. The psychophysics of chance induce overweighting of sure things and of improbable events, relative to events of moderate probability. De- cision problems can be described or framed in multiple ways that give rise to different preferences, contrary to the invariance criterion of rational choice. The pro- cess of mental accounting, in which people organize the outcomes of transactions, explains some anomalies of consumer behavior. In particular, the acceptability of an option can depend on whether a negative outcome is evaluated as a cost or as an uncompensated loss. The relation between decision values and experience values is discussed. Making decisions is like speaking prose—people do it all the time, knowingly or unknowingly. It is hardly surprising, then, that the topic of decision making is shared by many disciplines, from mathematics and statistics, through economics and political science, to sociology and psychology. The study of decisions ad- dresses both normative and descriptive questions. The normative analysis is concerned with the nature of rationality and the logic of decision making. The de- scriptive analysis, in contrast, is concerned with peo- ple's beliefs and preferences as they are, not as they should be. The tension between normative and de- scriptive considerations characterizes much of the study of judgment and choice. Analyses of decision making commonly distin- guish risky and riskless choices. The paradigmatic example of decision under risk is the acceptability of a gamble that yields monetary outcomes with specified probabilities. A typical riskless decision concerns the acceptability of a transaction in which a good or a service is exchanged for money or labor. In the first part of this article we present an analysis of the cog- nitive and psychophysical factors that determine the value of risky prospects. In the second part we extend this analysis to transactions and trades. Risky Choice Risky choices, such as whether or not to take an umbrella and whether or not to go to war, are made without advance knowledge of their consequences. Because the consequences of such actions depend on uncertain events such as the weather or the opponent's resolve, the choice of an act may be construed as the acceptance of a gamble that can yield various out- comes with different probabilities. It is therefore nat- ural that the study of decision making under risk has focused on choices between simple gambles with monetary outcomes and specified probabilities, in the hope that these simple problems will reveal basic at- titudes toward risk and value. We shall sketch an approach to risky choice that
We tested the hypothesis that physically more attractive men are less likely to cooperate in social exchange than less attractive men, while physical attractiveness has no effect on women's tendency toward cooperation, with four different experimental games (Prisoner's Dilemma with 99 players, Allocator Choice with 77 players, Faith with 16 players, and Trust with 21 players). Pictures of the game players were taken after they participated in one of the four games, and those pictures were presented to another set of participants (85 raters in Study 1 and 2, 36 raters in Study 3) for attractiveness ratings. Both male and female raters who were unaware of the photographed game players' actual behavior in the game judged the faces of male defectors (who defected in one of the four games) to be more attractive than those of male cooperators, but they did not give differential attractiveness ratings to female defectors and female cooperators.
In reporting Implicit Association Test (IAT) results, researchers have most often used scoring conventions described in the first publication of the IAT (A. G. Greenwald, D. E. McGhee, & J. L. K. Schwartz, 1998). Demonstration IATs available on the Internet have produced large data sets that were used in the current article to evaluate alternative scoring procedures. Candidate new algorithms were examined in terms of their (a) correlations with parallel self-report measures, (b) resistance to an artifact associated with speed of responding, (c) internal consistency, (d) sensitivity to known influences on IAT measures, and (e) resistance to known procedural influences. The best-performing measure incorporates data from the IAT's practice trials, uses a metric that is calibrated by each respondent's latency variability, and includes a latency penalty for errors. This new algorithm strongly outperforms the earlier (conventional) procedure.
Research has failed to reach consensus on the characteristics of attractive male faces. Different studies have reported preferences for phenotypically average faces, and faces with both exaggerated and reduced sexual dimorphism. Recent studies demonstrate cyclic changes in female sexual behavior and preferences for odors and facial characteristics that may reflect conditional mating strategies. We employed computer graphic techniques to manipulate the “masculinity” or “femininity” of a composite male face by exaggerating or reducing the shape differences between female and male average faces. Five stimuli with varying levels of masculinity and femininity were presented in a national U.K. magazine, with a questionnaire. Female respondents in the follicular phase of their menstrual cycle (n = 55) were significantly more likely to choose a masculine face than those in menses and luteal phases (n = 84). This study provides further evidence that when conception is most likely, females prefer testosterone-related facial characteristics that may honestly advertise immunocompetence.
Examined whether physically attractive stimulus persons, both male and female, are (a) assumed to possess more socially desirable personality traits than physically unattractive stimulus persons, and (b) expected to lead better lives (e.g., be more competent husbands and wives and more successful occupationally) than unattractive stimulus persons. Sex of Subject * Sex of Stimulus Person interactions along these dimensions also were investigated. Results with 30 male and 30 female undergraduates indicate a "what is beautiful is good" stereotype along the physical attractiveness dimension with no Sex of Judge * Sex of Stimulus interaction. Implications of such a stereotype on self-concept development and the course of social interaction are discussed.
To study the association between social participation, interpersonal trust, and self-rated health among 65- and 75-year-olds. The data originates from a cross-sectional postal questionnaire survey conducted among 1577 persons aged 65 and 75 years in western Finland (response rate 67%). Logistic regression analyses were performed in order to investigate the association between social capital--in terms social participation and interpersonal trust--and health while controlling for sociodemographic variables. The results showed that the social participation indicator ("active membership in organisations") was positively associated with health among 75-year-olds, but not among 65-year-olds. By contrast, interpersonal trust was positively associated with health in both age groups. The results imply that social participation and its association with health is moderated by age, whereas interpersonal trust is not.
The ultimatum game measures cooperative tendencies in humans under experimental conditions. One individual can split money between oneself and another, while the other has the option of accepting or rejecting the offer, with each player receiving the accepted split or nothing if the split is rejected. We studied the association of players' degree of symmetry [fluctuating asymmetry (FA)] with behavior in the ultimatum game. Symmetrical males were expected to be less cooperative and, thus, make lower offers (while being more likely to reject unfair offers). In a population of young adult Jamaicans, who are well-characterized for bodily symmetry, we found that symmetrical males made significantly lower offers than asymmetrical ones (p b .001), but found no effect on rejection rates (perhaps due to a very small sample size). No significant association of symmetry and game playing was found in women, but women with a higher body mass index made less generous offers (p b .05).