Teachers and the Quality of Basic Education in sub-Saharan Africa

Abstract

The issue of quality in basic education in sub-Saharan Africa is inseparable from the quality of the teachers involved. From a review of the literature produced since 2000 in English and French, the present appraisal considers the position of these teachers in terms of changes both in their working conditions and their training. It reveals that they work in tough conditions with typically little job security, poor pay and loss of motivation. It also demonstrates that both their pre-service and in-service training are superficial and inadequate and thus have little bearing on classroom practice. Meeting these two major challenges is vital in achieving any improvement in the quality of basic education in sub-Saharan Africa.

Full text

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT
11
April 2015
United Nations
Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization
WORKING
PAPERS
Working conditions of
teachers
Teacher training
Lessons from research and
theway forward
TEACHERS AND THE
QUALITY OF BASIC EDUCATION
IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Thibaut Lauwerier
Senior Research and
Teaching Assistant
University of Geneva
Abdeljalil Akkari
Professor
University of Geneva
The issue of quality in basic education in sub-Saharan Africa is inseparable from the quality of
the teachers involved. From a review of the literature produced since 2000 in English and French,
the present appraisal considers the position of these teachers in terms of changes both in their
working conditions and their training. It reveals that they work in tough conditions with typically
little job security, poor pay and loss of motivation. It also demonstrates that both their pre-service
and in-service training are superficial and inadequate and thus have little bearing on classroom
practice. Meeting these two major challenges is vital in achieving any improvement in the quality
of basic education in sub-Saharan Africa.

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
2
1. WORKING CONDITIONS OF TEACHERS
The sensitive and crucial issue of teachers’ working conditions is
at the heart of any examination of the quality of basic education
in sub-Saharan Africa. A review of the literature produced since
2000 does indeed confirm that work in teaching has become
increasingly insecure, even though teachers are regarded as
the mainstay of quality in basic education. This growing lack
of security is the outcome of two policy developments in
the 1980s and 1990s with powerful repercussions common
to many African contexts, namely the Structural Adjustment
Programmes (SAPs) and the massive increase in school
enrolments driven by international action to achieve education
for all (EFA).
As regards the SAPs, first of all, their aim was to put straight
the financial position of African States after a period of
successive economic crises. The leitmotif of the SAPs, which
were promoted in particular by the Bretton Woods institutions
(the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund), was the
rationalization of public expenditure, including expenditure
on education. Policy measures were thus introduced to the
detriment of teachers and their working conditions (Barro,
2008; Lauwerier, 2013).
Furthermore, in the 1990s and then from 2000 onwards,
very many teachers were recruited in response to the huge
increase in enrolments spurred on by enthusiasm for the
aims of EFA. However most countries then faced a twofold
problem involving not just a shortage of teachers, given that
the continent was expected to create some 2.3 million new
posts by 2030 (UNESCO-UIS, 2014), but also limited financial
support. Countries thus introduced policies to lower their
labour costs while simultaneously creating new and often
administratively decentralized teacher categories (“contract”,
“community” and “voluntary” teacher, etc.), and avoiding
compliance with the international recommendations on work
in this sector (Adotévi, 2008; UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). What is
more, according to Traoré (2000) and Barro (2008), reliance on
these new categories has been a strategy of policy-makers or
teachers for avoiding unemployment, with all that this implies
for quality, especially when the latter begin training.
These new teachers are referred to in most cases as “contract
teachers”, as their contract only lasts for a limited period of
time and is often then renewed. A post as a regular teacher may
be obtained in particular after acquiring further qualifications
(UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). The level of job (in)security tends
to depend on the degree of State involvement. For example,
community teachers are the responsibility of the communities
(parents) and receive no more than token remuneration most
of the time. Teachers in these new categories experience very
different situations depending on their country of employment,
whether in terms of the length of their contract or their career
plans (Bourdon and Nkengné-Nkengné, 2007). The same
applies to their breakdown by status (Giorgi and Christmann,
2009); the designation of teachers on more secure contracts
is unfair and tends to give precedence to urban communities
rather than remote areas (CONFEMEN, 2007; Mulkeen, 2010).
As pointed out above, policies to bring down real wages in
the teaching profession have been introduced in most African
contexts. In the 1990s, teacher pay levels represented on
average over six times the GDP per capita and accounted for
up to 90% of the national education budget. As regards per
capita GNP, teachers in West Africa and in particular those in
the Sahel are comparatively speaking among the best paid
in the world. Even bearing in mind that teacher wages have
tended to decrease during the last two decades, the average
wage in the Sahel countries in 2000 remained 6.4times the GDP
per capita, whereas in the rest of Africa, the corresponding
factor was around 4.4 (UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). However, an
Education International survey (2007) revealed that teacher
wages were poor and generally below the poverty line or the
cost of living.
In the English-speaking countries, wages were already
relatively low, at around 5.4 times GDP per capita in the 1970s.
In the francophone countries, they stood at 11.5 times GDP
per capita in the very same period when they were based on
the colonial model. In both contexts, they together fell to
four times GDP per capita in the years after 2000 (UNESCO-
BREDA, 2009). Teacher wages in francophone Africa thus
deteriorated sharply. Furthermore, they differed with teacher
status: in countries such as Benin or Cameroon, civil servants
earn around three times more than their contract counterparts
(UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). However, the distinction between
contract and civil servant teachers seems to be increasingly
blurred, given that their wages are moving towards similar
levels and that contract teachers may after some years secure
permanent State employment. However, the status of teachers
employed by local communities seemingly remains insecure
(Bourdon and Nkengné-Nkengné, 2007).
It should also be noted that teachers themselves are prone to
unstable conditions. While they seek career progression, they
will still not hesitate to leave their profession if they find better
working conditions elsewhere (Sow et al., 2004; Fomba et al.,
2004). In many countries, formal incentives are non-existent
or counterproductive, and teachers may sometimes wait for
months before being paid (CONFEMEN, 2004; UNESCO-
BREDA, 2009; Tanaka, 2013). For this reason, the most qualified
or experienced teachers, particularly in francophone West
Africa, accept posts in other sectors that offer more attractive
working conditions (Karsenti et al., 2007).
This unfavourable situation as regards wages may provoke
some teachers to engage in ineffectual practices. Dladla and
Moon (2013) go so far as to state that teachers are often first
in the firing line of politicians and the media: for example
they are collectively regarded as one of the professions in
which corruption is most rife. Their absenteeism is another
charge often laid against them. Thus, Mulkeen (2010) notes
that teachers sometimes fail to complete the official number
of hours advocated for teaching, because of unauthorized
absences from work. Certain contexts may account for this
absenteeism: Zambia for example, with an absenteeism rate of
60%, is also a country deeply affected by HIV and AIDS (Das et
al., 2005). Furthermore, Barrett (2005) indicates the difficulties of
teacher accountability in a country such as the United Republic

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
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of Tanzania, in which the dominant approach of what should
be good teaching is out of step with the real circumstances
of some contexts in sub-Saharan Africa. To offset the shortfall
in capacity and avoid certain practices, and on the basis of a
study in the same country, Tao (2013) recommends greater
teacher participation in decision-making processes.
Over and above the diminished security of teachers from the
standpoint of wages, their profession also has to contend with
disadvantageous teaching environments. Tilak (2009) points
out that the teacher/pupil ratio (of 1/45 on average) is indeed
higher in sub-Saharan Africa than in the rest of the world (1/25
on average). And this situation has only worsened since the
1990s. One of the policy options adopted in many countries
in response to the challenge of pupil numbers involves the
introduction of multigrade classes. The results are mixed.
Unquestionably, they provide for the existence of classes in
sparsely populated areas, while pupil attainment is similar to
that observed in single-grade classes, teaching methods are
more pupil-oriented, and they offer a cost-effective approach
in adverse socio-economic contexts. However, teachers find
that they have more work than in single-grade teaching and
feel inadequately trained for multigrade methods, which are
highly specific (Croft, 2006; Mulkeen and Higgins, 2009).
In addition, teachers do not always have the tools needed in
their practical activity to cope with the lack of textbooks or their
obsolete content. Of course, studies challenge the assumption
that a skilled teacher must always possess textbooks, but
teachers can use them effectively – for example to develop
educational strategies such as pupil-centred teaching – in a
way that supplements appropriate teacher training and smaller
classes (Barrett, 2007). Furthermore, Michaelowa (2001) notes
that, “out of all variables relating to educational materials and
school facilities, the availability of textbooks in the mother
tongue of pupils is the one with the most marked impact on
the quality of education”.
Also worth mentioning are differences – and especially gender-
related differences – within the teaching profession, in which
women are generally under-represented. In 2006, women
accounted on average for 45% of teachers in sub-Saharan
Africa (Tilak, 2009), though with marked variations between
countries, such as 14% in Chad as opposed to 65% in Niger
(Bonnet, 2007; CONFEMEN, 2007; UNESCO-BREDA, 2009).
These inequalities may be attributed to persistent long-
standing prejudice in many countries. Married women (it is
said) should remain close to their husbands and look after their
family, and they also prefer to avoid the threat of aggression
when working (Mulugeta, 2012). Yet it has been demonstrated
that girls are more likely to remain at school when taught by
women (Michaelowa, 2003b; World Bank, 2005).
Regional differences also have an impact on the working
conditions of teachers. The profession faces greater challenges
in rural communities, especially as regards the deployment of
teachers, their staffing levels, absenteeism and working hours,
and educational follow-up (Lewin, 2004; Mulkeen, 2005; Bennell
and Akyeampong, 2007). However, some studies such as the
one by Bennell and Mukyanuzi (2007) in the United Republic of
Tanzania reveal that teacher satisfaction is higher in rural than
in urban communities. This is due in particular to the higher
cost of living in big towns and cities, and to a lack of ties with
the surrounding urban environment.
Finally, it is important to consider the issue of motivation.
Extensive data on the profession in sub-Saharan Africa have
focused on the low level of teacher satisfaction (Michaelowa,
2003a; Bennell and Akyeampong, 2007). The decrease in wages
in Africa has had a harmful effect on the quality of education,
by demotivating teachers and particularly those who are
experienced and have worked for a long time (CONFEMEN,
2004). In addition, a lack of career prospects has an adverse
effect on their job satisfaction. While in South Africa, career
development is officially a clearly stated principle, not all
teachers at work are eligible for it (Quan-Baffour and Arko-
Achemfuor, 2013).
According to the research done by Michaelowa (2002) or
Pontefract, Bonnet and Vivekanandan (2013), job satisfaction
is a complex issue involving more than wage-related issues.
A supportive environment, societal respect and the ability
of teachers to make themselves heard at national level may
be just as important. Many studies have pointed to the vital
part played by their integration within the community and
the recognition granted them, especially by parents, as
motivating factors (Bennell and Akyeampong, 2007; Nishimura
et al., 2009). The research of Mpokosa and Ndaruhutse (2008)
demonstrated that the role of school head was vital in improving
teacher management and motivation. Similarly, other studies
emphasize the beneficial effect on teachers of receptive forums
in which they can express themselves (Belay et al., 2007). Staff
friendships (Hedges, 2002) or warm interpersonal relations
between teachers and pupils (Kouraogo and Ouedraogo, 2009)
may also help to keep teachers in schools in remote areas. By
contrast, policies concerned with financial incentives have had
a negative impact from this standpoint in Zimbabwe, creating
tension between colleagues (Ndlovu et al., 2014).
The weak motivation of teachers in this context compromises
the quality of their activity and has led to institutional instability
in many countries, with repeated strikes and “wasted” school
years (Welmond, 2002; Lauwerier, 2013). A study carried out in
South Africa also revealed the negative impact of strikes on
learning, particularly among the most deprived pupils (Wills,
2014).
Finally, Buckler and Gafar (2013) conducted research on teacher
morale over a four-year period in a rural region of Ghana. One
of its findings was that training partly improved their morale,
in particular by giving them a sense of professional identity
as teachers. On the other hand, teachers who lack the ability
needed to improve the attainment of their pupils are affected
by this shortcoming.
In conclusion, we consider that the teaching profession in
Africa is caught in the tension between two vital and equally
important concerns. The first relates to macroeconomic
stability and the need for countries in the region to exercise
sound control over their budgets. The second consists in
determination to ensure that the daily conditions of teachers
satisfy the minimum standards for them to work. Yet these two

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
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goals are contradictory, since the first engenders insecurity or
contractual employment, which has an adverse effect on the
attractiveness of the profession and teacher motivation.
2. TEACHER TRAINING
The second area of enquiry focuses on the low level of
teacher training in sub-Saharan Africa, which holds back any
improvement in the quality of basic education.
As already discussed, this problem is linked to the political
options preferred during these recent decades, and in particular
the SAPs which resulted in the early retirement of qualified
teachers (Lauwerier, 2013). The SAPs also caused the closure
and/or restructuring of teacher-training schools (Samake,
2007), so that the intake of these centres is drawn primarily
from the region in which they are located (Akyeampong, 2003).
First of all, prospective teachers generally begin their pre-
service training with a low level of school education: over half
of them, in both English- and French-speaking Africa, have
reached the upper secondary level of education, though not
necessarily with the final school-leaving qualification (World
Bank, 2005; Bonnet, 2007), as civil servants are often selected
with a pre-service higher level of school education than contract
or community teachers (CONFEMEN, 2007). The selection
criteria for pre-service training are therefore inadequate in
many countries of sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, these criteria
themselves are often ill-defined (Lewin and Stuart, 2003). Thus
in Mali the level of these student teachers is so low when they
embark on pre-service training that there is a high dropout
rate (Giorgi and Christmann, 2009). However, according to
Michaelowa (2003a), with reference to the findings of the
Programme for Analysing Education Systems (PASEC) of the
Conference of Ministers of Education of French-Speaking
Countries (CONFEMEN), the possession or otherwise of a
baccalaureate by prospective teachers is not tantamount to
better performance.
However, the problem consists in the fact that, for many
aspiring teachers, most African education systems are unable
to offer enough training courses to meet the demand for
qualified schoolteachers (Lewin and Stuart, 2003).
In Africa, the majority of teachers are trained and more so in
its English-speaking than in its French-speaking part (Tilak,
2009; UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). However, situations are
very varied: for example in Chad, 27% of teachers have had
training, compared to 36-37% in Madagascar and Togo (Tilak,
2009). In 2006 in Lesotho, 44% of teachers working in primary
education and 42% of those in secondary schools had not
experienced pre-service training (Education International,
2007). In Senegal, “over one-half of Senegalese primary school
teachers remain untrained and the ratio of pupils per trained
teacher stands around 70:1” (UNESCO-UIS, 2014, p.19). Worse
still, in some contexts, the number of untrained teachers is
increasing: in Malawi in 2005, there was one qualified teacher
for 83 pupils compared to 81 in 1993/94 (Nishimura et al.,
2009). In other words, there is extensive reliance on teachers
who are not adequately qualified. Strategies have therefore
been developed to train teachers already in service but with
no pre-service training, in many countries in Africa. From the
study carried out by Marphatia et al. (2010), in Burundi, Malawi,
Senegal and Uganda, the number of untrained teachers is
decreasing. On the other hand, the number of teachers who
are under-trained and employed on fixed-term contracts has
increased.
Here also, pre-service training levels tend to vary with teacher
status. For example, teachers employed by a community
often need no minimum training. As in the case of working
conditions, qualification levels differ depending on the region:
in Namibia, 40% of teachers in rural communities are qualified
compared to 92% in the capital (Mpokosa and Ndaruhutse,
2008). A divide may also exist between teachers in the public
and private sectors, as in Senegal: only 23% of teachers in
private-sector elementary education have had professional
training (CONFEMEN, 2007).
Furthermore, the countries which are furthest from achieving
the EFA goals are also those in which training has been
shortened the most. The pre-service training of half the teachers
in anglophone African countries barely exceeds two years
(UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). In some contexts especially in West
Africa, it is very often even less than that (Akyeampong, 2003;
Fomba and Diarra, 2003; Bourdon and Nkengné-Nkengné,
2007; Adotévi, 2008). A World Bank study (2005) bears this out
and reveals the dissatisfaction of the great majority of teachers
questioned about the length of their training in Burkina Faso,
Niger and Senegal. Moreover, because training does not last
long, teachers do not always have the resources needed to
teach, even if they are fully familiar with the content of the
curriculum (Najjumba and Marshall, 2013).
However, the quality of training programmes is in greater need
of action than is their duration. In many countries for example,
younger pupils are unable to grasp mathematical concepts
or acquire the skills needed in reading, because of the
inadequate pre-service training of teachers (Pryor et al., 2012;
Akyeampong et al., 2013). Furthermore, in Francophone West
Africa pre-service training is generally provided in French. Yet
“the data show that the mother tongue of over 98% of trainee
schoolteachers is not French” (World Bank, 2005, p.53).
A discrepancy also often exists in training courses between
what is expected from the curriculum and how teachers are
prepared (Mulkeen, 2010; Akyeampong et al., 2011). More
specifically, their training is not conducive to rethinking the
beliefs that surround the profession and adopting new forms
of behaviour (Akyeampong, 2002, 2003), the idea being solely
to follow ministerial output to the letter (Akyeampong and
Lewin, 2002). After failing to take account of the practical
conditions faced by teachers, policy-makers devised reforms
which required more than the latter could achieve (O’Sullivan,
2010), or which disregarded the cultural or material limitations
confronting them (Harley et al., 2000).
The findings of the studies by Mtika and Gates (2010) in Malawi,
Robinson (2003) in South Africa, or Schweisfurth (2002) in Gambia
indicate that the appropriation and application of learner-
centred education remain limited, as classroom practices have

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
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changed little in spite of the progressive educational concepts
linked to the social constructivism promoted in teacher-training
institutions. According to these authors, this presupposes the
need to examine relevant means and possible adjustments to
ensure that this approach is rewarding.
Rather than insisting on a particular pedagogical approach,
Barrett (2007) suggests moving beyond this conventional
polarization and, with reference to an experiment conducted
in the United Republic of Tanzania, providing teachers with
a broad range of teaching techniques. Teachers or trainers
more involved in thought and discussion about the curriculum
would enhance the relevance of training content (Akyeampong
et al., 2011). O’Sullivan (2006) and Hardman et al. (2008) even
recommend that teacher trainers be involved in research, in
particular into their own practice. In Uganda, teachers have
developed their own empirical research to reach conclusions
helpful for their activity (Heneveld, 2007).
Furthermore, it should be emphasized that those who provide
pre-service training in French-speaking West Africa are not
suitably qualified (World Bank, 2005). For example, in Ghana,
they are more concerned to cover what is prescribed than
to consider real classroom practices (Akyeampong, 2003).
Teacher trainers should be able to access training throughout
their professional lives to upgrade their knowledge which is
often outdated (Lewin, 2004).
One way of compensating partly for the deficiency of poor pre-
service training in sub-Saharan Africa would be to establish
appropriate in-service training courses. Yet here again, most
authors highlight the weakness or even the non-existence of
such provision. In most cases, it involves short courses (lasting a
few weeks, days, or possibly just hours) centrally planned by the
ministry of education on precise topics, such as the introduction
of new curricula. Yet alternative experimental forms exist, such
as in Zambia in which local resource centres are run by teachers
and training is provided in accordance with particular needs
(Mulkeen, 2010). School heads who are often responsible for
implementing this kind of training are inadequately prepared
for the task, creating the impression among teachers that they
are not really supportive. In addition, the tutors/inspectors who
should regularly monitor teachers lack the material means (of
transport in particular) to do so (Kunje et al., 2003). In most
countries, the teacher/inspector ratio is regarded as too low:
it stands at 700 teachers on average for one inspector in the
English-speaking countries (Mulkeen, 2010).
Researchers have highlighted approaches to in-service training
that have demonstrated a positive impact on the practice
of teachers. This is so where they are more closely linked to
pre-service training and adopted in the school environment,
together with financial incentives and qualifications (Hardman
et al., 2008, 2011; Akyeampong et al., 2011).
It is thus necessary to establish closer relations between
training centres and schools, with in particular the introduction
of mentoring, practical sessions and field-based courses
(Welford and Mosha, 2002; Lewin and Stuart, 2003; Mattson,
2006; Bunyi et al., 2013).
In the case of either pre-service or in-service training, reliance
on distance programmes seems to represent a constructive
basis for action in such difficult circumstances. A World Bank
research project concludes that this kind of delivery is the
only realistic option in sub-Saharan Africa as, according to
its authors, it can offer high-quality programmes that are
sustainable and profitable at institutional or class level (Moon
et al., 2005).
However, the effectiveness of such programmes still remains
to be demonstrated. In spite of definite interest in distance
provision and the obvious enthusiasm for it in international
cooperation, Karsenti (2006) emphasizes among other things
that this type of training is not necessarily more effective than
conventional face-to-face provision. This is particularly so
in Africa in which e-learning presupposes teaching methods
that run counter to many cultures. Inadequate infrastructure
and poor Internet connections in some African contexts also
limit the scope for establishing distance training systems to
compensate for the shortcomings of current circumstances
(Karsenti et al., 2007).
Overall, it may be concluded that African teachers often find
it hard to apply in practice what they have learnt during their
training. Many authors who are aware of the poor quality of
this training and rely partly on PASEC report findings state that
the level of training may only modestly influence classroom
practices, although in nine African countries studied, “the
teacher effect” nonetheless represents 27% of the factors
conducive to learning (Bernard et al., 2004; CONFEMEN, 2007).
After training, newly qualified teachers lack the wherewithal to
make lessons attractive and arouse the interest of their pupils
(Lefoka and Sebatane, 2003). Teacher skills have been tested
in some of the countries involved in the PASEC and SACMEQ
(Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring
Educational Quality). For example, according to the PASEC
findings in Chad and Guinea, a big proportion of teachers
experience difficulty in reading, writing and mathematics
(Bonnet, 2007). Altinok (2013) concludes that, while in some
countries the knowledge of teachers does not greatly affect
student achievement, in others such as Namibia and South
Africa, its impact is on the contrary very considerable and
significant.
Besides training, the experience of teachers reportedly has
a positive impact on their practices and therefore on pupil
attainment at school (UNESCO-BREDA, 2009). But in many
African countries only novices have been recruited most of the
time, with no appropriate support available to offset their lack
of experience (educational advisors, inspectors, etc.). On the
basis of tests performed on pupils in mathematics, reading and
writing, a study by Rabiou, Boube and Laouali Malam (2010)
in Niger reveals that they do better when they learn with a
tenured teacher rather than a contract teacher. Others play
down this difference between contract and tenured teachers
(Bourdon, Frölich and Michaelowa, 2007; Bourdon and
Nkengné Nkengné, 2007).
Even if it is hard to measure the impact of pre-service training
on teaching practice, it would seem, according to Lewin (2004),
that it is a means of acquiring certain skills (the ability to plan

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
6
lessons and manage pupils and resources, etc.) and developing
confidence. According to O’Sullivan (2006), effective forms of
training are those that have enabled teachers to make do with
their resources in such tough circumstances. In spite of the
inadequacy of these resources, some teachers have indeed
been capable of offering sound quality provision.
Teachers find it hard to teach in the languages of the former
colony, or in the national languages, if they lack adequate
training in their use, and more particularly in the use of two
languages (Clegg and Afitska, 2010).
In spite of the efforts in training courses to develop pupil-
centred approaches, in sub-Saharan Africa, teaching remains
predominantly face-to-face with persistently strong reliance
on rote learning and memorization (Hardman et al., 2012).
Observation of teaching practices shows that pupils end up
acting passively and develop skills classified as only modest
(Dembélé and Lefoka, 2007). The findings of Pontefract and
Hardman (2005) have also pointed to the predominance
of rote learning and repetition without ensuring adequate
understanding on the part of pupils. Furthermore, the practice
reveals that teachers dispense their teaching in an uncritical
manner (Akyeampong et al., 2011).
To cope with these difficulties, various strategies are emerging
as in rural Eritrea, in which Belay and his colleagues (2007)
have noted two categories of teachers, namely those
who are “static” and the “developers” who adopt a more
creative stance, and one of engagement with the community.
Similarly, Barrett (2008) distinguishes between three different
professional identities, although they are neither uniform nor
static, among teachers in the United Republic of Tanzania on
the basis of their own statements. They comprise the “relaters”,
the “self-improvers” and the “vocational teachers” who have
had vocational training and who in turn include “gazers” and
“storytellers”. Thus teachers do not always abandon traditional
approaches. They adopt in particular those with which they feel
most confident (Nakabugo and Siebörger, 2001; Lauwerier and
Akkari, 2013).
Therefore rather than judging training to be ineffectual and
thus radically shortening it, it would be better instead to
review critically the relevance of training programmes and
more particularly the significance of their practical dimension
(Bernard et al., 2004).
To sum up, this section on teacher training has pointed to
several trends in sub-Saharan Africa. The first concerns the low
level of school education at which teachers enter pre-service
training or begin classroom activity. This raises the question
of what should be the starting point of a primarily intellectual
profession. The second trend, which is not unrelated to the
lesser influence of the State, has been the dismantling of
traditional training institutions, namely the écoles normales
(teacher training schools), without offering an alternative
means of professionalization. The third apparent trend consists
in the development of in-service training programmes as
a “temporary expedient”. We can therefore legitimately
question – like many studies covered here – the educational
added value of pre-service and in-service training which does
not seem to provide the means of achieving quality teaching
and learning.
3. LESSONS FROM RESEARCH AND
THEWAY FORWARD
The foregoing analysis highlights two major concerns regarding
teaching activity in sub-Saharan Africa. First, teachers too often
work in difficult conditions typified by lack of job security, low
wages and loss of motivation. Secondly, both their pre-service
and in-service training are superficial and inadequate with
little impact, therefore, on classroom practices. These two
factors hold back the contribution of teachers to improving
basic education in Africa. Yet the teaching issue should not be
considered separately from the other aspects of school. The
languages of instruction, the availability of teaching aids or
supportive school and non-formal environments are just some
of the matters with a bearing on the quality of basic education
and, by the same token, on the work of teachers.
Of course, some authors emphasize possible ways forward
through research that points to positive experience. This
applies especially to the use of research into teaching practice
or in-service training at the workplace.
We also consider that research should be able to increase
insight into certain areas concerning teachers in sub-Saharan
Africa, starting for example by offering more studies with
qualitative data. As Buckler (2011) has noted, excessive
importance is attached to quantitative measurements in
appraising the quality of education, particularly as regards the
issue of teachers. She states that we need more classroom-
based observations and qualitative judgments, especially in
order to understand the training needs of teachers, above all
in remote areas.
Furthermore, Tao (2012) suggests rethinking research on
teachers in the countries of the South, which she believes
contains western centrist biases. More specifically, she thinks
that, instead of seeking to understand “how can teacher
quality be improved?”, we should consider rather “why do
teachers do what they do?”. This would enable their opinions
and involvement to be taken into account, and also encourage
studies and strategies responsive to their complex practical
circumstances.
Finally, Mulkeen, Chapman, DeJaeghere and Leu (2007) have
noted four characteristics of the research on teachers in Africa:
(a)it focuses as a priority on clarifying aspects of the problem,
rather than devising and testing alternative solutions; (b)much
of the literature tends to describe efforts to attract, deploy
and retain teachers, but sound evidence for the effectiveness
of the approaches described is often lacking; (c)there are too
few longitudinal studies, which would enable monitoring of the
effects and results of long-term action to improve teaching;
and (d)some research has been conducted within projects and
is only reported in the corresponding project documents and
often in summary form.

EDUCATION RESEARCH AND FORESIGHT • WORKING PAPERS
7
Thus, by means of these various proposals, it should be possible
to invert the issue somewhat and concentrate on effective and
innovative practices on the part of African teachers in harsh
circumstances. It is indeed unlikely in the years ahead that
African governments or international cooperation will be able
to invest more in basic education, attract better candidate
teachers and reform pre-service and in-service training. It is
therefore important to examine more closely whatever will
achieve a breakthrough in quality in such situations, by laying
greater emphasis on the potential ability of some teachers,
rather than focusing excessively, like most studies at present,
on what is not working.
Teachers are one of the mainstays of quality education,
as extensive research and many recommendations have
demonstrated. Yet the very concept of quality requires careful
thought. More specifically – and over and above quantifiable
school attainment levels – it is vital to determine whether
teachers have the wherewithal to achieve education that is
relevant in corresponding to the expectations and needs
of pupils and their community, so as to improve learning
attainment and thus contribute to national development.
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To cite this article:
Lauwerier, T. and Akkari, A. 2015. Teachers and the Quality of Basic Education in sub-Saharan Africa. Paris,
UNESCO Education Research and Foresight, Paris [ERF Working Papers Series, No. 11].
ED/2015/ERF/PI/1/REV