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... Feminist archaeology and feminist research on archaeology have demonstrated not only that archaeology like scientific and scholarly research in general has a long parallel history of being dominated by men and stereotypically masculine perspectives. Much of archaeological work has focused on public rather than domestic matters and projected assumptions of the prevalence of gender roles that dominated in the Western cultural hemisphere during the last couple of centuries in the past societies (Conkey, 2003). ...
... Besides gender, this applies to indigenous (e.g. Marliac, 2005), popular culture (Holtorf, 2005), and in general non-predominant and non-professional, perspectives and broader framing of research, for instance, concerning the mutual influence of micro-and macro-level factors and phenomena (Conkey, 2003). Western archaeologists have also been criticised for a tendency to orientalise (as for Said, 1979) non-Western views to archaeological heritage as exotic and less-creditable (Starzmann, 2012) and of neo-colonialism enacted through global appropriation of local heritage as world heritage (Stobiecka, 2020). ...
Chapter
Archaeology is a profoundly social and collaborative enterprise. Even if it is a discipline of things, archaeology is also a discipline of discourses of things. The making of new archaeological information and knowledge both leans on and weaves a conversation of the past that is fundamentally as social as it is material. These conversations traverse an immense spectrum of archaeological practices and contexts far beyond archaeology itself. This chapter provides an overview of how discourses are produced in archaeology, their characteristics and contemporary facets, and how studying the social production of archaeological discourse(s) is helpful for understanding archaeology and archaeological knowledge. Discourse refers not only to talking or writing about archaeology but documenting, communicating and conveying archaeology, archaeological information and knowledge in diverse means, and by doing that, influencing archaeological practices and the production of archaeological knowledge. The chapter starts by asking where contemporary archaeological discourse is produced and continue to inquiring into who participates and who are left out, how to analyse and explain archaeological discourses, what characterises them, and finally, why understanding the social production of archaeological discourse can be useful for archaeologists and non-archaeologists.
... Bu çalışmalardan bazılarında, günümüzdeki cinsiyet ve cinsellik kavramları ile geçmiş topluluklardaki toplumsal cinsiyet algısının yanlı yorumlanabileceği üzerinde durulmuştur (örneğin, çıplak figürinlerin sadece kadın, üreme, bereket ve ana tanrıça ile ilişkilendirilmesi). Bedenlerin ve cinselliğin sanatsal temsillerinin, geçmiş toplumlarda bedeni keşfetme, kimliğin tesisi ya da gücün ideolojik imgelemini, politik ilişkileri ya da sadece zevki yansıtmış olma olasılıkları bu çalışmalarda tartışılmıştır (Aslan, 2019; Atakuman, 2017;2019, s.84;Conkey, 2003;Joyce, 2001;Meskell, 2007;Voss, 2008, s.320). Bunun için çok tipik bir örnek MS. 150-800'lerde Peru'da yaşamış olan Moche uygarlığına ait erotik çömleklerdir. ...
... Bu çömleklerin, heteroseksüel ilişkinin yanı sıra ağırlıklı olarak erkek orgazmı üzerinden, yöneticiler arasındaki güç ilişkilerinin yansıtıldığı ideolojik kaplar olduğu öne sürülmüştür (Voss, 2008, s.322). Yine, tasvir sanatları ve plastik sanatlarda resmedilen aynı cinsin ilişkileri ve cinsiyeti belirsiz gösterilen figürlerin, ait oldukları toplumlar için toplumsal cinsiyet açısından ne anlam ifade ettiğini sorgulayan çalışmalar yapılmıştır (Arslan, 2019;Atakuman, 2017;Conkey, 2003;Meskel & Joyce, 2003;Nakamura & Meskel, 2009;Voss, 2008, s.9 Toplumsal cinsiyetle ilgili bütün bu eleştirel çalışmalar, bir yandan geçmiş toplumlarda toplumsal cinsiyetin ifade biçimlerinin çeşitliliğini ortaya çıkartmış, bir yandan da "Batılı modern" cinsel kimlik kategorilerinin ne kadar sınırlı olduğunu göstermiştir (Voss, 2008, s.325). ...
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1960’larda başlayan ikinci dalga feminist hareketin tüm sosyal bilimlere yayılan etkisi 1980’lerde arkeolojiye de ulaşmış ve arkeolojideki geleneksel toplumsal cinsiyet algısı eleştirilmeye başlanmıştır. Bu eleştirinin hedefinde biyolojik determinist ve evrenselci bir yaklaşımla kadın-erkek rollerinin tüm toplumlarda aynı olduğunu varsayan anlayış bulunmaktadır. Bu eleştiriler sayesinde 1990’lardaki arkeolojik araştırmalar, geçmiş toplumlardaki cinsiyete dayalı iş bölümünü ve kadın/erkeğin toplumsal konumlarını anlamaya odaklanmıştır. Aynı yıllarda biyoarkeolojik araştırmalar da benzer bir yaklaşımla iskeletlerdeki aktiviteye bağlı değişimleri ve yaralanma izlerini inceleyerek geçmiş toplumlardaki kadın/erkek rollerini anlamaya çalışmıştır. Ancak bu çalışmalar, bütün toplumların kadın-erkek olarak ikiye ayrıldığını ve bunun evrensel bir sistem olduğunu varsaymıştır. 90’lı yıllarda başlayan üçüncü dalga feminizm ve kuir teori ise cinsiyetin düalist bakış açısıyla sınıflandırılmasını ve toplumsal cinsiyetin bu ikili sisteminin üzerine inşa edilmesini eleştirmiş, ayrıca toplumsal cinsiyetin diğer sosyal kimliklerle kesişmesinin de altını çizmiştir. Bu değişen algılardan etkilenen biyoarkeologlar, 2000’lerden itibaren araştırmalarda sadece ikili cinsiyet sisteminin esas alınmasını ve cinsiyet/toplumsal cinsiyetin oluşmasında ve değişmesinde yaşın etkisini tartışmaya başlamıştır. Bu makalede, arkeolojide ve biyoarkeolojide cinsiyet/toplumsal cinsiyetle ilgili yaklaşımların feminist ve kuir teorilerden etkilenerek nasıl değiştiği incelenmiştir. Biyoarkeolojide kullanılan cinsiyetlendirme ve yaşlandırma metotlarının sınırlılıkları ve bunların toplumsal cinsiyet çalışmalarındaki etkisi tartışılmıştır.
... Making one's institutions the object of study has not yet found its way into mainstream archaeology. The division of labor and equal opportunities were addressed comparatively early in archaeology, since the 1970s (Conkey, 2003). Where feminist archaeology makes its own discipline the object of research, it has been less theory-driven than in the study of the past. ...
... Archaeologists and archaeological institutions are themselves subjects of research within feminist archaeology (Conkey, 2003). One goal here is to better understand how personal, social, and political developments contribute to bias. ...
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This paper presents both the theoretical approaches to archaeology that focus on the past and the more practical approaches that focus on archaeology’s own institutions and its external impact. It makes clear that feminist archaeology is diverse and disparate and goes far beyond women’s concerns. Instead, it challenges the theoretical foundations and unconscious presuppositions of archaeology and claims to change the discipline as a whole as well as popular assumptions about the past.
... By addressing questions that are relevant to the experience of past women and those marginalised by conventional sex/gender structures (Wylie 2007), Archaeology has moved from essentialism towards intersectionality since differences between men and women, sexualities, ethnicities, and/or social classes significantly varied. Therefore, interrogating these categories enables archaeologists to consider social dynamics and lifeways from seemingly invisible yet critical dimensions (Conkey 2003). Gender as a concept, whether it signifies 'becoming men and women' (or any other gender), suggests that social identities are not homogenous categories (Sørensen 2009). ...
... To 'engender' the past and archaeological thinking, we undoubtedly need to change the way Archaeology is practised. Thus, it is the archaeologist's duty to expose 'false' dichotomies in archaeological narratives, critically investigate gender as multivalent beyond fixed categories and produce intricate but more accurate understandings of human experience in the past (Conkey 2003). If anything, this view contributes to democratising and diversifying archaeological theories and practices, by not only providing female perspectives but also by encouraging inclusion of diverse perspectives (Hays -Gilpin 2000). ...
Chapter
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To ‘engender’ the past and archaeological thinking, we undoubtedly need to change the way Archaeology is practised. Thus, it is the archaeologist’s duty to expose ‘false’ dichotomies in archaeological narratives, critically investigate gender as multivalent beyond fixed categories and produce intricate but more accurate understandings of human experience in the past (Conkey 2003). If anything, this view contributes to democratising and diversifying archaeological theories and practices, by not only providing female perspectives but also by encouraging inclusion of diverse perspectives (Hays – Gilpin 2000). Feminist studies are also spaces where other voices can be visualised and brought into archaeological discourses. In doing so, they diversify the views on who queer, women, children, elderly individuals were and what their material culture looked like, turning Archaeology into a more pluralist enterprise.
... Empirical research was often based on sexist presuppositions and it largely ignored microscale practices (such as those concerning households), leading to incorrect conclusions about humanity's past. Conkey and Spector, 1984 raised this problem to the attention of the wider archaeological community, which required an effort of this community as a whole to be adequately resolved (see also Conkey, 2003;Wylie, 2002). When other archaeologists learned about these issues-for example by reading Conkey and Spector's work-did they have any moral or epistemic duties to act towards resolving the given problem, and if so, which duties exactly? 1 Abandoned-research. ...
... So mobilized, they are able to use the boat, and thereby satisfy the causal condition of the second stage duty to save the children. Similarly, after other archaeologists in Biased raised awareness about androcentric assumptions and the lack of research into microscale practices and past cultural situations in which women were likely to have been present (Conkey, 2003), they formed a mobilized group, capable of combating gender bias in archaeology by endorsing the above aspects of research, emphasizing them as relevant through peer-review, etc. ...
Article
Discussion of epistemic responsibility typically focuses on belief formation and actions leading to it. Similarly, accounts of collective epistemic responsibility have addressed the issue of collective belief formation and associated actions. However, there has been little discussion of collective responsibility for preventing epistemic harms, particularly those preventable only by the collective action of an unorganized group. We propose an account of collective epistemic responsibility which fills this gap. Building on Hindriks’ (2019) account of collective moral responsibility, we introduce the Epistemic Duty to Join Forces. Our theory provides an account of the responsibilities of scientists to prevent epistemic harms during inquiry.
... A key aspect of gender archaeology since its beginnings in the 1980s was a preoccupation not only with gender in the past, but also with current gender issues within archaeology in particular and academia in general (e.g. Engelstad et al. 1994;Nelson et al. 1994;Nelson 1997: 39-48;Sørensen 2000: 20-24, 31-32;Conkey 2003). Gender archaeology aims to expose the obvious point that every researcher is also part of a contemporary society, and that their own cultural and social background affects their research through unconscious biases. ...
Chapter
Higher education in archaeology is drawing increasing attention from academics and institutions in order to improve the methods of teaching and learning. A parallel trend in mostly, but not only, academic circles is the establishment of sexed and gendered patterns in past societies and the present professional discipline of archaeology. How these two trends interrelate is unclear at present. This chapter looks at current and archival data on module descriptions from universities in Bulgaria, Germany and the United Kingdom in an attempt to identify trajectories in gender education in archaeology, with the presumption that key issues, methods and theories in archaeology will have an equal mention. The results show a very low level of publicly available archival data and sporadic to entirely absent mention of gender, identity and diversity in descriptions aimed to inform and attract potential students. We conclude by identifying steps towards improving this dismal situation.
... Tais relações foram invisibilizadas nas sínteses mais abrangentes (Plens, 2016;Sallum e Noelli, 2022a), negligenciando a história local e suas transformações particulares na demografia, identidade e materialidade. Assim, aumenta a possibilidade teórico-metodológica de expandir e rever interpretações do passado, mostrando agências de mulheres ignoradas nas perspectivas ocidentais heteronormativas das relações familiares (Franklin, 2001;Conkey, 2003;Ribeiro, 2017;Martins, 2020). Battle-Baptiste (2011) ressalta que "não há fórmula estabelecida" para pensar uma Arqueologia Negra Feminista, sendo necessário abordagens que integrem teorias e práticas de diversas disciplinas, como antropologia, história, narrativas diversas, história oral, estudos de materialidade, feminismos Indígenas, entre outras. ...
Article
Resumo Este paper apresenta perspectivas para investigar interações e redes solidárias entre mulheres Indígenas e Afrodescendentes na Mata Atlântica, região sudeste de São Paulo (século 16-presente), a partir das Arqueologias do Gênero e Feminista. É uma pesquisa de arqueologia histórica e comunitária sobre soberania alimentar, materialidades e linguagens em comunidades do Vale do Ribeira e área Peruíbe-Itanhaém. A temática surgiu da confluência de interesses conjuntos acadêmicos e das comunidades para destacar, fortalecer e resgatar práticas tradicionais. A proposta é estabelecer novas interpretações sobre estratégias de persistência que estão sendo comparadas com práticas similares de duas comunidades do Equador e dos Estados Unidos, para ampliar um debate internacional em andamento. Sobre as interações em São Paulo, existe vasta quantidade de informações pouco investigadas na arqueologia, com potencial para revelar novas perspectivas sobre saberes ancestrais, transmissão de conhecimentos intergeracionais, agência e sociabilidades. A proposta tem uma abordagem interdisciplinar na análise de dados de arqueologia, história oral, genealogia, linguística histórica, geociências entre outras, dividida em cinco eixos de investigação: 1) redes de parentesco e afinidade; 2) ecologias de sustentabilidade e museus; 3) mapeamento participativo; 4) memória histórica; 5) comparação de persistências femininas com outros lugares do continente. A pesquisa consolida novos conhecimentos sobre o papel das mulheres na longa duração e mostra os resultados das investigações das representantes das comunidades envolvidas, contribuindo para renovar aspectos da história de São Paulo.
... Glej Keller 1985;Perry in Gerber 1990;Rosser 1995;Turkle 1995;Shulman 1996;Whitten 1996; Wylie 1997;Rolin 1999;Bug 2003;Conkey 2003; Lerman in drugi 2003; Fox in drugi 2006; Barad 2007;Damarin 2008. ...
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Feminizem, umetnost, literatura skozi perspektive preteklosti, sedanjosti in bodočnosti: Kam naprej od nelagodja? »Ali je edini odgovor feminizma na fašizem, rasizem, neokolonializem, permanentno vojno, neoliberalno minimizacijo človeških virov in neusmiljeno izkoriščanje tistih, ki so zavrženi kot presežek, kar so največkrat ženske, levi feminizem?« je pred več kot desetletjem uvodoma vprašal zbornik Jugoslovanski feminizmi. (Iz uvodnika, Katja Kobolt)
... The fact of the matter is that since its inception in the late 1970s/early 1980s the influence of feminist and gender studies in archaeology has grown very significantly (Conkey, 2003;Danielsson, 2012; see also below). This growth is not only patent in the volume of scientific production per se; today we can also trace other, more 'rhizomatic' ways (sensu Deleuze & Guattari, 1980) in which gender issues and feminist theory and criticism have spread throughout the discipline in very meaningful and structural ways, contributing to structural transformations at the methodological and epistemological levels. 1 As Amanda D. Lotz noted, '[w]e have entered a new era in feminism: one between the overwhelming structural impediments to gender justice that existed before the activist efforts of second wave feminism yet a world in which complete equity has not been achieved' (Lotz, 2007: 72). ...
Chapter
The relevance of feminist and gender approaches in archaeology can be gauged in different ways, and evidence suggests that the impact of those approaches in the epistemological transformation of the discipline has been very significant. The commitment of the practitioners of feminist and gender archaeology to standpoint theory has been paramount in the construction of a ‘strong objectivity’ stance within the discipline, but there are reasons to believe that gendered issues can still fuel further disciplinary developments. The engagement with new material feminisms in particular holds a tremendous potential for the affirmation of archaeology within the social sciences and for raising its social and political profile.
... Their impact can be more subtle and thus harder to detect. For example, Conkey (2003) relates how the typical account of Inca politics focuses on the actions of men but that actually a key factor in Inca expansion was the increase in corn production, which allowed beer to be brewed. This was significant in political feasts, which supported Inca control and expansion. ...
... So mobilized, they are able to use the boat, and thereby satisfy the causal condition of the second stage duty to save the children. Similarly, after other archaeologists in Biased raised awareness about androcentric assumptions and the lack of research into microscale practices and past cultural situations in which women were likely to have been present (Conkey 2003), they formed a mobilized group, capable of combating gender bias in archaeology by endorsing the above aspects of research, emphasizing them as relevant through peer-review, etc. ...
Article
Full-text available
Discussion of epistemic responsibility typically focuses on belief formation and actions leading to it. Similarly, accounts of collective epistemic responsibility have addressed the issue of collective belief formation and associated actions. However, there has been little discussion of collective responsibility for preventing epistemic harms, particularly those preventable only by the action of an unorganized group. We propose an account of collective epistemic responsibility which fills this gap. Building on Hindriks’ (2019) account of collective moral responsibility, we introduce the Epistemic Duty to Join Forces. Our theory provides an account of the responsibilities of scientists to prevent epistemic harms during inquiry.
... While political engagement in archaeology is nothing new-and amongst others includes a long history of feminist scholarship (e.g. Conkey, 2002), strategies for democratization (e.g. recently Milek, 2018;Nilsson Stutz, 2018), and calls for a greater relevance of archaeology in environmental and social debates (e.g. Kiddey, 2017;Kohler & Rockman, 2020)-here we are particularly concerned with the very current problem of an ever more vocal and pervasive populist debate that threatens the discursive foundations on which rational argument is possible. ...
... In the more detailed engagement with the body, it again becomes clear that the apparently biological basis of gender dichotomy, too, has more points of overlap, transition, and ambiguity than is often realized (Sofaer and Stig Sørensen 2013 A glance at our own institutions: equity issues, language and perceived image Closely connected with the demand that women be given more responsibility in archaeo logical research was the analysis of androcentric or male bias in our own institutions. While women's studies and the analysis of gender theories in archaeology started rather late, roles and opportunities in archaeology as a profession were addressed somewhat earlier, in Scandinavia and the USA by the 1970s (Engelstad, Mandt, and Naess 1994;Nel son 1997: 39-48;Stig Sørensen 2000: 20-24, 31f:;Conkey 2003). On the other hand, the investigation of our own institutions is the one aspect of feminist archaeology that has hardly entered the mainstream of the profession. ...
Chapter
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The chapter discusses the influence of feminist theories on theory construction, self-conception, and the public perception of archaeology and its various sub-disciplines. The theoretical foundations of gender archaeology are also considered. As there are many feminist theories as well as archaeologies, the chapter also summarizes what can be described as broad sets of overlaps, and to an extent simplifies the variety of different points of view. Feminist criticism as well as new questions, models, and methods based on it reached archaeology in the 1980s, later than the other humanities. Initial efforts could be classified as women’s studies that mostly aimed to balance a male-biased view of the past by adding a female view to it. Since the 1990s, the term ‘gender’ with its various aspects is the focus of discussion. The number, convertibility, and history of genders are also important topics. In addition, feminist archaeology focuses on archaeology’s own institutions, their social rules, their language, and their image, which are also linked to the gender expectations of the surrounding society. These aspects are also connected to the way images of the past are presented to the public, and which effects they have on gender discourses.
... Informed by Butler (1990Butler ( , 1993, it was maintained that the strict separation of sex and gender, and male and female, by archaeologists amongst others, is informed by 'on contemporary assumptions and morality' (Yates 1993: 45). Today such accusations seem somewhat anachronistic, not least because of the success of feminist and gender aware academic interventions (Hays-Gilpin 2000;Conkey 2002). In any case, the recognition of both male and female sex cannot be excluded for societies in the past, because of the way biological procreation works. ...
... queer, feminist, indigenous) have sought to challenge this engrained perspective of the past (e.g. Arthur 2010;Atalay 2006;Blackmore 2011;Conkey 2003;Dowson 2000;2009;Engelstad 1991;González-Ruibal 2016;Nicholas and Watkins 2014;Rutecki and Blackmore 2016;Weismantel 2013), it has yet to fully permeate into discussions of animal-human interactions. Animals are all too often 'othered'; the passive, exploitable resource juxtaposed to, and often at the mercy of, active human agents. ...
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Archaeology has begun to challenge anthropocentric approaches, appreciating the way that relations cross-cut categories such as human/animal/object and individual/group/species. Relational thinking challenges the divide between active human agents and passive animal resources. Instead, relational archaeologies consider the possibility that this boundary was blurred in the past. This enables discussions of potential transformations between human and animal states; the process of becoming human or animal; past societies' dependency on, and orientation around, animals; animal sociality and agency; and action that defies categories like 'nature' or 'culture'. From this perspective, material culture can be understood as a medium to negotiate 'animal-ness' and 'human-ness'-or to transcend the binary altogether. What does an archaeology of animals that embraces these insights look like? This section explores the multifaceted ways animal-human relations have been explored in a breadth of different archaeological contexts, from Neanderthal hunting strategies to the conceptualisation of dogs in the Viking period. Becoming with Animals: Relational Provocations in Archaeology The recent turn to relational thinking in archaeological discourse has provoked a ground-up reappraisal of the way we discuss and conceive of past behaviours, encouraging more holistic, context-sensitive approaches (Fowler 2013; Lucas 2012; Shanks 2007). At the root of this movement is a shift in emphasis from being, in which people, animals, or things can be isolated as stable entities, to becoming, in which entities emerge through collaborative processes over time (Braidotti 2002; Deleuze and Guattari 1977). In this view, nothing simply is; the question is how humans and non-humans come into existence and take on forms, qualities and capacities by interacting with one another. In pursuing this question, a number of traditional dualisms in Western thinking stand out as suspiciously tidy: mind/body, nature/culture, human/non-human, male/female. If we are all cyborgs, grafted together out of organisms, objects and discourses (Haraway 1985; cf. "bodies without organs", Deleuze and Guattari 1977, 19), then partitioning human social life off from the 'natural' or 'material' world can only hobble our understanding. Becoming steadily cross-cuts these categories. Archaeologists have generally welcomed the relational turn in the humanities and social sciences, correctly perceiving its potential to elevate our discipline's position in the mix (Boivin 2008; Jervis 2018; Olsen 2010). After all, we have spent almost two centuries studying human society through the lens of material things. In a relational view, we are no longer cast as a derivative discipline, working from the material dregs of past 'culture' to produce a dull approximation of what ethnographers and historians can more directly study. The potsherds and post holes we lay hands on are not indicators of "the person behind the artefact" or approximations of an historical text (Hodder 1986); they are surviving actors from the past in their own right (Fowler and Harris 2015; Lucas 2012). However, because of archaeology's traditional attempt to mimic the analytic terms of history and ethnography, our thing-oriented discipline carries its fair share of dualistic baggage. 130 130 For many of us, our first instinct, inculcated deeply from our undergraduate days onward, is to think about a past that is first and foremost living, human and tacitly male. The pasts of animals, things, queer people, women and children are cast as secondary; they are insensate resources for (adult cis-male) human action, rather than collaborators in the mutual becoming of social worlds. Although the relational turn and different archaeologies (e.g. queer, feminist, indigenous) have sought to challenge this engrained perspective of the past (e.g. Arthur
... Elas optaram pela mudança; adequaram-se para persistir (SALLUM; NOELLI, 2020). O processo de formação das comunidades começa com as mulheres Tupiniquim e o seu papel ímpar no estabelecimento de alianças sociais, diferenciação de género e relações de produção (CONKEY, 2003). Elas criaram e produziram materialidades, como as vasilhas cerâmicas, estabelecendo um modo de compartilhar diversos saberes e linguagens que conectaram gerações. ...
... It is anticipated that the results of such investigations will then trigger new inquiries in gender history per se, understood as historical analysis focusing on the socio-political relations between the sexes, or on the actual dynamics of constructions of femininity and masculinity (Yan and Offen 2018). These social processes and their manifestations within archaeology have been explored by previous research outside of the Pacific but that comprised important Australian perspectivesincluding in terms of questioning the 'gender' of theory or practice in archaeology (i.e., Ducros and Smith 1993;Balme and Beck 1995;Wylie 1997;Conkey 2003Conkey , 2007Moses 2007). As evident in these publications, though, a precise and solid historical analysis of such processes in Pacific archaeology can only be conducted once we have documented the lives, experiences and legacies of the category neglected by the history of the field, women: 'It is important in the first place to discover or rediscover women in science' (Watts 2007: 12, original emphasis). ...
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Part of the special collection: https://www.archaeologybulletin.org/articles/10.5334/bha-656/ . In this paper I present the background and rationale for a new research project that aims to rediscover the first women who participated in the development of archaeology in the Pacific, from the 19th to the mid-20th century. I discuss how this research is inscribed in the history of women in science, responding to Rossiter’s plea to future scholars: to write a history and sociology of science that is more comprehensive by integrating ever more of the hidden women scientists, or ‘Matildas’. I consider how a history of these ‘Pacific Matildas’ can be connected to factors that have been identified as historically keeping women out of science (especially fieldwork-based sciences) as well as keeping them out of historical records about the making of science. After discussing the methodological and conceptual frameworks envisaged for such a project, I present some preliminary results of this research: a short overview of historical figures already identified and a brief examination of one early case-study in the history of the first women engaged in the discipline, that of Adèle de Dombasle in the mid-19th century. I conclude by highlighting what the first clues we can gather about such stories tell us both about the historical place of women in the field and the place of women in the history written about the field.
... Informed by Butler (1990Butler ( , 1993, it was maintained that the strict separation of sex and gender, and male and female, by archaeologists amongst others, is informed by 'on contemporary assumptions and morality' (Yates 1993: 45). Today such accusations seem somewhat anachronistic, not least because of the success of feminist and gender aware academic interventions (Hays-Gilpin 2000;Conkey 2002). In any case, the recognition of both male and female sex cannot be excluded for societies in the past, because of the way biological procreation works. ...
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... Elas optaram pela mudança; adequaram-se para persistir (SALLUM; NOELLI, 2020). O processo de formação das comunidades começa com as mulheres Tupiniquim e o seu papel ímpar no estabelecimento de alianças sociais, diferenciação de género e relações de produção (CONKEY, 2003). Elas criaram e produziram materialidades, como as vasilhas cerâmicas, estabelecendo um modo de compartilhar diversos saberes e linguagens que conectaram gerações. ...
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The fragmentation of the archaeological record presents methodological challenges: as researchers analyse and construct models, they do not (and in most cases cannot and will not) know what is missing. Here, the author argues that these gaps are one of the field's greatest strengths; they force practitioners to be reflective in their understanding of, and approach to, studying the material traces of past people's lives and to make space for ways of being foreign to present reality. The uncertainty of a past in ruins is a place of possibility that empowers us all to imagine and to work towards a better future.
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The development of archaeology in the 19th century and during the first half of the 20th century is tied to field research primarily led by male archaeologists. Female archaeologists were not expected to participate in nor lead the archaeological excavations but instead were encouraged to study the archaeological finds or museum artifacts. Starting from this initial idea that the beginnings of limes field research in Croatia were in the domain of male archaeologists, our study actually showed quite the opposite, the major impact on the limes field research in Croatia has come from female archaeologists. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to show to what extent and in which ways female archaeologists shaped our present-day knowledge about the Roman army in Croatia through their field research of Roman military sites and the study of Roman military equipment as well
Article
Few archaeological studies of Pre-Columbian Maya peoples mention enslaved individuals. While ethnohistoric texts attest to the likelihood of Indigenous Maya enslavement practices before the arrival of Spanish conquistadores and friars, archaeologists are reluctant to consider such practices and peoples into interpretative frameworks because of their tremendous ambiguity in the archaeological record. This paper embraces and probes the ambiguity of the archaeological record to interrogate the possibility of hidden histories of captive and enslaved Maya individuals in general and captive and enslaved Maya women in particular during the Classic and Postclassic periods. It argues that such women cannot be found in particular types of artifacts or hieroglyphic texts but at the intersection of names and landscapes.
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This paper throws light on the presence and effects of two diverse but noticeable veins of change in archaeology and in academia. On the one hand are current feminist and gender-informed scientific analyses and results. On the other hand, is the New Public Management (NPM) model as implemented at universities and several archaeological organizations, with a focus on academia. A reflection on the “New Multi-tasking Scholar”, who is a product of the NPM model, gave associations to the Factotum, Gioacchino Rossini’s famous character. The discussion will provide a brief update on the various critical voices recently heard. A main conclusion of the paper is that the general environment in archaeology and academia are characterized by a paradox between rhetoric and praxis. This is that expanding gender critical discourses in research, and a strong rhetoric on gender policy, are produced in a setting where we experience the establishment of a new hierarchy.
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Bottom-up approaches have recently been gaining momentum within archaeological research and can be seen as a counter tool against re-emerging top-down narratives. However, they also provide a tool for reflective working procedures and help make research more accessible and reliable. A brief introduction to the current ethnoarchaeological research debate is rounded off with a brief example of the authors’ ethnoarchaeological work on megalithic building traditions on the island of Sumba, Indonesia, and in Nagaland, India. The principles of agent-based simulation modelling and a partial result of a recent simulation study of the land use and settlement dynamics of Neolithic lakeshore settlements in western Switzerland are briefly presented. Both examples show how ethnoarchaeology and agent-based simulation modelling apply bottom-up approaches in their specific field of archaeological knowledge production. Based on the examples’ different perspectives on bottom-up approaches and their place in current debates, it is concluded that both research fields offer much potential for the further use and progressive pursuit of bottom-up guided research in archaeology.
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Before the Second World War, French prehistoric archaeology was dominated by amateurs, allowing only marginal positions for women. With few exceptions, they entered prehistoric research through the back door as assistants to the men. Couples were also present in the interwar period, but wives remained in the shadow of their husbands and were, at best, associated as second authors in the publications. In the 1950s, after the creation of the National Center for Scientific Research, Germaine Henri-Martin was among the first women recruited as a professional. In the 1970s, women were often recruited as technicians or engineers, rarely as researchers, and always around men. Research in prehistory remained predominantly male, and men took up themes valuing activities considered masculine, which were seen as the supreme achievement of “mankind,” particularly hunting and stone knapping. When women entered the profession, they investigated themes rarely approached by men and associated with feminine activities, for example, ornaments or skin work. Since 2000, the recruitment of young women in research has intensified, but their presence in higher rank positions is still less numerous than men.KeywordsPrehistoryAmateur and vocational scientistsWomen professionalizationGlass ceilingTwentieth century
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Gender archaeology remains a marginalised subdiscipline despite decades of feminist literature highlighting its value. This dissertation will examine existing approaches to the teaching of gender theory in UK higher education in order to investigate the impact of curriculum content on perceptions of gender in archaeology. The wider effects of teaching on academic interpretations, and dissemination of archaeological narratives will also be presented through the study of current attitudes towards archaeological representation. These studies will subsequently be used to propose changes in the teaching of gender archaeology in order to highlight it as a relevant and valuable academic pursuit.
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This research uses interviews, photo elicitations, and journals from Syrian CYP in Zaatari refugee camp as well as Syrian and Jordanian CYP in the town of Umm al-Jimal to determine what value heritage provides to CYP in the context of forced migration and host communities. Community archaeology has long aimed to produce outcomes that benefit local stakeholders and surrounding communities as well as address local social justice issues. Under circumstances of war and poverty, how can bottom-up archaeological practices and approaches assist in creating strong host communities for and support resilience in incoming refugees? Using the Umm al-Jimal Archaeological Project (UJAP) in Northern Jordan as a case study, this dissertation evaluates how long-standing archaeological projects inspire value for traditions and heritage conservation despite the negative impacts of globalization. The outcomes show that the UJAP has encouraged the preservation of tangible and intangible heritage in the town of Umm al-Jimal, resulting in a heightened value for local heritage among residents and a desire to pass traditional Bedouin practices onto youth. This desire culminated in the creation of the Hauran Cultural Heritage Project (HCHP) a locally-run heritage education project that teaches Jordanian and Syrian children and young people (CYP) about their shared heritage, but also supports sources of resilience (identity, rights, and safety) and social cohesion. While the HCHP originated in the town of Umm al-Jimal, it has since relocated exclusively to the Zaatari refugee camp, leaving the CYP of Umm al-Jimal without a valuable cultural resource. Therefore, this research also aims to assist in the expansion of the HCHP to once again operate in the town of Umm al-Jimal.
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The women in São Paulo played an active role in communities’ agroforestry and ceramic practices, from Tupiniquim until the Paulista. The Tupiniquim appropriated and transformed the Portuguese pottery, creating the Paulistaware—in order to persist. In some of those communities, Tupiniquim and Portuguese relationships followed the Indigenous ontology of kinship, affinity, and politics of regard. Their places were based on a co-occurrence system of self-sustainability and market economy for two centuries. In the eighteenth century, differences between settlements were even clearer. Plantations were ruled according to the Atlantic economic system, and agroforestry practices were managed in a collaborative way, handling plants and producing Paulistaware. Both coexisted, but their interactions differed in intensity depending on their location and the agency of people at different times. The self-sustainable system provided ceramics to households of every social stratum, from those where Paulistaware was used along with wood and calabash tree vessels, to the wealthiest, where Paulistaware co-existed with imported vessels from Europe. Memory was the way to generate knowledge and connect people—a key element for the persistence of agroforestry communities in contemporary times.
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Do gender roles, or expectations about gender roles, affect what kind of study is pursued by the individual researcher? Has excavation been rather a man's business? And if so, have other kinds of study - regional survey, for example - rather become women's business? These issues are explored as they are illuminated by the research careers of two eminent Australian contemporaries.