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Patterns of digital uses among Israeli Arabs – between citizenship in modern society and traditional cultural roots

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This study examines the digital divide between the Jewish majority and Arab minority in Israeli society as manifested by Internet access and patterns of use. The goals of this paper were to examine the digital divide between these two groups and to identify the factors that influence these gaps. The study is based on data from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics Annual Social Survey, collected in 2011 through face-to-face interviews of 5872 interviewees aged 20-65 years. Jews were found to have an advantage over Arabs in terms of Internet access and in terms of the two types of uses: capital-enhancing and recreational. Our important conclusion is that, theoretically, with background variables being the same, the first-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs can be considered closed; in contrast, the second-level digital divide remains even if human resources in both groups are the same. This gives reason to assume that beyond the impact of human resources, the second-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs originated from their cultural background. Israeli Arabs are a unique minority indigenous group with two affinities - to Israeli modern society (because of citizenship) and to the Arab traditional world (because of their religious and cultural roots). Closing digital gaps requires changes in basic social, economic, and cultural aspects of the Arab sector on the individual level, i.e., personal motivation, as well as on the community level, including collective sociocultural preferences.
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Asian Journal of Communication
ISSN: 0129-2986 (Print) 1742-0911 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rajc20
Patterns of digital uses among Israeli Arabs
– between citizenship in modern society and
traditional cultural roots
Sabina Lissitsa
To cite this article: Sabina Lissitsa (2015) Patterns of digital uses among Israeli Arabs
– between citizenship in modern society and traditional cultural roots, Asian Journal of
Communication, 25:5, 447-464, DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2014.981555
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2014.981555
Published online: 11 Dec 2014.
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ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Patterns of digital uses among Israeli Arabs between citizenship
in modern society and traditional cultural roots
Sabina Lissitsa*
School of Communication, Ariel University, Ariel, Israel
(Received 13 July 2013; accepted 24 October 2014)
This study examines the digital divide between the Jewish majority and Arab minority in
Israeli society as manifested by Internet access and patterns of use. The goals of this paper
were to examine the digital divide between these two groups and to identify the factors
that influence these gaps. The study is based on data from the Israel Central Bureau of
Statistics Annual Social Survey, collected in 2011 through face-to-face interviews of
5872 interviewees aged 2065 years. Jews were found to have an advantage over Arabs
in terms of Internet access and in terms of the two types of uses: capital-enhancing and
recreational. Our important conclusion is that, theoretically, with background variables
being the same, the first-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs can be considered
closed; in contrast, the second-level digital divide remains even if human resources in
both groups are the same. This gives reason to assume that beyond the impact of human
resources, the second-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs originated from their
cultural background. Israeli Arabs are a unique minority indigenous group with two
affinities to Israeli modern society (because of citizenship) and to the Arab traditional
world (because of their religious and cultural roots). Closing digital gaps requires
changes in basic social, economic, and cultural aspects of the Arab sector on the
individual level, i.e., personal motivation, as well as on the community level, including
collective sociocultural preferences.
Keywords: digital divide; capital-enhancing uses; recreational uses; national minorities
1. Introduction
The emergence of the Internet as a worldwide web in the late 1990s made access to
information and knowledge significantly easier. In this period, in which the number of
computers connected to the Internet rose dramatically (Carey, 1996; Hargittai, 2010; Taipale,
2012; Tocatly, 2000), the modern digital revolution began. Internet penetration is on the
increase in many countries. Soon after the Internet started reaching the masses, concerns about
its unequal distribution appeared along with the issue of a digital gap (see, e.g.,Compaine,
2001; Hoffman & Novak, 1998). The ability to use such technologies determines the
difference between marginality and social inclusion. Those who are excluded from
communication and information structures are also effectively excluded from political and
cultural citizenship (Lash, 1994). Research in recent years has produced a number of
arguments in favor of a progressive marginalization of access, and the one-dimensional
concept of digital divide has been replaced by multidimensional concepts of digital inclusion
*Email: sabinal@bezeqint.net
© 2014 AMIC/SCI-NTU
Asian Journal of Communication, 2015
Vol. 25, No. 5, 447464, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2014.981555
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and digital inequalities which focus on how individuals interact with the Internet (Guerrieri &
Bentivegna, 2011; Hargittai, 2004; Warschauer, 2003).
This study investigates digital access and digital uses in a unique Israeli context. The
digital divide between Jews and Arabs in Israeli society is an interesting case in that it
examines how the majority and the minority groups, which differ in economic, cultural,
religious, and demographic terms and live in a cleft society, adopt, and use information
and communication technologies. A study of digital uses among Israeli Arabs is also
unique in that it presents the adoption of these technologies by a social group torn by two
conflicting bonds: one to technological progress as citizens of a modern state and the
other to the traditional world of their families with longstanding customs pertaining to
religion, language, and culture.
The aim of the present study is to examine the gaps in Internet access and digital uses
among and between Jews and Arabs in Israeli society and to identify the factors affecting
these gaps.
1.1. Jews and Arabs in Israel
Israel is a multicultural society in which the Jewish population forms about 75% and the
Arab population forms about 20% of the total population.
The Jewish majority is composed mostly of immigrants and sons and daughters of
immigrants, and Israel is committed to the successful absorption of Jewish immigrants. By
the Law of Return (1950) and the Law of Nationality (1952) every Jew has the right to settle
in Israel, consequently, Jewish immigrants can be awarded Israeli citizenship on arrival.
The Arab minority was granted Israeli citizenship in 1948 (statehood), but until 1966
their rights were suspended in practice as they were under the rule of a military
administration and were confined to specific geographic areas, a step that was justified as
a security measure against a potentially hostile population. Thus their ability to travel in
pursuit of educational and training opportunities and to compete for better jobs in the labor
market was severely hampered. Although these formal restrictions on their mobility were
relaxed after 1967, the fact that Arabs were denied the right of free movement for almost
two decades may have had long-term effects on JewishArab inequality (Okun &
Friedlander, 2005). Since the abolition of the military administration (1966), Arab citizens
have formally enjoyed civil and political rights on an individual, liberal basis, as long as
these rights do not conflict with the national goals of the Jewish majority (Shafir & Peled,
2002). Arab citizens are not conscripted to the Israeli military because of the potential
conflict they would face in any military operations against Arabs. This places their loyalty
to the state in question and constitutes one reason for the ambiguous attitude toward the
Arab population in Israeli society, in which military service is a supreme value.
Perhaps the greatest gaps between Jews and Arabs in Israel are economic and
educational. In the Jewish sector, 54% of high school graduates are entitled to
matriculation certificates each year, as compared to 44% of graduates in the Arab sector.
In 2008, less than a fifth of all undergraduate students in Israeli universities and colleges
were Arabs. In terms of socioeconomic status, about 80% of the Arab communities are
ranked in the four lowest socioeconomic deciles of the Central Bureau of Statistics, and
no Arab communities appear in the four upper deciles (Central Bureau of Statistics
[CBS], 2011).
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Arabs suffer discrimination in the labor market. Although no law or regulation
specifically precludes Arabs from being employed in specific areas, in practice, they are
strikingly underrepresented in many sectors, including government service and defense-
related industries (Lewin-Epstein & Semyonov, 1993). Furthermore, while Israel has two
official languages, Hebrew and Arabic, more prestigious positions usually require mother-
tongue mastery of Hebrew, which at times serves as a barrier to the Arab minority for which
Hebrew is a second language.
Thus the employment opportunities of Arabs are often limited to the public sector in local
Arab areas, in fields such as education, health, and welfare (Al-Haj, 1995). The over-
representation of Jews in higher-status occupations and in professional, scientific, and
managerial positions is paralleled by the disproportionate number of Arabs, especially men, in
skilled and unskilled manual occupations (Kraus & Yonay, 2000). Few Arabs work in the hi-
tech industry, the key economic growth engine in Israel; between 2000 and 2005, the share of
Arabs in the high-tech employment market was approximately 4% (Abraham Fund, 2013).
Although the rate of participation in the labor force among Jewish and Arab men is
almost the same, Arab women account for only one-third as many female workers as
Jewish women. The average household income in the Jewish sector stands at NIS 12,842,
compared to NIS 7744 within the Arab sector (CBS, 2011).
In other words, the Arabs are disadvantaged compared with Jews in every aspect of
social stratification, including education, occupational status, earnings, and standard of
living (Lewin-Epstein & Semyonov, 1993). These disadvantages can be attributed largely
to socioeconomic discrimination and should be understood within the context of the
JewishArab conflict (e.g., Lewin-Epstein & Semyonov, 1993).
However, the two sectors are also divided by cultural differences. In Jewish society,
secular and traditional elements are perceived as much more modern and supportive of
individual enterprise than the more conservative Arab society. This may change in the
future as traditional Arab society, especially in urban areas, undergoes a process of flux
and transformation into a modern society (Ganayem, Rafaeli, & Azaiza, 2009).
The status of women in Arab society is still inferior to that of men, but part of the
modernization process includes the development of a more educated stratum of Arabs
men and women that is dissatisfied with the prevailing situation and perceives traditions
and customs as an important root of the gender gap in Arab society (Ali, 2006).
Israeli Jews and Arabs very rarely meet socially, and the two populations live in
nearly complete geographic isolation, with an almost fully self-segregated school
system. Indeed, 65% of Arab youth report having no Jewish friends on online social
networks (Ganaem, Asaad, & Tibi, 2011). When they do learn about one another
through the mass media, the framing is often one of conflict and of violence (Aburaiya,
Avraham, & Wolfsfeld, 1998; Ashuri, 2010; Wolfsfeld, 1997). Recent opinion polls
demonstrate hostility, which is expressed, for example, in large percentages of Arab
respondents claiming that they would not have a Jewish friend (29% in 2009) or a
Jewish neighbor (43% in 2009), or Jewish respondents claiming that they would not
have an Arab neighbor (51% in 2009) or an Arab supervisor at work (58% in 2009), and
avoid entering into Arab residential areas (66%) (Hermann, Atmor, Heller, & Lebel,
2012; see also Abraham Fund, 2013). The socioeconomic, cultural, and religious
differences between the two groups are likely to have an effect on patterns of
Internet use.
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1.2. The digital inequality
A digital divide is created between those who have access to information and commun-
ication technologies and know how to utilize them, and those who do not (Compaine,
2001). Today, it is customary to separate the digital divide into two levels of inequality: the
first distinguishes between those who are connected and those who are not. The second
characterizes the surfing patterns of those connected to the Internet, including measure-
ments of different types of Internet uses (DiMaggio & Hargittai, 2001; Hargittai, 2003).
As investment in the Internet infrastructure increases, so does the issue of digital access.
Van Dijk (2005) has demonstrated that in terms of physical access to computers and the
Internet, the digital divide is closing in developed countries. Researchers of digital divide
suggest that we should be looking more at inequality in terms of different types of usage
than at inequality in access to the Internet or, in other words, we should focus on the
second-level digital divide(Jin & Cheng, 2008; van Deursen & van Dijk, 2014).
Some Internet usage activities are more beneficial or advantageous for users offering
them greater opportunities and resources for advancing their careers, work, education, and
social status than others intended for momentary consumption or entertainment (e.g.,
DiMaggio, Hargittai, Celeste, & Shafer, 2004;Hargittai&Hinnant,2008; Kim & Kim, 2001;
Mossberger, Tolbert, & Stansbury, 2003; van Dijk, 2005; Zillien & Hargittai, 2009).
Accordingly, the research literature differentiates between digital uses that assist individual
mobility and contribute to closing economic and social strata gaps and uses that are less
connected to these gaps (DiMaggio & Hargittai, 2001; Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008). The first
group includes capital-enhancing uses, which refer to Internet surfing for beneficial purposes,
including seeking health information, researching products, purchasing products, and banking
online (Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Hassani, 2006). Such usage would also enhance political
participation and career advancement (Bakker & de Vreese, 2011; Rahim, Pawanteh, &
Salman, 2011). In terms of the capital and resources theory, inspired by Bourdieu (1984), one
could also say that such users build economic, social, and cultural capital and resources.
The second type is recreational activities, i.e., browsing for fun, playing games,
messaging, downloading music, or gambling online ( Hargittai, 2010; Howard, Rainie, &
Jones, 2001; Jones & Fox, 2009). Most researchers agree that capital-enhancing uses are
more likely to promote beneficial consequences, i.e., they are more likely to increase the
users political knowledge, participation, life chances, and social inclusion (Clark, 2003;
Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Rahim et al., 2011; Warschauer, 2003). Nevertheless, some
researchers have argued that recreational use of the Internet may have beneficial
consequences (Livingstone & Helsper, 2007; Sandvig, 2001). For example, the social
media, which in this research are associated with recreational uses (see Methodology
section), create a platform for communications among a dynamic consortium of people
utilizing social network sites, forums, discussion groups, and blogs in a manner that enables
individuals with a common interest to interact continually and to promote different types of
benefits (Boyd & Ellison, 2007; Bradley, 2006; HaenleIn & Kaplan, 2010).
The narrowing of the access divide and the emergence of a second-level digital
dividehave made SES a weaker predictor of material access and a stronger antecedent to
use patterns (Wei & Hindman, 2011). Those groups with higher income and education
tend more toward capital-enhancing uses, while those with lower education and income
levels tend more toward recreational uses (Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Howard et al.,
2001; Madden, 2003). Moreover, Helsper and Galacz (2009) found that those with a
lower level of education are less likely to use the Internet for capital-enhancing purposes,
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even when their levels of Internet access and skills are similar to those with more
education. In the Netherlands, a country in which access gaps have been virtually
eradicated, van Deursen and van Dijk (2014) found that although low-educated spend
more time online, those with higher social status use the Internet in more beneficial ways.
1.3. Digital divide between different population groups
According to the research literature ethnicity is one of the main predictors of ICT adoption.
Studies of the digital divide have shown that ethnic and national minority groups are less
likely to use the Internet and that their access depends on income and educational levels.
Hence, the digital divide apparently replicates existing inequalities (Dupagne & Salwen,
2005; Fairlie, 2007). In the USA, rates of Internet access and variety of uses among Afro-
Americans and Hispanics are lower than among Whites and those from Asiatic countries
(Losh, 2010). Lower rates of Internet access among Afro-Americans and Hispanics are
connected to their lower socioeconomic status (Greenstein & Prince, 2006). However,
when controlling for education, ethnic differences disappear college graduates in all these
groups had similar Internet access rates (Fox & Livingston, 2007). Israeli studies have
indicated higher access rates in the Jewish sector as compared to the minority Arab sector
(Avidar, 2009; Lev-On & Lissitsa, 2010; Lissitsa & Lev-On, 2014).
Studies indicate that the same variables that are responsible for creating gaps in
Internet access also explain differences in digital uses (DiMaggio & Hargittai, 2001; van
Deursen & van Dijk, 2011). These include demographic variables: gender (Losh, 2010;
Taipale, 2012; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007; Zillien & Hargittai, 2009), age (Darnton, 2006;
Hargittai, 2002; Losh 2010), level of religiosity (Campbell, 2005a,2005b;Ess,
Kawabata, & Kurosaki, 2007; Lev-On & Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2012), area of domicile
(LaRose, Gregg, Strover, Straubhaar, Carpenter, 2007) and socioeconomic and human
capital variables: education ( DiMaggio & Bonikowski, 2008; DiMaggio et al., 2004),
income (Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Losh, 2010; Mesch & Talmud, 2011), and language
proficiency (Fairlie, 2007; Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2014; Qian & Lichter, 2007).
Studies conducted in Israel indicate a digital divide between Jews and Arabs, which is
evident in both Internet access and Internet uses (Ganayem et al., 2009; Lev-On & Lissitsa,
2010; Lissitsa & Lev-On, 2014; Mesch & Talmud, 2011). This digital divide reflects cultural
differences between the modern Jewish sector and the traditional and conservative Arab society
as well as stratification gaps between these populations, which disappear when controlling for
education, income, and occupational status (Mesch & Talmud, 2011).
Research Questions:
The present study examined the following questions:
(1) How large is the digital divide in Israeli society between Jews and Arabs?
(2) Which variables predict the digital divide between these groups?
2. Method
2.1. Source of data
Study data relied on the Annual Social Survey conducted by Israels Central Bureau of
Statistics (CBS) in 2011. The CBS conducts a social survey annually using different
respondents each year. CBS interviewers carried out face-to-face interviews in Hebrew,
Russian, and Arabic.
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2.2. Population and sample
The survey population comprises the permanent noninstitutionalized population of Israel
aged 20 and older. The CBS sample consisted of 7500 individuals aged 20 and older,
representing about 4.5 million people in that age bracket. The response rate was
around 80%.
From this sample only Jews and Arabs of working age were filtered (2065 years old).
The filtered sample included 5972 respondents aged 2065: 4858 Jews and 1014 Arabs.
2.3. Variables
2.3.1. Independent variables
Background variables: nationality, gender, age, religiosity, and area of residence.
Socio-economic and human capital variables: years of schooling, income, Hebrew,
and English proficiency.
2.3.2. Dependent variables
Access to Internet was measured by the following item: During the last three months,
have you made use of the Internet, including email?
Internet uses were measured by the following items: Did you use a computer during the
last three months for: searching for information; email; discussion groups and communica-
tions; games; paying bills; downloading files; and buying products.
In each item, users were coded as 1 and nonusers as 0.
3. Data analysis
First, the basic findings regarding Internet access and uses among Jews and Arabs will be
presented. Afterward, the gaps in access and in uses will be explained, based on
background and SES variables.
3.1. Description of the digital divide in terms of Internet access and digital uses
Table 1 presents Internet access and digital uses among Jews and Arabs.
As can be seen in Table 1, rates of Internet access were higher among Jews, compared to
Arabs. The most widespread Internet uses among the population as a whole were seeking
information and using electronic mail. The least common uses were online purchases and
paying bills. Jews had an advantage in all digital uses, compared to Arabs. The highest
differences between the two groups were found in searching for information (79% of the
Jews used the Internet for seeking information, compared to 46% of the Arabs) and social
media (52% and 23%, respectively) the uses that have the potential for increasing users
economic, cultural, and social capital in Bourdieus(1984) terms. The narrowest digital gap
was found in gaming (32% among Jews compared to 24% among Arabs).
3.2. Building measures for online uses
In order to examine whether general categories can be identified within the seven Internet
uses presented earlier, a principal component factor analysis was performed with varimax
rotation. The factors obtained in the analysis with factor loadings for the items and
reliability coefficients are presented in Table 2.
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From Table 2 it can be seen that the analysis yielded two factors. The first factor,
which included paying bills, online shopping, sending and receiving email, and searching
for information, explained 29% of the variance. This factor represented capital-enhancing
Internet uses. The second factor, which included games, participating in discussion
groups, and downloading content, explained 16% of the variance. This factor represented
recreational Internet uses. It should be noted that these content worlds correlate to the
classification of digital uses in the research literature (Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Hassani,
2006; Howard et al., 2001; Hargittai, 2010).
All the loadings were above 0.40. The reliability coefficients for capital-enhancing
uses (Cronbachs alpha = 0.78) and recreational uses (Cronbachs alpha = 0.63) made it
possible to build measures for each of these two content worlds. The scale for measuring
capital-enhancing uses ranged from 0 (does not employ any of the uses) to 4 (employs all
four types of activities in Factor 1). The scale for recreational uses ranged from 0 (does
not employ any of the uses) to 3 (employs all three types of activities in Factor 2). The
respondents tended to a mean of two capital-enhancing uses (of the four examined) and
one recreational use (of three). Findings from the independent samples t-test indicated a
significant advantage for Jews, compared to Arabs, in capital-enhancing (t (1; 5870) =
24.9) and recreational uses (t(1; 5870) = 14.7).
Table 1. Percentage of Internet access and Internet uses by nationality, χ
2
results.
Total sample Jews Arabs χ2
Internet access 77.5% 83% 53% 427.7
Internet uses (descending order by total sample)
To search for information 73.4% 79.1% 46.3% 463.4
For e-mails 68.3% 74.6% 37.9% 523
For downloads 50.4% 53.4% 36.1% 100.7
For discussion groups 47.2% 52.3% 23.0% 289.1
For shopping 31.3% 35.4% 11.6% 221
For games 30.4% 31.8% 23.6% 26.9
To pay bills 28.6% 32.3% 10.7% 193.2
Table 2. Factor analysis findings.
Factor loadings Cronbach alpha
1. Capital-enhancing uses .78
Used computer to pay bills 0.77
Used computer for shopping 0.72
Used computer for e-mails 0.55
Used computer to search for information 0.42
2. Recreational uses .63
Used computer for games .77
Used computer for discussion groups .67
Used computer for downloads .60
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3.3. Predicting Internet access
In order to predict Internet access, a logistic regression was performed in three stages
according to the research model (see Table 4). In the first stage, the background variables
gender, age, place of residence, and level of religiosity were tested. In the second stage,
years of schooling, proficiency in Hebrew and English, and income were added. In the
third stage, in order to evaluate intergroup differences controlling for background and
SES variables, nationality was entered. In the fourth stage, the interactional effect
between gender and nationality was added in order to identify whether patterns of gender
effect on digital uses differ between Jews and Arabs.
As can be seen from Table 3, Model 1, the probability of surfing vs. not surfing
the Internet in the preceding three months, was higher among females, compared to
males (exp(b) = 0.74). The probability of access was found to be higher among the young
(exp(b) = 0.95) and the secular (exp(b) = 2.22). No differences in the probability of surfing
vs. not surfing the Internet were found between central and periphery residents (exp(b) =
1.15). The higher the years of schooling (exp(b) = 2.04), proficiency in Hebrew (exp(b) =
1.55), proficiency in English (exp(b) = 2.18), and income (exp(b) = 1.08), the higher was
the probability of Internet usage (see Model 2). After controlling for background and SES
variables (see model 3), probability of using the Internet among Arabs is about half that of
Jews [(exp(b) = 0.46) for the nationality variable]. In this model, the advantage of females
over males disappeared (exp(b) = 0.83). The effects of other sociodemographic variables in
Model 3 were similar to those described in Model 2. In the fourth model, after entering the
interactional effect between gender and nationality, the access gap between Jews and Arabs
became insignificant (exp(b) = 0.73). In this model, the main effect of gender on Internet
access was insignificant, i.e., no gender differences were evident in the Jewish sector
(exp(b) = 0.95). However, the interactional effect was negative and significant (exp(b) =
0.49), i.e., Arab females have a significant advantage over Arab males in Internet access,
after controlling for sociodemographic variables.
In studying quality measures of the model, it can be seen that the sociodemographic
variables explained about 46% of the variance for the Internet access variable.
According to the findings, it can be concluded that a first-level digital divide between
Jews and Arabs still exists, but after controlling for sociodemographic variables, this gap
disappeared, in other words, the first-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs is a
result of differences in human resources between these two sectors. The gender divide in
Internet access has already been closed in the Jewish sector but still exists among Arabs.
In addition, in keeping with the research literature (Bell, Reddy, & Rainie, 2004;
Hargittai, 2010; Lev-On & Lissitsa, 2010; Mizrahi, Bar, Hezronov, & Oron, 2005), the
digital divide based on age, religiosity, SES, and human capital variables still exists.
3.4. Predicting digital uses with sociodemographic variables
In order to predict the two types of digital use (capital-enhancing and recreational) among
Internet users, two linear regressions were conducted in stages (see Tables 4 and 5). The
independent variables were introduced to these models as in the logistic regression
described above.
3.4.1. Capital-enhancing uses
Model 1 indicates that males are more likely to employ capital-enhancing uses, compared
to females ( β= 0.08). The tendency to capital-enhancing uses was found to be higher
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Table 3. Logistic regression results for predicting Internet access.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
B Exp(b) B Exp(b) B Exp(b) B Exp(b)
Gender (male = 1) 0.30** 0.74 0.29** 0.75 0.19 0.83 0.05 0.95
Age 0.06** 0.95 0.05** 0.95 0.06** 0.94 0.06** 0.94
Area of residence (center = 1) 0.14 1.15 0.16 0.85 0.24* 0.79 0.23* 0.80
Religiosity 0.80** 2.22 0.86** 2.37 0.83** 2.29 0.83** 2.29
Years of schooling 0.71** 2.04 0.67** 1.95 0.66** 1.93
Proficiency in Hebrew 0.44** 1.55 0.39** 1.48 0.40** 1.50
Proficiency in English 0.78** 2.18 0.76** 2.14 0.76** 2.13
Income 0.08** 1.08 0.08** 1.08 0.08** 1.08
Nationality (Arabs = 1) 0.78** 0.46 0.32 0.73
Interaction (Gender * Nationality) 0.71** 0.49
Constant 1.71 5.53 4.44 0.01 3.54 0.03 3.55 0.03
Cox and Snell R
2
0.12 0.27 0.28 0.28 .
Nagelkerke R
2
0.20 0.44 0.45 0.46
**p< .01.
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Table 4. Predicting capital-enhancing uses by sociodemographic variables, findings of linear regression analysis.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
BβBβBβBβ
(Constant) 2.20 0.29 0.50 0.50
Gender (male = 1) 0.17** 0.08 0.13** 0.06 0.15** 0.08 0.15** 0.08
Age 0.01** 0.08 0.01** 0.11 0.01** 0.13 0.01** 0.13
Area of residence (center = 1) 0.20** 0.10 0.05 0.03 0.01 0.00 0.01 0.00
Religiosity 0.16** 0.15 0.12** 0.11 0.10** 0.10 0.10** 0.10
Years of schooling 0.25** 0.23 0.25** 0.23 0.25** 0.23
Proficiency in Hebrew 0.12** 0.08 0.12** 0.08 0.12** 0.08
Proficiency in English 0.35** 0.15 0.30** 0.13 0.30** 0.13
Income 0.02** 0.17 0.02** 0.17 0.02** 0.17
Nationality (Arabs =1) 0.44** 0.14 0.44** 0.14
Interaction (Gender * Nationality) 0.00 0.00
R
2
0.05 0.22 .024 0.24
**p< .01.
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Table 5. Predicting recreational uses by sociodemographic variables, findings of linear regression analysis.
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
BβBβBβBβ
(Constant) 2.05 2.72 2.82 2.82
Gender (male = 1) 0.14** 0.07 0.13** 0.06 0.14** 0.07 0.15** 0.08
Age 0.03** 0.30 0.03** 0.31 0.03** 0.32 0.03** 0.32
Area of residence (center = 1) 0.07* 0.03 0.07* 0.04 0.10** 0.05 0.10** 0.05
Religiosity 0.18** 0.17 0.16** 0.15 0.16** 0.15 0.16** 0.15
Years of schooling 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.01
Proficiency in Hebrew 0.14** 0.10 0.14** 0.10 0.14** 0.09
Proficiency in English 0.17** 0.08 0.14** 0.06 0.14** 0.06
Income 0.00 0.01 0.00 0.01 0.00 0.01
Nationality (Arabs = 1) 0.23** 0.07 0.18** 0.06
Interaction (Gender*Nationality) 0.08 0.02
R
2
0.11 0.12 0.13 0.13
**p< .01.
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among young ( β=0.08) and secular ( β= 0.15). Residents of the center tend to capital-
enhancing uses more than periphery residents ( β= 0.10).
After controlling for Hebrew and English language proficiency, education, and
income (see Model 2), the effects of age slightly increased ( β=0.11), the effects of
gender ( β= 0.06), and religiosity ( β= 0.11) diminished slightly and the effect of locality
became insignificant ( β= 0.03). The higher the years of schooling ( β= 0.23), proficiency
in Hebrew ( β= 0.08), proficiency in English ( β= 0.15), and income ( β= 0.17), the
higher were the capital-enhancing uses.
As can be seen in Model 3, Jews had the advantage over Arabs in capital-enhancing
uses ( β=0.14), after controlling for sociodemographic variables. The effects of the
sociodemographic variables remained the same. According to our findings, the effect of
education on capital-enhancing uses ( β= 0.23) was higher than the effects of other
sociodemographic variables.
After entering the interactional effect between gender and nationality (see Model 4)
the gap in capital-enhancing uses between Jews and Arabs remained ( β=0.14). The
interactional effect between gender and nationality (see Model 4) was insignificant, i.e.,
among Internet users patterns of gender differences in capital-enhancing uses are similar
between Jews and Arabs. Model fit was about 24%. It should be noted that model fit rose
dramatically (from 0.05 to 0.22) in Model 2 after entering human capital and SES
variables. It is important to note that the R
2
in the sample of Internet users was only about
24% (compared to 46% for predicting Internet use). This may be a result of a self-
selection process among Internet adopters compared to the general population. In other
words, the main selection on the basis of sociodemographic characteristics occurs in the
first-level digital divide, whereas among Internet users, the distinguishing ability of these
characteristics is much lower.
3.4.2. Recreational uses
Model 1 indicates that males are more likely to engage in recreational uses, compared to
females ( β= 0.07). The tendency to recreational uses was found to be higher among
young ( β=0.30) and secular ( β= 0.17). Periphery residents tend more to surf Internet
for recreat ional purposes, compared to center residents ( β=0.03).
After controlling for human capital and SES variables (see Model 2), the effects of
background variables remain the same. The effects of years of schooling and income on
recreational uses were insignificant, whereas these variables had significant and relatively
strong effects on capital-enhancing uses. This finding correlates with the research
literature (Howard et al., 2001; Madden, 2003).
As for the impact of language proficiency, the higher the English proficiency ( β=
0.08) and the lower the Hebrew proficiency ( β=0.10), the higher were recreational
uses. English and mother tongue are often sufficient for recreational uses: English is
useful for downloading and online games, mother tongue is usually employed for
correspondence in forums, social networks, and discussion groups with members of the
same sector; therefore, Hebrew proficiency is not necessary for these uses. The fact that
Hebrew proficiency does not have a positive impact on recreational uses can indicate a
lack of interactions between Jews and Arabs in the social media framework. In addition, a
negative effect can indicate that better proficiency in Hebrew allows individuals to spend
their leisure time in more beneficial ways.
S. Lissitsa
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As can be seen in Model 3, Jews had the advantage over Arabs in recreational uses
(β=0.07), when controlling for sociodemographic variables. The interactional effect
between gender and nationality (see Model 4) was insignificant, i.e., among Internet
users patterns of gender differences are similar between Jews and Arabs. The effects of
other sociodemographic variables on recreational uses after entering the interactional
effect remained the same. According to our findings, the effect of age on recreational
uses ( β=0.32) was higher than the effects of other sociodemographic variables. This
finding correlates with the research literature (Brandtzæg, Heim & Karahasano-
vić,2011).
In addition, sociodemographic variables explained recreational uses (Model fit = 0.13)
less than capital-enhancing uses (Model fit = 0.24).
4. Discussion
This study focused on two national groups within Israeli society: Jews and Arabs. As can
be seen in the literature review, over the years Jews have maintained a prominent
advantage over Arabs in terms of education and socioeconomic status. Effective use of
the Internet represents an important human capital resource for citizens of a modern state,
one that can serve minority groups as a channel for social mobility if the required skills
are acquired. However, if a digital divide between members of the dominant culture and
the minority culture persists, the Internet may function to reinforce inequalities of power
and knowledge, creating more profound gaps between the groups (Castells, 2002; Norris,
2001; Witte & Mannon, 2010).
The current study examined two levels of the digital divide: access to the Internet and
the so-called second-leveldigital divide, i.e., differences in digital uses. In keeping with
the research literature (Avidar, 2009; Lev-On & Lissitsa, 2010), our findings indicate that
Jews in Israel have an advantage in digital access, compared to Arabs. However, this
advantage disappeared after controlling for sociodemographic variables. Thus, the first-
level digital divide between Jews and Arabs originated from differences in human
resources between these two groups.
However, entering cyberspace is only the first step of digital inclusion. Which content
to use and how to utilize the power of the Internet are more important questions. As was
the case in studies from elsewhere in the world (DiMaggio & Hargittai, 2001; Hargittai,
2010; Hargittai & Hinnant, 2008; Hassani, 2006; Howard et al., 2001), two main types of
digital uses were found in Israeli society: capital-enhancing (email, seeking information,
purchasing, and paying) and recreational (games, social media, and downloading
content). Salient differences between groups were found in both types of uses, with
Jews tending to use the Internet for these purposes more than Arabs.
According to our findings among Internet users, after controlling for sociodemo-
graphic variables, Jews still have a significant advantage over Arabs in capital-enhancing
and recreational uses. Therefore, the second-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs
does not derive only from differences between the resources of the groups but also
apparently can be explained by the sociocultural context as well. These usage gaps
between Jews and Arabs reflect cultural differences between the mostly modern and
secular Jewish sector and the more traditional and conservative Arab society (Mesch &
Talmud, 2011). The late introduction and ineffective use of the Internet in the Arab sector
may be attributable to cultural factors that link Israeli Arabs with the traditional Muslim
Asian Journal of Communication 459
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world. In the Arab world, the Internet is perceived as a disruptive influence to tradition,
extreme religious instruction, and the prevailing patriarchal orientation (Bunt, 2007;
Dahlberg, 2007; Loch, Straub, & Kamel, 2003) by making more modern views of
liberalism, secularism, and feminism, among other issues, accessible. From an early age,
young people in Arab society are aware of their real-life social networks and of their own
position within them. They learn traditional networking and respect those who are adept
at it (Weir & Hutchings, 2005). Moreover, participation in family and religious networks
is not optional; it is mandatory, and it is unquestioned. This explains why the emergence
of virtual communitieshas generated consternation among conservative circles (Warf &
Vincent, 2007), on the one hand, and incredulity, on the other hand, among those who
perceive Arab culture as offering easily accessible, useful, and successful alternatives as
the prevailing default mode.
Finally, it is important to mention the limitations of this study, which derive from the
limitations of the CBS social survey database. Based on how the CBS formulated some of
the dependent variables in its social surveys, it is not possible to discern whether uses
were dedicated exclusively to serving capital-enhancing or recreational needs. For
example, emails could be used for both types of needs. Similarly, the question about
downloading content from the Internet included details that could serve both uses: it is
possible to download programs for capital-enhancing needs or music and pictures for
entertainment and pleasure. The use of social media can also serve both needs. In our
study, the social media factor was assigned to recreational uses in the factor analysis,
although in the literature such uses also constitute part of social capital that can promote
social mobility (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007). In future studies, formulations
should be used that make it possible to unequivocally attribute digital uses to one of these
two worlds of content.
An additional limitation of our cross-sectional study is the fact that we used income
only as an independent variable. In future studies, it would be better to use a longitudinal
study similar to the research model employed by DiMaggio and Bonikowski (2008): in
the first stage, examining the effect of income on Internet access and uses and after a
given period of time, investigating the effect of digital uses on income. However, to date
no large-scale longitudinal studies of this type have been conducted in Israel.
5. Conclusions
Our important conclusion is that, theoretically, with background variables being the same,
the first-level digital divide between Jews and Arabs can be considered closed; in
contrast, the second-level digital divide remains even if the human resources of both
groups are the same. The results of the current investigation suggest that overcoming
digital divides is a complex challenge that goes beyond improving access or Internet
skills. Closing digital gaps requires changes in basic social, economic, and cultural
aspects of the Arab sector on the individual level, i.e., personal motivation, as well as on
the community level, including collective sociocultural preferences. The cultural change
should be reflected in the disposition of individuals to ICT appropriateness and
perceived usefulness of the technology, willingness to engage in computer training,
aspirations for leveraging skills. We also believe that the acceptance of Internet use by
Arab religious and community authorities can facilitate its penetration among the more
traditional and older segments of the Arab sector and promote change at the community
S. Lissitsa
460
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level. The key to this transformation may lie in emphasizing to the leaders how Internet
use can enhance religious and traditional indoctrination. Similar phenomena occurred
among ultra-orthodox Jews in Israel (Lev-On & Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2012).
According to our findings, English and Hebrew proficiency have a positive impact on
capital-enhancing digital uses. Mastery of these languages facilitates mobility in Israels
labor market and promotes access to more prestigious and better-paying jobs (Ben-David,
2014). We believe that better professional adjustment among minorities can be facilitated
by combining intensive professional Hebrew and English learning with the acquisition of
computer and digital literacy. Specifically, we recommend the development of learning
programs that promote the acquisition of language abilities and of the relevant digital
information, strategic, and communication skills required by the modern labor market. At
the same time, it is important to continue efforts to increase the scope and quality of
content materials that are published on Israeli public sites in Arabic.
We believe that these recommendations can contribute to a narrowing of the digital
divide and that digital technology can serve as a mobility channel and catalyst that enable
minority groups to attain greater social and economic equality and progress to a more
equitable, just and prosperous society.
Notes on contributor
Dr. Sabina Lissitsa is a senior lecturer in the Communication School at Ariel University.
She earned her Ph.D. from Tel-Aviv University in 2006, specializing in integration of
FSU immigrants in Israeli society. Her research interests are: digital divide, immigrants
integration, intercultural relations and leisure-time activities.
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... The Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) study found that 34% of Arab citizens aged 16-65 have poor proficiency in accessing, analyzing, and communicating information using common computer applications, compared with 9% of Jewish citizens in the same age range (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics and Israel National Authority for Measurement and Evaluation in Education, 2016). Within Israel, Arab Internet users also report that they use the Internet to search for information less often than Jewish Internet users (46% vs 79%, respectively; Lissitsa, 2015). In addition, within Arab society in Israel, Hebrew and English proficiency correlates with capital-enhancing uses of the Internet, such as searching for information (Lissitsa, 2015). ...
... Within Israel, Arab Internet users also report that they use the Internet to search for information less often than Jewish Internet users (46% vs 79%, respectively; Lissitsa, 2015). In addition, within Arab society in Israel, Hebrew and English proficiency correlates with capital-enhancing uses of the Internet, such as searching for information (Lissitsa, 2015). In two surveys conducted between 2011 and 2014, between 61 and 68% of Arab Internet users reported that they preferred reading Arabic-language websites, whereas 25-28% preferred Hebrew-language websites (Ganayem, 2018). ...
Article
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The Internet has potential to alleviate inequality in general and specifically with respect to science literacy. Nevertheless, digital divides persist in online access and use, as well as in subsequent social outcomes. Among these, the “language divide” partly determines how successful users are in their Internet use depending on their proficiency in languages, and especially in English. To examine whether the quality of online scientific information varies between languages when conducting searches from the same country, we compared online search results regarding scientific terms in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. Findings indicate that searches in English yielded overall higher quality results, compared with Hebrew and Arabic, but mostly in pedagogical aspects, rather than scientific ones. Clustering the results by language yielded better separation than clustering by scientific field, pointing to a “language divide” in access to online science content. We argue that scientific communities and institutions should mitigate this language divide.
... Second, Israel's society reflects deep divisions, as can be seen in the extensive segregation in force in terms of residential, educational, political and labor market parameters, and protracted conflict between the majority and minority groups (Jews and Arabs, respectively) [26]. Third, over the past decade, Israeli society has undergone dramatic ICT diffusion [27,28] that enables us to reveal initial indications as to which digital uses may be potentially useful to create and maintain political trust and among which groups. ...
... In Israel, the digital divide between Jews and Arabs is manifested both in terms of Internet access and uses [27,[47][48][49][50]. These Jewish-Arab usage gaps reflect, in part, cultural differences. ...
Article
The current study was based on data from a nationwide Annual Social Survey to investigate the correlation between types of Internet usage (seeking information, e-government use, e-mail, social media and peer-to-peer Internet telephony) and trust in political institutions in Israel's Jewish majority and Arab minority. Trust in government, parliament, and political parties was found to be significantly higher among Jews than Arabs. Our findings show that first level digital divide reflected in Internet use vs non-use does not correlate with political trust. Among Internet users we found different patterns of association between digital uses and trust in political institutions, which may presumably be explained by different group status. E-government use and social media use were positively correlated with political trust only among Jews. Seeking information and e-mail use were negatively associated with trust in political institutions only among Arabs. Peer-to-peer Internet telephony was negatively correlated with trust in government among both groups. Our important finding is that in spite of the processes of digitization, the effects of digital use on political trust are still relatively marginal. In both groups, the primary predictor of political trust is attitudes toward the functioning of different public institutions.
... Arab young adults often perceive themselves as distanced from their Jewish peers, as many live in traditional societies segregated by culture, policy, geography, and discrimination from the Jewish majority (Segev et al., 2022), increasing the likelihood that they will experience linguistic, cultural, and digital gaps (Gamliel & Hazan, 2014;Husny Arar & Masry-Herzalah, 2014;Lissitsa, 2015). ...
... Furthermore, research has demonstrated that social and cultural factors can influence the use of digital technologies in societies, particularly among ethnic minority groups [11,12]. A survey of the Scopus citation database of studies between 2015 and 2017 shows a sharp increase in publications on the digital economy (from 509 to 3585) and socio-cultural factors (from 540 to 1030). ...
Article
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We define the digital economy as all economic activities conducted through the use of information technologies, including activities to create new markets, expand old ones, and produce digital goods and services. The digital economy has become a major driver of sustainable development and the transition towards a greener economy. However, studies show an unequal level of progress among cities, regions, and countries. Consequently, this paper explores the associations between socio-cultural factors (such as attitudes towards marriage/raising a family) and components of the digital economy (such as expenses/investment in ICT and the proportion of personal computers and the Internet in households). This study specifically examines twenty-two ethnic minority regions in Russia with data covering a five-year period. Using the Pearson correlation coefficient, the results show that socio-cultural factors including a large urban population and high divorce rates were positively associated with the digital economy, whereas a large rural population, higher birth rates, and higher natural population growth were negatively correlated with the digital economy.
... This divide increased loneliness, isolation, and poverty for many care leavers during COVID-19 and likely also before and after COVID-19. Providing care leavers with different means of communication and relevant online experiences could decrease loneliness and increase social capital (Lissitsa, 2015). ...
Article
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Following COVID-19, young people who transitioned to adulthood from different types of alternative care (care leavers) experienced an exacerbation of the challenges they had before the pandemic. The purpose of this international survey was to explore the range of policy and service responses that have or have not been implemented around the world to support care leavers during COVID-19. Responses were collected from care-leaving researchers from 19 countries toward the end of 2020. Half of the participating countries reported that the state had issued directives about measures that should be taken to support care leavers following COVID-19 outbreak, but only three reported actual changes in legislation. Additionally, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in various countries took steps to guide and support care leavers, while two thirds reported on special initiatives that were mounted. The most common change in practices during COVID-19 was the postponement of exits from care, and the second was an increase in contact from workers. These findings are critically discussed in relation to the impact of policy changes on an already vulnerable group. In particular, we indicate that there appears to be a widening care gap: Some countries with stronger leaving care legal and policy frameworks pre-COVID-19 were more inclined to introduce additional supportive measures during the pandemic, whereas some with underdeveloped services tended not to increase the support. By contrast, other countries used this crisis to develop services that were not available before. The creativity and flexibility in the services provided during the COVID-19 outbreak are required on an ongoing basis and thus should be implemented overall.
... It is important to note that digital infrastructure and broadband connections are widespread in Israel, which means that infrastructure access is no longer a major barrier to digital inclusion. However, there is ample evidence of digital inequality based on nationality (Lissitsa, 2015b), ethnicity (Rosenberg, 2020), age (Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2015), religiosity (Lissitsa & Roth Cohen, 2018), disability (Lissitsa & Madar, 2018) and SES (Lev-On, Steinfeld, Abu-Kishk, & Naim; G Mesch, Talmud & Kolobov, 2013.) -which have diminished but not disappeared over time. ...
Article
Using data from large scale Annual Social Surveys of the CBS in Israel, the current research focused on patterns of digital inequality among Israeli mothers between 2014 and 2019. The main purpose of the current study was to investigate digital inequality among mothers based on their marital status when controlling for their socioeconomic status (SES) and to clarify whether the patterns of digital inequality are stable or changeable over time. Among both single and married mothers the highest adoption rates were found for seeking information and social media, while internet use for study and e-government services were the lowest. Digital inequality among mothers is best explained by social class, rather than by the difficulties and restrictions of single motherhood. Both groups of mothers were consistent in their pace of digital use adoption over time, so if effective intervention strategies are not introduced, between-group gaps will continue to exist. Policymakers' implementation of our specific recommendations may produce beneficial effects for the promotion of Internet use among single mothers.
... Only upper-class families send their children to Catholic or elite Jewish schools. Consequently, Palestinian Israelis do not fare well in admission to higher education institutions (Arar, 2012;Al-Haj, 1995;Feniger et al., 2015;Lissitsa, 2015). Palestinian Israeli families compose 15% of total families, yet they represent 38% of poor families in the country (Mayers-JDC-Brookdale, 2018). ...
Research
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The research adds new data regarding the digital divide in Israel, the internet infrastructure, internet uses, and cyber security issues among Arab-Israeli citizens.
Conference Paper
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This paper explores published research on Indigenous digital inclusion, starting from the premise that Indigenous peoples adopt and use digital technologies in ways that fit their specific social contexts. Analysis of search results from Scopus and Web of Science aimed to identify common themes and approaches, and to explore differences and interconnections between research from disparate academic disciplines. The findings indicate that research from Australasia features prominently and that the Social and Computer Sciences produce the bulk of the work in this area. Conclusions comment on the importance of a strengths-based, as opposed to a deficit, approach to research and instruction in Indigenous digital inclusion.
Book
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Much of the discussion about new technologies and social equality has focused on the oversimplified notion of a "digital divide." Technology and Social Inclusion moves beyond the limited view of haves and have-nots to analyze the different forms of access to information and communication technologies. Drawing on theory from political science, economics, sociology, psychology, communications, education, and linguistics, the book examines the ways in which differing access to technology contributes to social and economic stratification or inclusion. The book takes a global perspective, presenting case studies from developed and developing countries, including Brazil, China, Egypt, India, and the United States. A central premise is that, in today's society, the ability to access, adapt, and create knowledge using information and communication technologies is critical to social inclusion. This focus on social inclusion shifts the discussion of the "digital divide" from gaps to be overcome by providing equipment to social development challenges to be addressed through the effective integration of technology into communities, institutions, and societies. What is most important is not so much the physical availability of computers and the Internet but rather people's ability to make use of those technologies to engage in meaningful social practices.
Chapter
A collection of research reports on policy issues involving telecommunications, particularly the Internet. Until the 1980s, it was presumed that technical change in most communications services could easily be monitored from centralized state and federal agencies. This presumption was long outdated prior to the commercialization of the Internet. With the Internet, the long-forecast convergence of voice, video, and text bits became a reality. Legislation, capped by the Telecommunications Act of 1996, created new quasi-standards such as "fair" and "reasonable" for the FCC and courts to apply, leading to nonstop litigation and occasional gridlock. This book addresses some of the many telecommunications areas on which public policy makers, corporate strategists, and social activists must reach agreement. Topics include the regulation of access, Internet architecture in a commercial era, communications infrastructure development, the Digital Divide, and information policy issues such as intellectual property and the retransmission of TV programming via the Internet.
Book
There is widespread concern that the growth of the Internet is exacerbating inequalities between the information rich and poor. Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
Book
A timely study by two well-known scholars offers a theoretically informed account of the political sociology of Israel. The analysis is set within its historical context as the authors trace Israel's development from Zionist settlement in the 1880s, through the establishment of the state in 1948, to the present day. Against this background the authors speculate on the relationship between identity and citizenship in Israeli society, and consider the differential rights, duties and privileges that are accorded different social strata. In this way they demonstrate that, despite ongoing tensions, the pressure of globalization and economic liberalization has gradually transformed Israel from a frontier society to one more oriented towards peace and private profit. This unexpected conclusion offers some encouragement for the future of this troubled region. However, Israel's position towards the peace process is still subject to a tug-of-war between two conceptions of citizenship: liberal citizenship on the one hand, and a combination of the remnants of republican citizenship associated with the colonial settlement with an ever more religiously defined ethno-nationalist citizenship, on the other.
Book
The Economic Impact of Digital Technologies offers a profoundly illuminating examination of ICT transformations in Europe and its critical role in greater social inequality. It presents scholars and policy makers with original and practical tools to benchmark and assess the ICT diffusion and inclusion process. The core message of the book is that a coherent European strategy for embedding ICT technologies in society is long overdue.