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Who is Afraid of the Ontological Wolf? Some Comments on an Ongoing Anthropological Debate

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Abstract

This article, which was delivered as the 2014 Annual Marilyn Strathern Lecture, outlines both some of the stimuli that led to the 'ontological turn' in anthropology and some of its implications. Ontology is outlined here by the author as an anti-epistemological and counter-cultural, philosophical war machine.

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... » (de Certeau 1990:123) 1. Énoncé général du problème : histoires, contextes, concepts à La Martre Ce travail de doctorat s'ancre sur le site nord-gaspésien de La Martre (Québec, Canada), dont l'occupation possiblement ininterrompue depuis le retrait du front glaciaire et l'habitabilité du territoire il y a environ onze mille ans agence différents événements (Chalifoux 1999b, Chalifoux et Tremblay 1998, Dumais 2000 : bifaces, éclats, affleurements de chert, labours, terrasses C'est suivre des lignes de déploiement pour participer à la formation du réel. C'est ce travail par lequel nous apprenons à connaître lorsque nous sommes confrontés à ce que nous ne connaissions pas déjà (Bateson 1972, Bergson 1987, de Certeau 1990, Deleuze 2011, Deleuze et Guattari 1980, Haraway 2016, Ingold 2013:134-136, 2011, Jackson 2013, Kandinsky 1994, Massey 2005, Rancière 2018, Uexkull 1956, Varela 2017, Viveiros de Castro 2013, 2004a, 2004b. ...
... » (de Certeau 1990:123) 1. Énoncé général du problème : histoires, contextes, concepts à La Martre Ce travail de doctorat s'ancre sur le site nord-gaspésien de La Martre (Québec, Canada), dont l'occupation possiblement ininterrompue depuis le retrait du front glaciaire et l'habitabilité du territoire il y a environ onze mille ans agence différents événements (Chalifoux 1999b, Chalifoux et Tremblay 1998, Dumais 2000 : bifaces, éclats, affleurements de chert, labours, terrasses C'est suivre des lignes de déploiement pour participer à la formation du réel. C'est ce travail par lequel nous apprenons à connaître lorsque nous sommes confrontés à ce que nous ne connaissions pas déjà (Bateson 1972, Bergson 1987, de Certeau 1990, Deleuze 2011, Deleuze et Guattari 1980, Haraway 2016, Ingold 2013:134-136, 2011, Jackson 2013, Kandinsky 1994, Massey 2005, Rancière 2018, Uexkull 1956, Varela 2017, Viveiros de Castro 2013, 2004a, 2004b. ...
... » (de Certeau 1990:123) 1. Énoncé général du problème : histoires, contextes, concepts à La Martre Ce travail de doctorat s'ancre sur le site nord-gaspésien de La Martre (Québec, Canada), dont l'occupation possiblement ininterrompue depuis le retrait du front glaciaire et l'habitabilité du territoire il y a environ onze mille ans agence différents événements (Chalifoux 1999b, Chalifoux et Tremblay 1998, Dumais 2000 : bifaces, éclats, affleurements de chert, labours, terrasses C'est suivre des lignes de déploiement pour participer à la formation du réel. C'est ce travail par lequel nous apprenons à connaître lorsque nous sommes confrontés à ce que nous ne connaissions pas déjà (Bateson 1972, Bergson 1987, de Certeau 1990, Deleuze 2011, Deleuze et Guattari 1980, Haraway 2016, Ingold 2013:134-136, 2011, Jackson 2013, Kandinsky 1994, Massey 2005, Rancière 2018, Uexkull 1956, Varela 2017, Viveiros de Castro 2013, 2004a, 2004b. ...
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Ce doctorat lie les vestiges lithiques fragmentés et dispersés par des décennies de labours des terrasses marines constituant le site de La Martre (Gaspésie, Québec, Canada), pour y dégager certaines limites d’intelligibilité et de perceptibilité, et en tracer de nouvelles. Les labours forment un palimpseste archéologique spécifique : ils ont créé un effet de décontextualisation des pratiques lithiques contenues dans les bords de chaque biface et éclat lorsque les contextes de déposition permettant de rapprocher certains vestiges et d’en éloigner d’autres, et permettant d’exercer un contrôle chronologique sur ces vestiges ont été perturbés. Les seuls repères chronologiques disponibles sont (i.) un plancher d’habitabilité suivant la déglaciation du versant nord de la Gaspésie ; (ii.) l’exondation de terrasses marines dues au retrait de la mer de Goldthwait ; (iii.) des pointes de projectile dites « Plano » ayant permis d’affilier dans des travaux antérieurs une partie de La Martre au « Paléoindien récent » (entre 11 600 à 8000 cal BP dans le Nord-est américain). Conséquemment, les repères chronologiques de La Martre flottent dans une marée lithique mouvante formée de bifaces et d’éclats dans les labours sans le contrôle permis par les contours que des contextes de déposition mieux préservés permettraient. Ce contrôle préalable est indispensable pour pouvoir délimiter les échelles justifiant l’utilisation de certaines théories et méthodes d’analyse. Il est considéré que ces problèmes contextuels ne justifient aucunement l’exclusion des labours d’une narration archéologique, à condition d’opérer un renversement de nos pratiques. Les labours permettent d’exacerber des problèmes théoriques, épistémologiques et méthodologiques, constitutifs de toute pratique archéologique et que des contextes non labourés rendent invisibles. Ces problèmes peuvent être ramenés à celui provoqué par la bifurcation du réel, un geste qui, en séparant l’esprit de la matière, sépare un réel en deux et maintient l’un attaché à ce qui en est déjà connu et en bloque le développement et la transformation. Les labours marquent une première étape d’émancipation de ce réel bifurqué en nous forçant à renverser notre rapport à lui pour partir d’un réel mouvant et dispersé dans lequel une conscience perçoit et pense. Raconter des histoires lithiques dans les labours de La Martre, c’est donc prolonger ce renversement initié par ces labours en suivant ses mouvements constitutifs : ceux d’une conscience, de la taille de la pierre, des labours et de nos descriptions. C’est développer de nouvelles histoires qu’un ancrage dans un réel bifurqué inhibe. Il est proposé ici que ce renversement soit prolongé par un mouvement descriptif par lequel quinze surfaces de dispersion sont progressivement tracées : (i.) des terrasses labourées, les stations 15 et 16 de La Martre ; (ii.) des supports transformés ; (iii.) des chaînes opératoires ; (iv.) un échantillon de 447 supports transformés ; (v.) un continuum de réduction ; (vi) l’intégrité d’un support ; (vii.) les compétences ; (viii.) la matière première ; (ix.) les objectifs de taille ; (x.) les groupes techniques ; (xi.) des flux lithiques ; (xii.) une combinatoire de compétences ; (xiii.) des évolutions possibles ; (xiv.) des lieux ; (xv.) des séquences de production. Ces surfaces permettent de diversifier la taille de la pierre plutôt que de l’épurer ; de changer les conditions dans lesquelles des outils méthodologiques tels que la chaîne opératoire ou les stades d’une séquence de réduction peuvent être utilisés ; de repartir de mouvements et de rapports constitutifs de La Martre plutôt que de groupes ou d’individus préalablement définis ; de différencier les terrasses marines pour circonscrire un lieu, 16-ouest, structuré par des dynamiques socioculturelles d’apprentissage et de distinction dont émergent diverses séquences de production capturant des compétences et des objectifs divers ; de reconnecter La Martre au paysage du Nord-est paléoindien pour en diversifier les histoires lithiques et archéologiques ; de travailler dans un entre-deux : entre deux lieux, entre deux paysages, entre deux formes émergeant de nos histoires sans que ces histoires ne s’y arrêtent. Raconter des histoires lithiques dans les labours de La Martre, c’est donc effectuer un quadruple travail narratif qui ailleurs n’aurait pas eu besoin d’être fait : (i.) explorer les façons dont les tailleurs et tailleuses de La Martre s’engageaient avec leur paysage en taillant la pierre ; (ii.) analyser les conditions permettant de raconter ces histoires anthropologiques ; (iii.) créer de nouvelles conditions permettant de raconter de nouvelles histoires ; et (iv.) raconter ces histoires lithiques. - This thesis binds various lithic remains fragmented and scattered by decades of plowing at La Martre (Gaspé Peninsula, Quebec, Canada). Plowing creates a specific type of archaeological palimpsest. It erases units allowing for: the comparison of lithic practices contained within each biface and flake that make up a context; the chronological control of said units; and using various methods and theories according to an archaeological unit’s appropriate scale. A maximum chronological boundary following the deglaciation of the northern Gaspé Peninsula, the exposure of La Martre’s higher terraces by the receding sea, and the production of Plano projectile points (dated to between 11 600 and 9000 cal BP in northeastern America) provide archaeologists with some chronological control that floats within La Martre’s hundreds of thousands of lithic remains. Yet, it is argued that plowing cannot preclude archaeologists from telling lithic and other stories, provided that some practices and habits are changed. Indeed, plowing points to theoretical, epistemological and methodological problems that elsewhere may have remained invisible. These problems pertain to the bifurcation of reality inhibiting its development by laying down a ready-made and unchanging reality prior to any engagement with it. Plowing requires for this specific engagement with reality to be turned upside down, starting from a moving and dispersed reality that a consciousness perceives and thinks with. Telling lithic stories at La Martre requires that this turn be extended by following its movements: that of a conscience, of knapping and of plowing; thus telling new stories that a bifurcated relationship to reality had inhibited. It is suggested here that this turn be extended using description along fifteen dispersion surfaces: (i.) two plowed terraces, stations 15 and 16; (ii.) shaped blanks; (iii.) chaînes opératoires; (iv.) a sample of 447 shaped blanks; (v.) a reduction continuum; (vi.) shaped blank integrity; (vii.) skill; (viii.) raw material; (ix.) knapping objectives; (x.) technical groups; (xi.) lithic fluxes; (xii.) skill combinatorics; (xiii.) possible evolutions; (xiv.) places; (xv.) production sequences. Such surfaces allow for several things: first, for knapping diversification rather than refining; second, for changing the condition of use of the chaîne opératoire or the reduction sequence; third, for starting from movement and relationships rather than defined groups or individuals; fourth, for differentiating La Martre’s plowed terraces; fifth, for delimiting a place, 16-West, structured by the sociocultural dynamics of learning and distinction; sixth, for growing several production sequences; seventh, for reconnecting La Martre to the northeastern Paleoindian landscape and multiplying its lithic and archaeological stories; and eighth, for working within the “in between” places, landscapes and shapes that grow from such stories. Thus, telling lithic stories within La Martre’s plowed fields is a fourfold narrative: (i.) exploring how past people engaged with their landscape through knapping; (ii.) deconstructing conditions allowing for such an exploration; (iii.) creating new conditions allowing for new stories to be told; and (iv.) telling these new stories.
... In the context of lowland South America, especially the Amazon, ethnographies of hunting among native peoples have made significant contributions to recent anthropological debates, especially with regard to ontological issues [8]. Examples of these contributions include the systematization of animism [9,10] and the formulation of an Amerindian perspectivism [11,12], among others [13,14]. ...
... The mediation of spirits and entities of this form of enchantment is commonly combined with use of materials such as leaves, roots, and rocks. This kind of belief might take elaborated rites among humans, but it is perceived that individual animals might be able to do it with the aid of forest supernatural entities, which also may take the form of animal itself in local ontologies [9][10][11][12][13][14]106]. ...
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Background: As a leading practice of Homo sapiens' environmental experience for hundreds of millennia, hunting continues to evoke key research inquiries in the fields of archaeology, human ecology, and conservation biology. Broadly speaking, hunting has been mainly a subject of qualitative-symbolic and quantitative-materialistic schemata of analyze, among anthropologists and biologists, respectively. However, the phenomenological dimension of the hunting experience, in the course of individuals` everyday life, received little academic attention until this century. This study analyzes the daily praxis of hunting among quilombolas (descendants from runaway African slaves) in Southeast Brazil, making use of an ethnographic approach of phenomenological orientation, which dialogue with central ethnobiological issues. The authors also report the local ecological knowledge about mammals hunted in the area, and its relationship to the scientific literature on this subject. Methods: Between 2016 and 2019, the authors made use of participant observation and informal interviews among eight key local participants, in three quilombola communities in the Ribeira Valley (São Paulo, Brazil). Fragments of authors' field notes and parts of interviewers' speeches make up the core results obtained. Results: Articulating local knowledge to scientific literature, this study yielded a hybrid and comprehensive narrative about natural history of the mammals in the area. The authors also accessed elementary aspects of research participants' experience in hunting, such as strategies, tactics, motivations, and feelings. They reveal a set of human behavior dispositions that seems to emerge only in the context of the action, modulating the praxis of hunting on the course of individuals' everyday life. Conclusion: Ethnography, ethnobiology, and natural sciences backgrounds were systematically articulated in this research. This made possible to get a contextualized and multifaceted understanding of hunting praxis in the Ribeira Valley, an important socioenvironmental context of Atlantic Forest in Brazil. The role of an ethnographic approach applied to ethnoecological and biological conservation issues is especially considered here.
... In the broadest sense, the term 'ontology' refers to matters of being. The plural form, ontologies, is applied in situations where the focus of analysiswhether it is a living being, an artefact, a place, a practicemay be multiple things, simultaneously (Kohn, 2015;Viveiros de Castro, 2013). As Mol (2013) explains, '[i]nstead of a singular, ontology has become multiple and questions are asked about the ways in which contrasting versions of reality come to be coordinated' in practice (p. ...
... 380). 3 Given the complexity of defining ontologies, especially as the term is conceptualised and applied across disciplines and fields of inquiryin philosophy, anthropology, science and technology studies, indigenous studies, politics, and so onour argument draws, primarily, on the definition elaborated through the 'ontological turn' in anthropology (Blaser, 2013(Blaser, , 2014(Blaser, , 2016Henare et al., 2007;Holbraad, 2009;Holbraad and Pedersen, 2017;Holbraad et al., 2014;Viveiros de Castro, 2013). Kohn (2015) provides a succinct entry point: 'I define "ontology"', he states, 'as the study of "reality"done that encompasses but is not limited to humanly constructed worlds' (p. ...
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This article makes a case for an engagement with language ontologies. Rather than asking what we know about language, theorising with ontologies prompts us to engage with what language is – or, might be. This focus has potential to broaden our work from examining different perspectives on, or ideological approaches to, a single assumed phenomenon (Language), to potentially seeing multiple, different phenomena. To develop our argument theoretically, we draw primarily on research stemming from the ontological turn in anthropology (Blaser, 2009, 2013; Holbraad, 2009; Holbraad and Pedersen, 2017; Viveiros de Castro, 2013 among others), as well as linguistic anthropology (Chernela, 2018; Seargeant, 2010). We dialogue across fields and disciplines—with philosophy, science and technology studies (Latour, 1993; Law, 2015), decolonial studies (Escobar, 2016) and language studies (García and Li, 2014; Li, 2018; Makoni and Pennycook, 2006; Pennycook, 2017, among others)—to situate language ontologies as worlded through linguistic practices. To contextualise the discussion, the paper explores three ontologies of language: language as object, language as practice, and language as assemblage.
... Es llamativo el hecho de que la comprensión de este "giro", a pesar de sus genealogías unificadoras (Henare, Holbraad, y Wastell, 2007;Viveiros de Castro, 2015), sea marcadamente heterogénea, puesto que se encuentran múltiples versiones de qué es y a quiénes integra. Esta imprecisión se manifiesta en posturas como, por ejemplo, la de Ingold (Simonetti y Espirito, 2016) quien lo critica y no se reconoce como partícipe. ...
... • Alteridad: Eduardo Viveiros deCastro (2004Castro ( , 2010Castro ( , 2015, por medio de su trabajo de campo y diversas etnografías en la amazonia brasileña, establece que en las cosmologías amerindias existe un principio perspectivista en el que los no-humanos se ven a sí mismos como humanos, y a los humanos como no-humanos, mediante una lógica jerárquica de presa y depredador. De este modo, la realidad estaría constituida por puntos de vista posibilitados por los hábitos corporales de cada ser. ...
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Este artículo presenta una revisión de los debates ontológicos en la antropología contemporánea. Para esta tarea, primero, se identificarán las condiciones históricas y epistemológicas que posibilitaron y guiaron su surgimiento; segundo, se caracterizarán panorámicamente sus ramificaciones teóricas, haciendo hincapié en los elementos comunes que las agrupan, junto con las particularidades y los desencuentros que las diferencian; por último, se realizará una evaluación crítica de sus principales ponentes, con el fin de develar posibles falencias y potencialidades. Este ejercicio, en suma, permitirá comprender lo que puede significar hacer antropología en el presente y hacia a dónde tiende a apuntar su futuro.
... Comaroff and Comaroff 1993), capitalism (e.g. Taussig 1980Taussig , 2002, or Western epistemology (Scott 2013;Viveiros de Castro 2015) in order to circumvent anthropology's tendency to distance and objectify its others as non-agents and non-subjects. ...
... These worlds equally define the forms of politics appropriate to them, rendering politics multiple. As a result, it becomes 'illegal ', in Viveiros de Castro's (2015) terms, to suggest -or to look for -any kind of slippage between what people say they do, or what is required of them, and what they actually do (Holbraad 2014). ...
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What kind of phenomenon is it when ordinary people in the United Kingdom unexpectedly abide by government advice on social distancing in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, even anticipating constraints on their activities? These happenings demand that we engage anthropologically with compliance – acts or activities that conform, submit or adapt to rules or to the demands of others. At present, there is no ‘anthropology of compliance’. Rather, the discipline has inherited traditions of thought about compliance – as a necessary aspect of sociability or a morally suspect complicity, demanding resistance. These assumptions remain unexamined, but profoundly shape anthropological scholarship. This introduction aims to show how and why compliance might be a useful heuristic for anthropology. We define compliance as that set of means by which actors strive to accommodate themselves to others in their collective life . We argue that this conception of compliance allows us to multiply the kinds of phenomena we can call ‘political’. It allows us to think about the political constitution of ‘radical’ difference, but to avoid making people identical with their cultural or conceptual worlds. By showing what compliance is and how it operates in and on social life, we ought therefore to be able to recover both specific forms of suffering and inequality and the ways in which social lives are constitutively different.
... Hvis stemmehøring blev set i lyset af Vygotskys udviklingsteori om forholdet mellem taenkning og sprog (Jones & Fernyhough, 2007), ville et faenomen som stemmehøring så måske ikke vaere overraskende for os og måske ligefrem vaere en logisk følge af den måde, taenkning generelt fungerer på? I de seneste årtier har ideer om relationel, ikke-selvberoende subjektivitet vaeret under udvikling i studier af isaer ikkevestlige samfund inden for antropologi og religionsvidenskab (Bird-David, 1999;Harvey, 2006;2017;Viveiros de Castro, 2004;2015). Kunne vi, i lyset af sådanne forståelser, tage stemmer alvorligt som en form for personer? ...
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Danish version of Respectful Letters for Aggressive Voices.
... In anthropology, this kind of incommensurability is typically associated with the moment when the subjectivity of the researcher became itself a focal concern of anthropological research, around the 1970s (Pels, 2014); when the researcher assumed he could not transcend his own subjectivity and was stuck inside it like a fly in a bottle. 4 But it is also the implicit underlying assumption for those relativists that make use of phrases such as "the worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds" (Sapir, 1929: 209), "fundamental Otherness" (Rabinow, 1977), "ontological alterity" (Viveiros de Castro, 2015) or "ontological difference" . Its distinguishing feature is the idea that different 'conceptual schemes,' 'epistemologies,' or 'ontological assumptions' are mutually exclusive and thus cannot be rendered in, understood, or learned by different ones (at all or without significant 'distortions'). ...
Article
In this article, I discuss central concerns that have run throughout the history of anthropology since the beginning of the twentieth century, culminating in the recent ontological turn. These are relativism, incommensurability, ethnocentrism, and what I call intropathy. I also explore how the epistemic principles of ‘objectivity’ and ‘relativism’ share the same representationalist foundations, and argue how the ontological turn, despite the claims of its proponents, still reproduces some representationalist ideals of inquiry. Based mainly on the ideas of Richard Rorty, I propose a fully antirepresentationalist, antiessentialist alternative for anthropology that effectively avoids the traps of traditional epistemology and thus disengages the very terms that engender the relativism/objectivism dichotomy.
... Usualmente se retrata al GO como una respuesta en la antropología en contra del giro lingüístico, que se originó en la filosofía y se expandió a las demás ciencias sociales a mediados del siglo XX (Viveiros de Castro, 2015). Esto, aunque veraz, es un recuento muy poco detallado de cómo se pasó del estudio del lenguaje y sus textos a la investigación de los objetos y sus articulaciones. ...
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Resumen: El ‘giro ontológico’ ha sido una reciente corriente intelectual que ha recibido atención y críticas tanto de la filosofía como de la antropología. Realmente, este movimiento no hace parte de ninguna de esas disciplinas, sino que se constituyó como la matriz teórica de una nueva disciplina: los Science and Technology Studies. A medida que estos ganaban legitimidad académica y definían su identidad profesional, cierta inconmensurabilidad emergió entre esta comunidad científica y las otras disciplinas que se veían amenazadas por esta nueva corriente. Este artículo hace un recuento histórico de la construcción paralela de los Science and Technology Studies y el ‘giro ontológico’, haciendo hincapié en la propuesta de Bruno Latour, el primero en articular teorías ontológicas con metodologías etnográficas, gesto fundacional de los Science and Technology Studies. También se muestran algunas críticas recientes realizadas al ‘giro ontológico’, que buscan deshacer esta hibridación entre filosofía y antropología. Se concluye que, pese a lo certero de algunas de estas críticas, los Science and Technology Studies logran mantener cierto dominio disciplinar, mientras que el ‘giro ontológico’, en tanto matriz teórica de esta nueva disciplina, sí debe hacer frente a los desafíos contemporáneos. Abstract: The ‘ontological turn’ has been a recent intellectual trend that has received attention and criticism from both philosophy and anthropology. Actually, this movement is not part of any of those disciplines, but rather was constituted as the theoretical matrix of a new discipline: Science and Technology Studies. As these gained academic legitimacy and defined their professional identity, certain incommensurability emerged between this scientific community and the other disciplines that were threatened by this new trend. This article makes a historical account of the parallel construction of Science and Technology Studies and the ‘ontological turn’, emphasizing the proposal of Bruno Latour, the first to articulate ontological theories with ethnographic methodologies, a founding gesture of Science and Technology Studies . Some recent criticisms made of the ‘ontological turn’ are also shown, which seek to undo this hybridization between philosophy and anthropology. It is concluded that, despite the accuracy of some of these criticisms, Science and Technology Studies manage to maintain a certain disciplinary dominance, while the ‘ontological turn’, as a theoretical matrix of this new discipline, must face those contemporary challenges.
... In other words, gifts can assume a much more voluntaristic character as their political functions are progressively taken over by state institutions. (Parry 2013, 467) The division of the World or its History into what Germaine Tillion once called the 'republics of brothers' and the 'republics of brothers-in-law' seems after the most recent Turn to stay with us (Tillion 1983;de Castro 2015). Mafiosi seem to join the company of those actors past and present 16 who could act in both worlds as if they existed (and existed in separation from each other), knowing that they do, and therefore making them so. ...
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This paper traces the changing role of wealth and movements of money in investigators' evolving anthropological imagination of the social structure of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and its relationship with its surrounding in key moments of Antimafia investigations in one Sicilian province over the past 40 years. The routes of money, which initially marked exchange-based relations between two otherwise mutually extraneous actors, gradually indexed a more complex combination of reciprocity, exchange, and redistribution both within the mafia legally constructed and in its relationship to its surrounding. At the same time, the public and official anthropological imaginary of the mafia-politica nexus permits only exchange between mutually-external parties or reciprocity as an entity-creating internal thread. As a result, the complexity of wealth, which investigations reveal by 'following money,' requires constant reduction to individual bearers of monetary worth and interests.
... Even our grammar influences the way we interpret simple phrases about domestication ( [34] p. xiv), as we tend to put ourselves, as individuals or the human collective, in charge. Recent concepts and full definitions can help identify nuances of our definitions that place human culture within Nature, as occurs in most Neotropical ontologies [57]. We think that returning to a dictionary is also an appropriate exercise to explore definitions, especially as the definitions in Zeder [56] and Appendix A were designed by their authors to meet their own objectives, the majority of which are associated with the domestication syndrome. ...
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The Neolithic Revolution narrative associates early-mid Holocene domestications with the development of agriculture that fueled the rise of late Holocene civilizations. This narrative continues to be influential, even though it has been deconstructed by archaeologists and geneticists in its homeland. To further disentangle domestication from reliance on food production systems, such as agriculture, we revisit definitions of domestication and food production systems, review the late Pleistocene-early Holocene archaeobotanical record, and quantify the use, management and domestication of Neotropical plants to provide insights about the past. Neotropical plant domestication relies on common human behaviors (selection, accumulation and caring) within Citation: Clement, C.R.; Casas, A.; Parra-Rondinel, F.A.; Levis, C.; Peroni, N.; Hanazaki, N.; Cortés-Zárraga, L.; Rangel-Landa, S.; Alves, R.P.; Ferreira, M.J.; et al. Disentangling Domestication from Food Production Systems in the Neotropics. Quaternary 2021, 4, 4.
... Heeding Feld's warning, we are invested in a double maneuver. First, we are certainly in favor of studies that take seriously the dense interplay between humans and their multiple constitutive "outsides" (Ochoa Gautier 2014), whether through multispecies ethnography (Kirsky 2014), critical debates surrounding divine potency (Graeber 2015;Viveiros de Castro 2015), or vari ous other pos si ble means. But the turn toward (nonhuman) animal sound and vari ous other sonic "ecologies" should in no way encourage a lapse into nativism. ...
... So far, these RoN proponents, generally Euro-Western legal scholars, have generally not considered the possible negative impacts of essentializing and codifying indigenous visions and practices of nature [56]. It seems that these critical legal scholars are afraid to engage deeply with the ontological questions and legal discomfort these water pluralities generate [57,58]. ...
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Water conflicts across the world are bringing to the fore fundamental challenges to the anthropocentric boundaries of the human rights paradigm. Engaging with the multi-layered legal ethnographic setting of the Xalalá dam project in Maya Q’eqchi’ territory in Guatemala, I will critically and empirically unpack not only the anthropocentric boundaries of the hegemonic human rights paradigm, but also the ontological differences between indigenous and Euro-Western legal conceptualizations of human-water-life. I argue that it is necessary to pave the way for urgent rethinking of the human right to water and, more broadly, human rights beyond the modern divide of nature-culture. International law and human rights scholars should therefore not be afraid of plurilegal water realities and should start engaging with these ontologically different concepts and practices. Embarking on a bottom-up co-theorizing about human and beyond-the-human water rights will be imperative to avoid recolonization of indigenous knowledges-ontologies by non-indigenous scholarships and public policy.
... Tal distanciamento, tal colapso socioambiental, tem sido chamado Antropoceno, Capitaloceno, Plantationoceno (HARAWAY, 2016;TSING, 2019), e se define conceitualmente por confrontar a humanidade moderna, ocidental(izada) e global(izante) com a crise de escala geológica que ela própria, humanidade industrial e expansionista, contribuiu para gerar. Como é sabido desde as análises sobre o processo civilizador de tal modernidade (ELIAS, 1994), a civilização se constitui sobre distinções e distanciamentos como os referidos pouco acima por Viveiros de Castro (2014). Dentre tais diferenciações, encontra-se a concepção de que o mundo material, os recursos ambientais, animais inclusos, seriam justamente recursos, matéria-prima sobre a qual o empreendimento humano poderia projetar sua vontade. ...
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