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CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 201X, Vol. XX, No. X, Month 2015, 1 –17.
DOI: 10.1177/0093854815582221
© 2015 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
1
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WORK–FAMILY
CONFLICT, CORRECTIONAL OFFICER JOB
STRESS, AND JOB SATISFACTION
GAYLENE S. ARMSTRONG
Sam Houston State University
CASSANDRA A. ATKIN-PLUNK
Florida Atlantic University
JESSICA WELLS
Sam Houston State University
Balancing demands between work and family domains can strain even the most resourceful employee. When the tipping point
of conflict between the two is reached, a negative impact on employee well-being can result. Within correctional environ-
ments, the psychosocial well-being of officers is critical given the potentially significant impact of having a “bad day on the
job.” This study examines work–family conflict as it relates to job stress and job satisfaction within a diverse sample of
correctional officers (N = 441) employed at 13 public, adult correctional facilities in a Southern state. Findings indicate strain
and behavior-based work–family conflict and family–work conflict were significantly related to both job stress and job sat-
isfaction. Family and supervisory support were uniquely related to job stress, whereas supervisory support, education, and
ethnicity were uniquely related to job satisfaction. Implications for correctional organizations are discussed.
Keywords: correctional officer; officer stress; work–family conflict; job stress; job satisfaction
Incarceration rates throughout the United States have remained high during the past
decade (Guerino, Harrison, & Sabol, 2011), increasing the pressure on those persons
responsible for supervising the incarcerated population. Coinciding with high incarceration
rates throughout the United States, organizational change and employee turnover in cor-
rectional facilities have become the norm (Humphrey, 2011). Already notorious for facing
exceptional and unique challenges due to the nature of their job roles, a number of addi-
tional stressors on the correctional workforce are noteworthy. For most officers, workplace
demands extend beyond their job roles to include a lack of career advancement, inadequate
pay, demanding hours, shift work, interacting with a challenging offender population on a
regular basis, and ongoing exposure to the potential for danger (Lommel, 2004). The com-
bination of these stressors has deleterious effects that can spill over or manifest as poor job
performance, low job satisfaction, and even elevated risks of social or family issues
AUTHORS’ NOTE: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr. Gaylene S. Armstrong,
Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX 77342-2296;
e-mail: gsa001@shsu.edu.
582221CJBXXX10.1177/0093854815582221Criminal Justice and BehaviorArmstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT
research-article2015
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2 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
including divorce, mental health problems, and physical illness (Lambert & Paoline, 2008;
Salami, Ojokuku, & Salami, 2010; Woodruff, 1993). As Shaw (2011) and others have noted,
negative work experiences often extend beyond the individual condition to include proxi-
mal (e.g., safety, productivity, efficiency) and distal (e.g., organizational performance) neg-
ative outcomes. These negative outcomes in turn have a significant impact on prisons
through organizational disruption, employee turnover (Mitchell, MacKenzie, Styve, &
Gover, 2000), and job burnout (Keinan & Malach-Pines, 2007; Lambert, Altheimer, &
Hogan, 2010).
High rates of employee turnover and concerns for officer well-being have led to the
development of organizational initiatives aimed at bolstering employee support structures
for direct supervision staff. Peer-based critical incident debriefing when serious incidents
occur in the workplace (Finn, 2000; Van Fleet, 1991), employee assistance programs includ-
ing evidence-based stress-reduction programs (McCraty, Atkinson, Lipsenthal, & Arguelles,
2009), and increased sensitivity to the importance of supervisory support (Armstrong &
Griffin, 2004; Auerbach, Quick, & Pegg, 2003) are among approaches used to reduce work-
place stress.
The ramifications of workplace stress for both the individual and the organization under-
score the need to consider additional job-specific correlates of job stress and job satisfac-
tion. Attentive to the negative effects of prison working conditions on correctional officers,
less focus has been placed on the contribution of an imbalance between workplace demands
and family life as it relates to job stress and job satisfaction (see Armstrong & Griffin, 2004;
Lambert et al., 2009; Mitchell et al., 2000). This imbalance, termed work–family conflict,
has a strong foundation in the broader organizational literature (Michel, Kotrba, Mitchelson,
Clark, & Baltes, 2011; Nohe, Meier, Sonntag, & Michel 2015), with limited study in the
correctional context (Lambert, Altheimer, & Hogan, 2010; Lambert, Hogan, Camp, &
Ventura, 2006). It is particularly important to focus on work–family conflict within correc-
tional officer populations due to the unique context and public safety mission of these offi-
cers, as well as the difficulty expressed by correctional organizations in hiring and retaining
quality staff. A healthy and skilled correctional officer workforce is anticipated to increase
organizational safety for fellow officers, while also ensuring a safe and secure prison envi-
ronment for inmates.
This study seeks to better understand the interplay between work and family domains as
it is related to correctional officer job stress and job satisfaction in the job-specific correc-
tional environment. Here, we extend the limited correctional research to study a broader
population of officers using a correctional officer workforce survey completed with employ-
ees from 13 different state-operated adult correctional facilities within a large state system.
Unlike the majority of the existing literature on work–family conflict and job stress and job
satisfaction, this study examines work–family conflict in a context rarely examined: the
prison environment. Using this approach to understand important correlates of job stress
and job satisfaction will strengthen the platform for policy recommendations and initiatives
specific to correctional institutions.
Correctional research has focused on specification of attenuating factors or conditions that
augment a correctional officer’s susceptibility to job stress and job satisfaction. Job stress is
commonly understood as “harmful physical and emotional responses that occur when the
requirements of the job do not match the capabilities, resources, or needs of the worker”
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 3
(National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, 1999, p. 6). Within criminal justice
research, job stress is often operationalized as the manifestation of work-related hardness,
worry, distress, tension, anxiety, exhaustion, and frustration (Lambert & Paoline, 2008).
Results stemming from studies that operationalize job stress or related outcomes with ques-
tions that ask about an emotional or psychological state of being as a result of one’s job in the
prison environment are most instructive to inform correctional policy and practice. Studies
using this definition, including the current study, provide a more direct assessment of
employee perceptions as it is related to their current employment. Job satisfaction has been
commonly assessed with a similarly pointed question, and a similar approach is used here.
In determining factors related to job stress and job satisfaction, existing studies have
examined demographic characteristics (Castle, 2008; Dial, Downey, & Goodlin, 2010;
Griffin, 2006), job characteristics (Castle, 2008; Griffin, 2006; Lambert & Paoline, 2008),
support structures (Armstrong & Griffin, 2004; Brough & Williams, 2007), and variations
in prison working conditions (Brough, O’Driscoll, & Kalliath, 2005; Brough & Williams,
2007; Castle, 2008; Mitchell et al., 2000; Taxman & Gordon, 2009). Yet, the role of work–
family conflict has not been extensively considered with respect to the job stress and job
satisfaction of correctional officer populations.
Originating in the organizational literature, the work–family conflict concept measures
excessive, conflicting, and sometimes incompatible demands on an individual employee
that emanate from forces within the family and work domains (Boles, Johnston, & Hair,
1997; Griffin, Hogan, Lambert, Tucker-Gail, & Baker, 2010). Previously defined as “a form
of interrole conflict in which the role pressures from the work and family domains are mutu-
ally incompatible in some respect” (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985, p. 77), this general theo-
retical concept captures the reciprocal nature of family stressors affecting the employee in
his or her workplace, as well as workplace stressors that affect an employee in his or her
family domain.
WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT
The unique dimensions of a correctional officer’s job role have led researchers to recog-
nize the deleterious impact of the correctional work environment on the family domain,
which may further manifest as job stress and job dissatisfaction. Given the regimented,
almost militaristic, tendency of work inside the prison walls, incongruence and conflicts
between work and family domains may be more frequent or magnified for correctional
employees. Indeed, prior studies have found a number of work–family conflict dimensions
to be linked to job stress and job satisfaction (Lambert et al., 2006) as well as eventual job
burnout (Lambert, Hogan, & Altheimer, 2010).
Building on Netemeyer, Boles, and McMurrian’s (1996) work, Lambert et al. (2006)
divided work–family conflict into three specific domains to better assess the mechanism
associated with this conflict resulting in negative workplace outcomes. Lambert et al. (2006)
defined time-based conflict as work demands that result in home conflict because the offi-
cer is spending insufficient time tending to family needs. For example, due to organiza-
tional turnover and a lack of qualified job applicants, it is not unusual for correctional
officers to work overtime or pick up extra shifts. This source of workplace demand could
result in time-based conflict in the family domain. Strain-based conflict was defined as
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4 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
occurring when “the demands and tensions from work negatively impact the quality of a
worker’s home life” (Lambert et al., 2006, p. 372). For example, the concerns for one’s
physical safety that may uniquely exist in a correctional workplace (Armstrong & Griffin,
2004) could result in the officer experiencing significant tensions that spill over into the
family domain. Behavior-based conflict was defined as the incompatibility between the cor-
rectional officer’s role in the workplace and their role at home. For example, Lambert,
Hogan, and Altheimer (2010) suggested incompatible learned behaviors in the correctional
environment could include “being suspicious and questioning the actions of others, [which]
may not be appropriate when dealing with people, particularly family members and friends,
and this can lead to conflict for the person” (p. 42).
Lambert and his colleagues (2006) found that although strain-based work–family con-
flict was related to job stress and job satisfaction, time-based work–family conflict was
not. Interestingly, behavior-based work–family conflict was related to job satisfaction,
but not job stress (see also Lambert, Hogan & Altheimer, 2010). These findings parallel
other job-specific studies of work–family conflict in traditional occupations as well as
research that has included subsamples of firefighters and emergency response workers
(Cowlishaw, Evans, & McLennan, 2010; Michel et al., 2011; Shreffler, Meadows, &
Davis, 2011).
FAMILY–WORK CONFLICT
Researchers find conflict between the work and family domains can be reciprocal, and
thus Nohe et al. (2015) stated that it is important to account for both work–family conflict
and family–work conflict effects when examining factors related to job performance.
Family–work conflict exists when “employees’ family responsibilities interfere with their
work duties” (Nohe et al., 2015, p. 339). Researchers have frequently sought to determine
whether conflict originating in one domain is affecting the other; however, Nohe et al.
(2015) emphasized recent scholarship that counters this previous supposition in that con-
flict originating in one realm is more likely to have the greatest deleterious impact on strains
within that same realm (Amstad, Meier, Fasel, Elfering, & Semmer, 2011; Shockley &
Singla, 2011). Here, we do not seek to disentangle this bidirectional relationship. Instead,
given the cross-sectional nature of our survey, we rely on the suggestion of Nohe et al.
(2015) to account for the cross-domain perspective by including a measure of family–work
conflict as well as a work–family conflict measure.
In addition to conflict between work and family, other covariates are also known to influ-
ence job stress and satisfaction in correctional officers, including individual and vocational
attributes (Baruch, Biener, & Barnett, 1987; Boles et al., 1997; Carlson, Anson, & Thomas,
2003; Dilworth, 2004; Fagan & Press, 2008; Higgins & Duxbury, 1992; Lambert, Hogan,
& Barton, 2002; Lambert & Paoline, 2008; Mitchell et al., 2000; Moen & Yu, 2000).
CORRELATES OF CORRECTIONAL OFFICER JOB STRESS AND JOB
SATISFACTION
The influence of individual correctional officer attributes including gender and tenure is
consistently associated with perceived levels of job stress in prior studies. Female officers
as compared with male officers, and officers with greater tenure or “time on the job,” tend
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 5
to report significantly more job stress (Armstrong & Griffin, 2004; Cullen et al., 1985; Dial
et al., 2010; Lambert et al., 2002). An officer’s race is inconsistently, or often insignifi-
cantly, related to an officer’s work experiences. For example, although Lambert et al. (2002)
found that correctional staff who were White reported significantly more job stress, other
studies find no difference in job stress between officers of different racial backgrounds
(Cheeseman & Downey, 2012; Taxman & Gordon, 2009). Here, we include measures of
both officer race and ethnicity.
A number of contextual factors in the prison environment are consistently linked to cor-
rectional officer stress as well (Mitchell et al., 2000). For example, studies suggest job
stress and satisfaction may be mediated for some officers by the perceived level of support
from supervisors, peers, or family (Armstrong & Griffin, 2004; Auerbach et al., 2003;
Cullen, Link, Wolfe, & Frank, 1985). These important factors are considered in this study.
Officers who perceive limited supervisory or peer support are more likely to report negative
work experiences including high levels of job stress (Armstrong & Griffin, 2004; Cheeseman,
Kim, Lambert, & Hogan, 2011; Cullen et al., 1985; Dowden & Tellier, 2004; Lambert et al.,
2002). Cheeseman et al. (2011) found supervisors are perceived to be an especially impor-
tant resource for correctional officers. Supervisors assist officers in doing their job cor-
rectly, shape officers’ views of inmates, and reduce the dangerousness of their job. Strong
supervisory support appears to act as a protective factor for correctional officers in the
prison environment.
Similar to job stress, job satisfaction has been consistently related to gender (Carlson
et al., 2003), tenure, and supervisory support (Cheeseman et al., 2011; Cullen et al., 1985;
Dial et al., 2010), although the degree of statistical significance varies (Cheeseman et al.,
2011; Lambert & Paoline, 2008; Lambert, Hogan, & Barton, 2004). Similar to job stress, an
officer’s race is also inconsistently related to job satisfaction across studies. For example,
Cullen et al. (1985) found that non-White officers were more dissatisfied with their job; yet,
Lambert et al. (2002) found no racial distinctions.
CURRENT STUDY
Focusing specifically on individuals employed in the unique context of the correctional
environment, this study extends initial work examining the relationship between work–
family conflict and job stress and job satisfaction. The current study builds on the limited
but critical studies of work–family conflict in the correctional officer workforce (Lambert,
Hogan, & Altheimer, 2010; Lambert et al., 2004; Lambert et al., 2006). We follow the rec-
ommendation of Lambert, Hogan, and Altheimer (2010) to focus on precursory psychoso-
cial states of job burnout by measuring job stress and job satisfaction among correctional
officers. This study also builds on the prior work that focused on a single site, extending the
sampling frame used here to include correctional officers employed in 13 different adult
prison facilities.
Two hypotheses serve as the focus of this study:
Hypothesis 1: Higher levels of work–family conflict are related to higher levels of perceived job
stress.
Hypothesis 2: Higher levels of work–family conflict are related to lower levels of perceived job
satisfaction.
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6 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
METHOD
PARTICIPANTS
Researchers surveyed correctional officers in a Southern state during mandatory in-ser-
vice training in each of five administrative regions. Participants were allotted “class time”
during the training sessions to voluntarily complete an anonymous survey described as
measuring their work experiences as a correctional officer. Despite a lack of compensation
for survey participants, a relatively high response rate of 83% was achieved for a total of
441 officers employed at 13 different adult prison facilities (currently, the state operates 111
separate prison facilities). As indicated in Table 1, the typical officer who completed the
survey was a 41-year-old Caucasian correctional officer who had completed some college
education. On average, participants were married without children and had almost 10 years
of prior correctional experience. The sample was almost equally composed of males and
females. Unfortunately, demographic characteristics for the entire population of correc-
tional officers in this state were not publicly available.
MEASURES
Dependent Variables
Two dependent variables were examined: job stress and job satisfaction. Job stress was
based on indicators previously utilized to measure this same concept (Armstrong & Griffin,
TABLE 1: Correctional Officer Demographic Characteristics (N = 441)
Demographic Characteristic M (SD) Median Minimum Maximum
Age 41.2 (11.9) 42 19 66
Tenure (years in corrections) 9.95 (8.3) 7.3 0 38.8
%
Male 54.9
Race/ethnicity
Caucasian, non-Hispanic 56.5
African American 24.3
Hispanic 13.6
Marital status
Single 33.6
Married 52.8
Separated/divorced/widowed 7.9
Number of children
0 44.7
1 19.5
2 17.7
3 or more 12.5
Education
High school or GED 31.5
Some college 43.8
College degree/graduate work 20.0
Note. Missing data are shown in parentheses for each of the following variables: tenure in corrections (10.4%),
male (3.6%), race/ethnicity (5.7%), marital status (5.7%), education (4.8%), and number of children (5.7%).
GED = general education development.
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 7
2004; Crank, Regoli, Hewitt, & Culbertson, 1995). A two-item index score that ranged from
2 (low level of stress) to 10 (high level of stress) measured a direct emotion–workplace con-
nection by asking the participants the extent to which they agreed with the statements “My
job makes me frustrated or angry” and “My job places me under a lot of pressure.” The
responses for each question ranged from strongly disagree (coded 1) to strongly agree
(coded 5). A summed score of these two indicators comprised the job stress index score. Job
satisfaction was measured with the question “On a scale of 1 to 10, how satisfied are you
with your job?” Responses were anchored with an indicator of not satisfied at all (coded 1)
to very satisfied (coded 10).1
Work–Family Conflict
The independent variable of interest is work–family conflict. Following the work of
Lambert and his colleagues (Lambert, Hogan, & Altheimer, 2010; Lambert et al., 2004;
Lambert et al., 2006), work–family conflict was operationalized using three scales: Time-,
Strain-, and Behavior-Based Work–Family Conflicts (see Appendix A for the items and fac-
tor loadings for each scale). Since items from the work of Lambert and his colleagues (2004,
2006) were utilized, this study utilized a confirmatory factor analysis approach. Reliability
analyses were also completed. Univariate scale statistics are indicated in Table 2.
Time-Based Work–Family Conflict
Time-based work–family conflict measured in-home conflict resulting from the officer
spending insufficient time tending to family needs due to workplace demands (Lambert
et al., 2006). Items for this scale were adapted from Lambert et al. (2006). Answer options
for this five-item scale ranged from strongly disagree (coded 1) to strongly agree (coded 5).
Item scores were summed with higher scale scores reflecting higher conflict.
Strain-Based Work–Family Conflict
Strain-based work–family conflict was defined as occurring when “the demands and ten-
sions from work negatively impact the quality of a worker’s home life” (Lambert et al.,
2006, p. 372). This 10-item scale was coded similar to time-based work–family conflict
such that higher scores reflected higher conflict.
TABLE 2: Univariate Scale Statistics
No. of items Cronbach’s αM (SD) Median Minimum Maximum
Job stress 2 .79 7.1 (2.1) 7 1 10
Job satisfaction 1 — 6.7 (2.4) 7 2 10
Work–family conict—Time 5 .77 12.4 (4.5) 12 5 25
Work–family conict—Strain 10 .86 25.8 (8.2) 26 10 50
Work–family conict—Behavior 3 .89 10.1 (3.2) 9 3 15
Family–work conict 5 .78 11.4 (4.3) 11 5 25
Supervisory Support 4 .79 12.5 (4.0) 26 4 20
Peer support 4 .84 11.2 (4.0) 12 4 20
Family support 4 .73 15.5 (3.5) 16 4 20
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8 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
Behavior-Based Work–Family Conflict
Behavior-based conflict was defined as an incompatibility between the correctional offi-
cer’s role in the workplace and their role at home. This three-item summative scale was
adapted from Lambert et al. (2006) and reflects the coding of the other work–family conflict
scales, with higher scale scores indicating higher conflict.
Family–Work Conflict
Following the argument of Lambert, Hogan, and Altheimer (2010) that reciprocal or
simultaneous relationships exist between family circumstances and work experiences (see
also Nohe et al., 2015), a five-item scale measuring family–work conflict was included. As
noted earlier, family–work conflict follows Nohe et al.’s (2015) definition: employees who
experience conflict due to family responsibilities that interfere with their work duties.
Similar to the three work–family conflict scales, item responses for the family–work con-
flict scale ranged from 1 to 5, with higher scores indicating greater family–work conflict
(strongly disagree, coded 1; to strongly agree, coded 5). A summative scale, confirmed
through factor analysis, was created for these five items (see Appendix A for factor
loadings).
In addition to work–family conflict, based on prior studies, control variables such as the
working conditions, sources of support, and demographic characteristics of the participant
were included in the analysis. Lambert, Hogan, and Altheimer (2010) recommended con-
sidering tenure as a totality of time that an employee had worked in corrections in lieu of
time spent working in a particular position. Finally, existing studies have found stress levels
vary by both gender and age of the individual suggesting these factors should also be
accounted for in analyses (Cheeseman et al., 2011; Dial et al., 2010; Griffin, 2006; Lambert
et al., 2004).
Sources of Support
Noted as important in studies examining job stress and job satisfaction is the extent to
which an employee perceives that he or she has the social support of others, both internal
and external to the work environment. Sources of support in this study measured three pos-
sible sources: supervisor support, peer support, and family support (see Appendix B for the
support items).
Supervisory Support
Supervisory support was measured using a four-item summative scale where higher
scores indicated a greater level of perceived supervisory support. Reflecting earlier work of
Cullen et al. (1985), statements measured participant perceptions that their supervisors
encouraged them, blamed others, or conducted themselves in a professional regard
(Cheeseman et al., 2011; Triplett, Mullings, & Scarborough, 1999).
Peer Support
Items measuring peer support also replicated earlier studies in using a four-item summa-
tive scale that measured the participants’ perceptions that their fellow officers complimented
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 9
each other on a job well done, encouraged each other, or blamed each other when things
went wrong. Higher scores on this scale indicated higher peer support (see Cheeseman
et al., 2011; Cullen et al., 1985).
Family Support
A four-item summative scale was used to measure the extent to which a participant per-
ceived that his or her family was a source of social support regarding his or her job based
on the work of Cullen, Lemming, Link, and Wozniak (1985). Participants were given state-
ments that queried whether their family understood how tough their job could be and
whether they could seek support from their family (including their spouse or others) when
they needed to talk about their job. They were asked to rate their level of agreement from
strongly disagree (coded 1) to strongly agree (coded 5). Higher scale scores indicated a
greater perception of support from their family.
Measures of participant demographics included age; gender (coded 1 for male and 0 for
female); race/ethnicity categorized as Caucasian, Hispanic, and African American (coded 1
for each category and 0 for the contrast group of Caucasian); education level (coded 1 for
high school or GED, 2 for some college, 3 for college or graduate work); marital status
(coded 1 for married and 0 for other status including divorced, single, or widowed); and
parental responsibility, measured as number of children for whom the participant was
responsible (ranging from 0 to 9).
RESULTS
Prior to completing the analyses, data were screened for outliers, normality, linearity,
homoscedasticity, and collinearity. Outliers for continuous variables were examined
using z scores. Cases with a z score greater than 3.29 or less than −3.29 are potential outli-
ers (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007), and to reduce the relative influence of these cases on
subsequent analyses, these outliers were recoded such that the accepted minimum/maxi-
mum value was used as the replacement values. Four cases of univariate outliers were
discovered for number of children, and one case for the variable measuring years working
in corrections. When examining multivariate outliers, two cases exceed the critical chi-
square value of 32.91 and were deleted. All variables met the assumptions of linearity,
normality, and homoscedasticity. No significant collinearity existed between independent
variables to the extent that exclusion of variables from further multivariate analyses was
necessary (all correlations were below .8 and all variance inflation factor [VIF] statistics
were above .1).
Pearson correlation coefficients shown in Table 3 demonstrated that significant relation-
ships existed between many of the independent variables and the two outcome measures of
job stress and job satisfaction. Of interest to the current study, all work–family conflict
measures were negatively correlated with job satisfaction and positively correlated with job
stress.
Two separate ordinary least squares regression models were constructed for job stress
and job satisfaction, respectively, which included the independent variables described ear-
lier. In each of the models, almost half of the variation in the dependent variable was
explained; 40% in the job stress model and 44% in the job satisfaction model, respectively.
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10 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
Table 4 displays both the unstandardized and standardized beta coefficients for job stress
and job satisfaction models.
As shown in Table 4, strain-based work–family conflict, behavior-based work–family
conflict, and family–work conflict are significantly related to job stress. Similar to Lambert,
Hogan, and Altheimer (2010), time-based work–family conflict was not significantly
related to job stress. Supervisory support and family support are also related to job stress.
Correctional officers who experienced higher levels of strain-based or behavior-based
work–family conflict, or more family–home conflict, experienced more job stress. In addi-
tion, correctional officers who experienced greater supervisory support had lower levels of
job stress. Interestingly, correctional officers who experienced greater family support
regarding their job had higher levels of job stress. No significant gender-, race-, or age-
based differences in job stress were found. Furthermore, neither marital status, number of
children, education, nor tenure in corrections was significantly related to job stress.
The majority of the results pertaining to job stress paralleled the results in the job satisfac-
tion model. Specifically, strain- and behavior-based work–family conflict, as well as family–
work conflict, was significantly related to job satisfaction. Officers who experienced greater
strain- or behavior-based work–family conflict were significantly less satisfied with their job.
This finding offers support to Lambert and colleagues (2006) who also found that strain-based
and behavior-based work–family conflict was related to job satisfaction.
Officers who experienced higher family–work conflict were significantly less satisfied
with their job. In addition, supervisory support was related to job satisfaction. Specifically,
higher levels of supervisory support contributed to higher levels of job satisfaction.
Important differences in job satisfaction existed between Hispanic and Caucasian correc-
tional officers, as well as between officers with different education levels. Officers who
were Hispanic were significantly more satisfied with their job than officers who were
Caucasian. Furthermore, officers who attained a higher level of education reported lower
levels of job satisfaction.
DISCUSSION
Careers in corrections consist of exceptional and unique challenges given the duties
assigned and the nature of the work environment (Lommel, 2004). Idiosyncrasies of working
TABLE 3: Correlation Matrix
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. Job satisfaction 1.0
2. Job stress −.38** 1.0
3. Work–family conict—Time −.35** .29** 1.0
4. Work–family conict—Strain −.48** .52** .54** 1.0
5. Work–family conict—Behavior −.28** .19** −.13** .16** 1.0
6. Family–work conict −.36** .42** .32** .56** .05 1.0
7. Supervisory support .47** −.21** −.29** −.28** −.23** −.29** 1.0
8. Peer support .30** −.15** −.15** −.13** −.15** −.10* .44** 1.0
9. Family support .17** −.09 −.16** −.28** −.10* −.32** .26** .07
*p < .05. **p < .01.
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 11
in direct contact with an incarcerated population in a confined space add challenges to
achieving a successful balance between work and family demands, in turn influencing offi-
cer well-being (Lambert et al., 2006). Lambert and his colleagues (Lambert, Hogan, &
Altheimer, 2010; Lambert et al., 2006) initially bridged the gap between broader organiza-
tional literature on the work–family conflict perspective (Michel et al., 2011) with correc-
tions by trifurcating work and family domains conflicts by the dimensions of time-, strain-,
and behavior-based work–family conflict. This study finds that incongruent or incompatible
demands frequently exist between the work and family domains of correctional employees.
Higher levels of strain- and behavior-based work–family conflict are related to lower levels
of job satisfaction and higher levels of job stress. Simultaneously, a reciprocal association
existed such that family–work conflict was also related to more job stress and less job
satisfaction.
Initial findings of Lambert and his colleagues (Lambert, Hogan, & Altheimer, 2010;
Lambert et al., 2004; Lambert et al., 2006) were supported. Recall that the work of Lambert
and his colleagues focused on work–family conflict experienced by officers working in a
single correctional facility. The current study included correctional officers from 13 state-
operated adult correctional facilities located in multiple regions of a large state. The
TABLE 4: Correlates of Job Stress and Job Satisfaction, Ordinary Least Squares Regression Results
Job Stress (n = 312) Job Satisfaction (n = 290)
Outcome BβBβ
Constant .967 9.415
Officer demographics
Male .018 .004 −.048 −.010
Age .012 .068 .013 .065
Race (vs. Caucasian, non-Hispanic)
Hispanic −.278 −.047 .737 .102*
African American −.191 −.039 −.207 −.037
Marital status (1 = Married) −.173 −.042 −.217 −.046
Number of children .010 .007 .056 .038
Education −.213 −.074 −.459 −.138**
Tenure (years in corrections) .013 .051 .022 .079
Sources of conict
Work–family conict—Time .005 .012 −.004 −.008
Work–family conict—Strain .114 .455*** −.089 −.312***
Work–family conict—Behavior .101 .160** −.121 −.166**
Family–work conict .087 .185** −.065 −.117*
Support mechanisms
Supervisory support −.058 −.113* .164 .284***
Peer support .024 .048 .018 .031
Family support .102 .176** −.027 −.040
R2.40 .44
Adjusted R2.37 .41
F (df) 13.34 (15,296) 14.45 (15,274)
Note. Both unstandardized (B) and standardized (β) regression coefficients are presented.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
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12 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
replication of these findings underscores that conflict between the work and family domains
emanates from both sources. Furthermore, these sources of conflict covary with higher
levels of job stress and job dissatisfaction. Specifically, Hypotheses 1 and 2 were both sup-
ported. Correctional officers who perceived that their work life resulted in arguments and
increased irritability at home, as well as family expressions of unhappiness about the time
spent away from home as a result of their job, experienced higher levels of job stress and
lower levels of job satisfaction. It is interesting that correctional officers who perceived that
behaviors learned at work were detrimental to being a good parent, spouse, or friend (behav-
ior-based conflict) were significantly more likely to have higher job stress and lower job
satisfaction.
A reciprocal relationship was also found such that aspects of a correctional officer’s
family domain negatively affected his or her work domain (family–work conflict). This
relationship was significantly related to perceptions of both higher job stress and lower
job satisfaction. Although the same items were used in both studies, Lambert et al. (2006)
did not find a statistically significant relationship between family–work conflict and job
satisfaction or job stress. Lambert and colleagues did find family–work conflict to be
significantly related to job burnout in a subsequent study (Lambert, Hogan, & Altheimer,
2010); unfortunately, job burnout was not measured here. Finally, this study found that
time-based strain was not an essential contributor to job stress or job satisfaction. This
finding indicates a high likelihood that officers are not overly stressed or dissatisfied from
working overtime when they did not want to, from feeling a lacking time spent with their
families, or from instability in their work schedules within this sample of correctional
officers.
Important work environment correlates of job satisfaction also emerged as potential
protective factors that could serve as the impetus for stress-reduction strategies in cor-
rectional institutions. In line with previous research, officers who perceived higher levels
of supervisory support experienced less job stress and were more satisfied with their jobs
(Bono & Ilies, 2006; Sosik & Godshalk, 2000). Yet, family support of the officers regard-
ing their job was not statistically related to either outcome as measured in this study. In
summary, for some correctional officers, the correctional workplace and their family
domain can be incongruent. This incongruence is associated with higher levels of job
stress and limited job satisfaction, but may be offset by supervisory and/or family support
for some officers.
IMPLICATIONS
It is incumbent upon correctional organizations to seize the opportunity to reduce incon-
gruences that exist between work and family domains for some correctional officers given
the association of such conflict with job stress and job satisfaction. Actions on the part of
organizations that could assist with these efforts may take many forms, including evidence-
based training of supervisory staff to maintain open, yet professionally driven, lines of com-
munication between supervisors and their subordinates regarding family matters and work
demands. As a matter of facility security, it is critical for supervisors to take notice of the
emotional and cognitive state of their subordinates to ensure a high level of job performance
and professionalism. Not only are desperate or unhappy employees likely to exhibit emo-
tional distress via job burnout (Lambert, Hogan, & Altheimer, 2010), the odds of
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 13
compromised decision making due to cynicism or decreased efficacy may also arise (Egyed
& Short, 2006; Leiter, Gascon, & Martinez-Jarreta, 2010).
Although instances of poor decision making such as corrupt behavior are seemingly rare,
documented forms within the correctional environment have included transportation of ille-
gal goods such as drugs and cell phones (Bouchard, 2012; Gillespie, 2005), as well as
engaging in sexual misconduct with inmates (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson,
2000, 2006). Equally important are the ramifications of poor decisions on an officer’s safety
and the safety of those around him or her. Whether a correctional officer’s decision to
ignore or circumvent policy stems from stress, dissatisfaction, manipulation, or coercion,
improved training for correctional officer supervisors that enables an increased recognition
of an imbalance or conflict between an officer’s personal and professional lives could at
minimum reduce, and at best prevent, incidents of officer misconduct or officer behaviors
that pose a safety hazard.
LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
This study benefitted from a reasonable response rate and seemingly representative
sample of correctional officers from throughout the state, yet limitations remain.
Specifically, data on the composition of correctional officers from within the state were
not publicly available. Although our sample appears to be relatively similar to earlier
studies conducted in the same state, we cannot be certain of the extent to which it is rep-
resentative. Second, the current study was cross-sectional in nature, which is an approach
that has been previously criticized. A methodological approach that includes a panel
design to track officers’ work experiences and well-being over time would be an improve-
ment in job-specific tests of work–family conflict. A recent meta-analysis of panel studies
on this topic suggests a reciprocal relationship between work and family conflicts does
indeed exist (Nohe et al., 2015). Furthermore, this reciprocal relationship significantly
predicted higher levels of job strain. This finding lends an added level of confidence to a
suggestion of a causal relationship for job stress and job satisfaction, while opening a
direct avenue for future research.
Third, we limit our examination to the impact of work–family conflict on job stress and
job satisfaction. Future research should consider additional measures of correctional offi-
cer mental and physical health. The growing literature on mindfulness could be particu-
larly instructive in programs and training that could be developed to reduce employee
complacency and in turn increase officer and organizational safety (Michel, Bosch, &
Rexroth, 2014). Measures of physical health may lead to organizational modifications
that reduce use of sick time and rates of employee absenteeism (Magnavita & Garbarino,
2013).
A fourth area of limitation in the current study is a failure to adequately capture other
organizational-level factors that may affect the work experiences examined. Certainly,
significant organizational change is underway within the field of corrections with the
increased attention to, and expansion of, evidence-based practices. It is unclear what
effect the organizational flux in correctional practice has on the staff employed in such a
dynamic environment. Further work is needed to capture the psychosocial effects of being
“on board” with a culture of change within a correctional organization, as compared with
being run over by it.
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14 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
APPENDIX A: ITEMS ON WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT SCALES
Factor Loadings
Time-based work–family conict
1. My job allows me adequate time to be with my family. (r) .775
2. My time off from work works well with my family members’ schedules and/or my
social needs. (r)
.787
3. I frequently have to work overtime when I don’t want to. .367
4. My work schedule is stable enough to allow me to plan my family and/or social
life. (r)
.824
5. I am able to participate in important family or social activities/events outside of
work. (r)
.847
Strain-based work–family conict
1. My work allows me to still have the energy to enjoy my family and/or social life. (r) .607
2. I frequently argue with my spouse/family members about my job. .642
3. I am able to leave my problems from work at work rather than bringing them
home. (r)
.506
4. With all my work demands, sometimes I come home too stressed to do the
things I enjoy.
.722
5. Because of this job, I am often irritable at home. .806
6. My job has a bad impact on my home life. .788
7. I am able to relax away from work, no matter what is happening in my job. (r) .568
8. I am easily able to balance my work and home lives. (r) .626
9. My family/friends express unhappiness about the time I spend at work. .677
10. My family/friends dislike how often I am preoccupied with work. .733
Behavior-based work–family conict
1. The behaviors I learn at work help me to be a better parent. .896
2. The behaviors I learn at work help me to be a better spouse. .932
3. The behaviors I learn at work help me to be a better friend. .896
Family–work conict
1. My family and/or social life interfere with my job. .645
2. I sometimes have to miss work due to pressing family/social issues or problems. .710
3. Because of stress at home, I am often preoccupied with family matters at work. .824
4. I’m often tired at work because of the things I have to do at home. .814
5. I feel that the demands placed upon me at work are unreasonable. .660
Note. (r) = reverse coded.
In closing, the well-being of the proverbial gatekeepers to enhance public safety neces-
sitates continued investigative efforts to improve the working conditions and associated
dynamics for correctional officers to ensure the safety and security of staff, inmates, and our
communities. This study extended the limited literature in the prison environment on the
contribution of work–family conflict to job stress and job satisfaction. Findings indicated
that conflict among the work and family domains, regardless of the source from which the
conflict emanates, is related to higher levels of job stress and lower levels of job satisfac-
tion. Furthermore, officers who felt supported by their supervisors reported lower levels of
job stress and higher levels of job satisfaction.
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Armstrong et al. / CORRECTIONAL OFFICER WORK–FAMILY CONFLICT 15
APPENDIX B: ITEMS ON SUPPORT SCALES
Factor Loadings
Supervisory support
1. My supervisors encourage us to do the job in a way that we really would be proud of. .846
2. My supervisors encourage the people I work with if they do their job well. .846
3. My supervisors blame others when things go wrong, even when it’s not their fault. (r) −.710
4. If my supervisors have a dispute with an officer they supervise, they handle it
professionally.
.743
Peer support
1. My fellow officers often compliment someone who has done his or her job well. .793
2. My fellow officers don’t blame each other when things go wrong. .764
3. My fellow officers encourage each other to do the job in a way that we would be
proud of.
.902
4. My fellow officers encourage each other to think of better ways of getting the work
done.
.844
Family support
1. Members of my family understand how tough my job can be. .724
2. When my job gets me down, I know that I can turn to my family and get the support
I need.
.795
3. There is really no one in my family that I can talk to about my job. (r) −.779
4. My spouse (or signicant other) can’t really help me much when I get tense about
my job. (r)
−.672
Note. (r) = reverse coded
NOTE
1. A four-item satisfaction scale was also created; however, there were no statistical or substantive differences in the results.
Therefore, for ease of interpretation and replication, we have chosen to use the single-item indicator for job satisfaction.
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Gaylene S. Armstrong, PhD, is a professor and the chair of the Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology. Her
research focuses on correctional program and policy evaluation in community and institutional corrections settings.
Cassandra A. Atkin-Plunk, PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Florida
Atlantic University. Her research interests span both institutional and community corrections, focusing primarily on evidence-
based practices, program evaluations, and reentry and reintegration.
Jessica Wells, MA, is a doctoral student in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Sam Houston State
University. Her research interests include officer stress and biosocial criminology.
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