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The OSCE and the Creation of Multi-Ethnic Police Forces in the Balkans
... Thus, police reform plays a crucial role in reestablishing confidence among the citizens. As Stodiek points out gaining the confidence of the public cannot succeed without success in fighting crime (Stodiek, 2006). ...
... These issues have to be tackled early on in the reform process, often however, with limited man-power, lack of infrastructure and meagre financial resources. In a survey among police officers, OSCE police instructors and UN police in Kosovo identified low salaries as a factor that had a negative impact on the morale of local police as the biggest obstacle (Stodiek, 2006). 6 ...
... In order for the reform to have an impact the donor country is dependent upon serious commitment to the intended measures by both the host government as well as the local police itself (DFID, 2002). Furthermore, post-conflict environments usually demand major police reforms which cannot be implemented within one or two years (Stodiek, 2006). Hartz estimates that a typical police reform project would take approximately five years, not precluding ongoing organizational reform (2000). ...
... When it was lost, its parliament and government being abolished, a process of Serbianization began. Institutions now only employed Serbs-particularly the police, who became a major source of discrimination against Kosovo Albanians (Clark, 2000;Stodiek, 2006). Furthermore, Serbo-Croat became the sole official language. ...
Drawing on semi-directed interviews with ex-combatants from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) and the archives of the international organization responsible for disarming and demobilizing the combatants, this article examines the process by which individuals joined the armed resistance movement in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on a “ground-level” approach, we emphasize the incremental nature of this mobilization and challenge the widespread understanding that Albanians in Kosovo turned suddenly to armed resistance. We also challenge strategic-political accounts of the origins of the armed struggle, instead of highlighting the importance of chance events. From a relational perspective, we demonstrate the significance of the repression that those involved in armed violence had experienced, either personally or collectively. Individual decisions to join the armed conflict of 1998–1999 took place in a continuum, following on from earlier periods that had been marked by excessive state violence.
... Face au vide sécuritaire créé par le départ des forces serbes, non comblé par un nombre suffisant de policiers internationaux 36 , la direction de la Minuk décida que les policiers locaux devaient être envoyés au plus vite sur le terrain, d'où un temps de formation à l'école de police excessivement court : 8 semaines. Or cette option d'une montée en puissance rapide du SPK est entrée en contradiction avec le principe d'une formation approfondie qui, par la suite, orienterait au quotidien la pratique professionnelle d'agents de l'État n'ayant jusqu'alors connu que le système policier socialiste (Stodiek, 2006). L'enseignement à l'Académie de police a certes joué un rôle important dans l'inculcation de valeurs et de méthodes, d'autant que les formateurs sous l'autorité de l'OSCE 37 étaient les premiers à encadrer les policiers kosovars et à pouvoir ainsi influencer leurs représentations et leur conception du métier. ...
The role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is analyzed in the framework of the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), the peace mission established in Kosovo in 1999. The OSCE Mission in Kosovo (OMIK) was asked to (re)establish institutions, including in the security sector through the creation of a new police force, the Kosovo Police Service. Although it tried to set up a democratic, multiethnic police force as part of the process of reconciliation, OMIK was a weak institution. Its actions were blurred, even impeded by UNMIK, which was concerned more with short-term pacification than with durable reconciliation. This article draws from interviews, OSCE archives, official dobuments, observations and field work carried out both in Kosovo and at OSCE headquarters in Vienna.
... Face au vide sécuritaire créé par le départ des forces serbes, non comblé par un nombre suffisant de policiers internationaux 36 , la direction de la Minuk décida que les policiers locaux devaient être envoyés au plus vite sur le terrain, d'où un temps de formation à l'école de police excessivement court : 8 semaines. Or cette option d'une montée en puissance rapide du SPK est entrée en contradiction avec le principe d'une formation approfondie qui, par la suite, orienterait au quotidien la pratique professionnelle d'agents de l'État n'ayant jusqu'alors connu que le système policier socialiste (Stodiek, 2006). L'enseignement à l'Académie de police a certes joué un rôle important dans l'inculcation de valeurs et de méthodes, d'autant que les formateurs sous l'autorité de l'OSCE 37 étaient les premiers à encadrer les policiers kosovars et à pouvoir ainsi influencer leurs représentations et leur conception du métier. ...
L’article analyse le rôle de l’OSCE (Organisation pour la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe) dans le cadre de la Minuk (Mission des Nations Unies au Kosovo), la mission de paix qui a été établie au Kosovo en 1999. L’Omik (Mission de l’Osce au Kosovo) s’était vu confier la tâche d’y (r)établir des institutions, y compris en ce qui concerne le secteur de la sécurité, avec la constitution d’une nouvelle police locale, le Service de Police du Kosovo (SPK). Bien que s’étant efforcée de mettre en place une police démocratique et multiethnique supposée être vecteur de réconciliation, l’OSCE fut au Kosovo une institution faible dont l’action a été « brouillée » voire entravée par la Minuk, laquelle s’est montrée plus soucieuse d’atteindre une pacification à court terme qu’une réconciliation durable. L’article prend appui sur des sources diverses : entretiens, archives d’organisation, observations de terrain, documents officiels, et repose sur des séjours de terrains aussi bien au Kosovo qu’au siège de l’OSCE à Vienne.
This chapter charts the recent history of police reform in Serbia until 2007; detail the evolution from a socialist model of policing to a democratic police that merges Western influences with Serbian police and administrative culture. The main drivers of change within the Serbian police service are analysed, together with the challenges that remain in areas such as police accountability, and the fight against organised crime. Finally, the reform process is placed into its system-wide and regional context before conclusions are presented on the product and the future prospect of the reform process.
U ovom radu analiziraćemo dinamiku transformacije po-licije u Srbiji tokom promena velikog obima tzv. četvorostru-ke tranzicije. Tokove reforme policije analiziraćemo tokom istovremene promene političkog, društvenog i ekonomskog sistema, kao i tokom prelaska države iz statusa konflikta u postkonfliktni status. Nakon što analiziramo komunističko institucionalno nasleđe, ispitaćemo ponašanje policije tokom izlaska iz komunizma i tokom drugih "graničnih momena-ta", odnosno tokom "trenutaka preokreta" koji su se odigra-vali u periodu političke transformacije. Ovakvi trenuci su u teoriji tranzicije poznati kao "kritični momenti", jer tada društvo za kratko vreme dramatično menja percepciju polici-je, stvara nova očekivanja od javne bezbednosti, koja su "is-pregovarana" političkom borbom, što za posledicu ima pro-menu smera sprovođenja reforme policije. Da bismo razume-li to kako su širi politički procesi uticali na tok reforme poli-cije tokom nekoliko talasa demokratizacije, od perioda izla-ska iz komunizma do 2007. godine, analiziraćemo dominant-ne procese sekuritizacije u Srbiji koji su se odvijali u ovom pe-riodu. Analiziranjem tipa dominantnih sekuritizajućih aktera, prirode pretnji i "specijalnih ili vanrednih mera" kojima se na ove pretnje odgovara izvan oblasti delovanja obične politike, ispitaćemo to koji su prioriteti reforme policije u svakom tranzicionom periodu. Na kraju, u ovom radu zaključili smo da su nakon sedam godina sprovođenja reforme policije, ko-ja se odvija u okviru šireg procesa demokratizacije srpskog društva, mnoge reforme sprovedene formalno i da su se odnosile samo na reformisanje strukture ove organizacije.
This article analyses police officers’ assessment of the NPF reforms from an Area Command in Ondo State. Using a quantitative methodology, 305 police officers participated in the study. Results were presented and analysed using tables, percentages and means scores on a 5-point Likert scale. Findings reveal a low level of reform awareness among police officers. The article suggests that the NPF reforms were neither well-formulated nor adequately implemented. Even though the NPF reforms marginally but differentially improved the various aspects of police operational capacity, there was no much improvement in the overall police capacity and performance. The article shows that the performance and implementation of the NPF reforms in Ondo State have been constrained by corruption, inadequate funding, policy inconsistency, poor leadership and lack of reform communication to implementers, poor condition of service for officers, among others. The article concludes by attributing the poor performance of the NPF reforms to the unfavourable contexts in which the reforms were formulated and implemented.
The OSCE’s institution-building mission in Kosovo, in cooperation with the United Nations, was responsible for recruiting and training cadets for the new Kosovo police service. The chapter covers the mission’s work until 2008, when Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia. In terms of institutional designs, the OSCE mission showed remarkably decentralized structures and management authority. It is shown that from the outset, the OSCE proved very adaptable to work in the politicized context of police reform in Kosovo. Conflicts with the UN’s own police force, which provided the organizational frame for the Kosovo police service, existed but were successfully solved by program managers who ran police reform operations. Overall, the mission had a very good reputation among Kosovar and international partners. The key factors, as the chapter finds, were decentralized management competencies, dedicated staff, and highly flexible operational and budget rules. In contrast to some of the other organizations studied in this book, the OSCE’s institutional design actually enabled peacebuilding.
The problematic nature of biased knowledge held by professionalized experts and aid workers in statebuilding is already recognized. Yet we still lack understanding on knowledge formation and transfer in the everyday of statebuilding operations. I argue that the actors on the ground gain their knowledge in powerful and self-referential socialization processes. The aim of this article is to reconstruct via an interactionist theoretical framework, how German police officers, deployed for a maximum of 12 months, perceive and interpret other actors and their mission in Kosovo, how they gain this knowledge and how it relates to their work. I draw two conclusions: first, the police officers, both experienced and newcomers, share mostly negative attitudes towards local actors and the mission. Second, the most important mode of knowledge formation and transfer behind these similar attitudes is the informal interaction with experienced interveners and local actors, not official trainings or information. These informal modes of knowledge transfer have a limiting effect on the practice of statebuilding. New knowledge is difficult to gain in short-term deployment, instead stereotypes are reaffirmed. Interveners are not independent units and the social practice of an operation cannot simply be planned; it develops on the ground in specific forms.
The European Union's crisis management policy forms the background for decision-making regarding European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) missions and relies on various elements of the European Union (EU) foreign, security and development policy. ESDP police missions, in particular, are the spearhead of its civilian component. The modalities of implementation of the ESDP police missions and their achievements in post-crisis settings are understudied and still require a thorough evaluation. The proposed research will explore one facet of the European Union's engagement in police reform, preparing the way for an assessment of the effectiveness of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia-Herzegovina, with a particular emphasis on EUPM II (carried out from 2006 onwards following the revision of the mandate). Furthermore, this paper will question whether guidelines for "European policing" can be identified or have been enriched by past operational practice.
Through a combination of various research and survey instruments, the Kosovo small arms baseline assessment sought to answer five key questions: (1) how many small arms are there in Kosovo and how are they distributed; (2) what types of weapons are most commonly reported and misused; (3) who are the primary owners and users of small arms and what are their attitudes towards weapons; (4) how are small arms transferred and what are the scale and dynamics of the small arms trade; and (5) what are the direct and indirect effects of small arms misuse on civilians.
https://www.smallarmssurvey.org/resource/kosovo-and-gun-baseline-assessment-small-arms-and-light-weapons-kosovo-special-report-03
How, and by what means, is peace constituted? In the first two decades of the twentieth century, a leading pacifist, Alfred H. Fried, set this fundamental question at the heart of the pacifist programme. Causal pacifism was the key term: “If we wish to eliminate an effect, we must first remove its cause. And if we wish to set a new and desirable effect in its place, we must substitute the cause with another which is capable of creating the desired effect” (Fried 1918, 10). This sounds abstract in terms of its methodology, but was posed as something quite specific: If war is the outcome of international anarchy, which still prevails in relations between states, this anarchy itself must be abolished in order to remove its effect, which is war. Moreover, in place of anarchy, a ‘social order’ must be established whose effect is to allow conflicts in general to be managed in a nonviolent reliable manner. In other words — in the political sense of the term — peace is created.
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