(PDF) Breaking the ice : developing a model of expeditioner and partner adaptation to Antarctic employment

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Breaking the Ice: Developing a Model of Expeditioner and Partner

Adaptation to Antarctic Employment

by

Kimberley Anne Norris

BA(Hons)

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the

requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy (Clinical Psychology)

University of Tasmania

May, 2010

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I certify that this thesis contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or

diploma by the University of Tasmania or any other institution, except by way of

background information where acknowledgement has been made in the text of the

thesis, and that to the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material

previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement

has been made in the text of the thesis.

This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the

Copyright Act 1968.

Kimberley Anne Norris

21st May, 2010

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank my supervisors Professor Douglas Paton of the University of

Tasmania and Dr Jeff Ayton, Chief Medical Officer of the Polar Medicine Unit,

Australian Antarctic Division.

Douglas, you are truly an inspiration. I can only hope to one day reach the level

of knowledge you posses and the wisdom of how to utilise this to enhance the

experiences of others. Your continued trust in my abilities allowed me to develop both

personally and professionally throughout this research process, and the pride I take in

this completed work is largely due to your encouragement of independent, rigorous,

evidence-based practice. Your humour kept me sane, as did your uncanny knack of

calling when I was flagging. I consider you to be a mentor and friend. Words cannot

truly capture my gratitude for all you have done – thank you.

Jeff, thank you for your endless enthusiasm and genuine interest in this research

project - your smiling face and jovial greetings buoyed me throughout this process, and

the opportunity to use this information to enhance the experiences of Antarctic

expeditioners and partners alike is an interest we continue to share. Thank you also for

enabling me access to the resources held by the Australian Antarctic Division and your

own personal library – I won’t forget the excitement of pouring over literature seated at

the desks in the Polar Medicine Unit, and hearing first-hand accounts of events from

previous expeditioners. Thank you also for your assistance in gaining an Australian

Antarctic Division Arts Fellowship which enabled me to travel to Antarctica to

experience first-hand the challenges associated with psychological adaptation within the

Antarctic environment. To the Australian Antarctic Division, thank you for providing

the opportunity to myself and others to travel to Antarctica and in turn communicate our

experiences and understanding to others.

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I am forever grateful to my family who supported me throughout this process

and never wavered in their belief that I was capable of completing this mammoth task.

In particular, to my husband Andrew for your endless patience, humour, enthusiasm,

and allowing our home to become a paper jungle for the past four years – I love you.

To my colleagues and peers at the University of Tasmania, I thank you for your

support, enthusiasm, and willingness to critique my work and provide insights from

other areas of Psychology. I also thank you for letting me debrief in your offices when

grappling with the volumes of data that were obtained through this research process.

I also wish to thank AAD expeditioners and partners for their time and

willingness to participate in this study. Your openness and ready engagement in this

project was truly valued and I hope that through this endeavour your experiences of

Antarctic employment can be further enhanced.

Furthermore, I would like to acknowledge the support and assistance of

Australian Antarctic station doctors Graham Denyer, Mark Rikard-Bell, Lloyd Fletcher,

Jim Bumak, Jo Melick, John Cadden, Gordon Mor, Helen Cooley, James Doube, Eve

Merfield, and Luigi De Frenza; and Polar Medicine Unit Head Office staff Dr Roland

Watzl, Ms Melissa Kingston, Ms Robin Taylor and Ms Sue Hillam in the recruitment of

participants.

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ABSTRACT

Existing research on the psychological issues that affect returning Antarctic

expeditioners testifies to the coexistence of both positive and negative outcomes derived

from their experience ‘on the ice’. However the predominant focus of such research has

been limited to adjustment outcomes rather than the processes that underlie adaptation -

processes which are likely to include individual coping mechanisms, organisational

demands, and family functioning patterns (Houtzager, et al., 2004). Identification of the

salient predictors of resilience and adaptation enables intervention strategies to focus on

enhancing this capacity throughout the employment experience.

Adopting a salutogenic perspective, the present study investigated the experience of

Antarctic employment for single expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners from

pre-departure through to reintegration in an effort to identify factors which facilitate

positive and negative adaptation. This was achieved through: 1) Identifying factors that

promote psychological resilience and adaptation in Antarctic expeditioners and describing

their relationship to positive and negative change arising from the expedition experience;

2) Identifying factors that promote psychological resilience and adaptation in Antarctic

expeditioners partners and describing their relationship to positive and negative change

arising from the separation experience; and 3) Describing the quality and nature of the

reintegration experience by comparing the processes and outcomes of each of the above,

and their implications for the process of reintegration over a 12 month period. An

additional aim of the present research was to investigate the impact of a shift from ship to

air-based personnel movement in Australian Antarctic populations.

Eligible participants were those undertaking a minimum employment period of

three consecutive months. The sample incorporated within the present study comprised 141

(107 male, 33 female) single expeditioners and 282 (197 male, 86 female) partnered

expeditioners recruited from the Australian Antarctic program during the 2005/2006,

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2006/2007, and 2007/2008 seasons. In order to obtain a more comprehensive

understanding of experience of the pre-departure period upon existing intimate

relationships, 149 (70 female, 24 male) partners of the recruited expeditioners also

participated in this study. To enable comprehensive assessment and understanding of the

independent and interdependent nature of experiences across Antarctic employment and

how these contribute to resilience and adaptation, data was collected across four stages of

the Antarctic employment experience according to the following schedule: Stage One:

Prior to departure; Stage Two: During the Antarctic absence; Stage Three: Two months

post-return to Australia; Stage Four: Twelve months post-return to Australia.

Results identified that compared to partners, both single and partnered

expeditioners reported significantly higher quantitative and qualitative levels of well-being

and indices of adaptation at all time points except reunion. Furthermore, there was little

differentiation between single and partnered expeditioners on both quantitative and

qualitative measures, nor between those who experienced ship versus air-based return to

Australia. A consistent result demonstrated throughout the research studies was the

multidimensional nature of factors influencing adaptation for all participant categories

throughout all phases of the employment experience. These factors spanned individual,

organisational, and relationship level factors as well as demonstrated interrelationships

between experiences at each phase of employment enabling a model to be developed

integrating these factors as they relate to resilience and adaptation.

Results of the current research are unique in that they provide a comprehensive

understanding of both the outcomes associated with positive adaptation within single

expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners, as well as the mechanisms which

underpin these. In this way, results of the present research identify areas for proactive

intervention programs and training to maximise positive adaptation outcomes that in turn

enhance employee well-being, performance, and retention.

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CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………… i

ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………… iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………… v

LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………. vii

LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………… x

LIST OF APPENDICES………………………………………………………… xivxii

CHAPTER 1: LIVING AND WORKING IN ANTARCTICA…………………. 1

1.1 The Antarctic Environment

1.2 The Australian Antarctic Program

1.3 Human Performance in Antarctica

CHAPTER 2: THE WORK-FAMILY INTERFACE………………………......... 24

2.1 The Work-Family Interface

2.2 The Experience of Vocational Separations

CHAPTER 3: RESILIENCE AND ADAPTATION ……………………………. 39

3.1 Resilience and Adaptation

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN ANTARCTIC RESEARCH... 45

4.1 Methodological Issues in Antarctic Research

CHAPTER 5: THE CURRENT RESEARCH……………………………………. 50

5.1 The Current Research

5.2 Method and Design

5.3 Analysis Strategies

5.4 Ethical Considerations

CHAPTER 6: THE PRE-DEPARTURE PERIOD……………………………….. 71

6.1 Introduction

6.2 Method

6.3 Results

6.4 Discussion

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CHAPTER 7: THE ABSENCE PERIOD ……………………………………….. 131

7.1 Introduction

7.2 Method

7.3 Results

7.4 Discussion

CHAPTER 8: THE REUNION PERIOD………………………………………… 193

8.1 Introduction

8.2 Method

8.3 Results

8.4 Discussion

CHAPTER 9: THE REINTEGRATION PERIOD……………………………… 232

9.1 Introduction

9.2 Method

9.3 Results

9.4 Discussion

CHAPTER 10: GENERAL DISCUSSION……………………………………… 270

10.1 Summary and Integration of Results

10.2 Limitations and Directions for Future Research

10.3 Conclusions and Recommendations

REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………... 309

APPENDICES………………………………………………………………..….. 346

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Sample Characteristics of Participants Providing Complete Data

Sets .......................................................................................................... 58

Table 2. Summary of Quantitative Measures Incorporated Within Studies.. 60

Table 3. Phases and Nature of Data Collection and Analysis Incorporated

Within the Present Studies............................................................... 64

Table 4. Comparing Quality of Life Satisfaction at Pre-Departure Between

Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners....... 97

Table 5. Comparing Well-Being at Pre-Departure Between Single

Expeditioners, Partnered expeditioners, and Partners.................. 100

Table 6. Backwards Stepwise Regression Results for Prediction of Quality

of Life Satisfaction at Pre-departure.............................................. 102

Table 7. Themes Identified Within Single Expeditioner Pre-Departure

Interviews....................................................................................... 108

Table 8. Themes Identified Within Partnered Expeditioner Pre-Departure

Interviews....................................................................................... 109

Table 9. Themes Identified Within Partner Pre-Departure Interviews....... 115

Table 10. Comparing Mean Quality of Life and Health Satisfaction During

the Absence Period for Single Expeditioners, Partnered

Expeditioners, and Partners............................................................ 140

Table 11. Themes Identified Within Single Expeditioner Qualitative

Response Profiles.............................................................................. 150

Table 12. Themes Identified Within Partnered Expeditioner Qualitative

Response Profiles.............................................................................. 153

Table 13. Themes Identified Within Partner Qualitative Response Profiles.... 160

Table 14. Temporal Response Patterns of Negative Qualitative Response

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Profiles for Single Expeditioners...................................................... 165

Table 15. Temporal Response Patterns of Negative Qualitative Response

Profiles for Single Expeditioners....................................................... 166

Table 16. Temporal Response Patterns of Negative Qualitative Response

Profiles for Partnered Expeditioners................................................ 168

Table 17. Temporal Response Patterns of Positive Qualitative Response

Profiles for Partnered Expeditioners............................................... 169

Table 18. Temporal Response Patterns of Negative Qualitative Response

Profiles for Partners........................................................................ 173

Table 19. Temporal Response Patterns of Positive Qualitative Response

Profiles for Partners.......................................................................... 174

Table 20. Comparing Quality of Life Domain Satisfaction Two Months

Post-RTA (Reunion) for Single Expeditioners, Partnered

Expeditioners, and Partners.............................................................. 204

Table 21. Comparing Well-Being Two Months Post-RTA (Reunion) for

Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners.......... 207

Table 22. Changes in Outlook Two Months Post-RTA (Reunion) for Single

Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners..................... 209

Table 23. Predicting Positive and Negative Change Scores at Reunion for

Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners........ 210

Table 24. Qualitative Response Profiles for Single Expeditioners Two

Months Post-RTA (Reunion).............................................................. 214

Table 25. Qualitative Response Profiles for Partnered Expeditioners at

Two Months Post-RTA (Reunion)..................................................... 217

Table 26. Qualitative Response Profiles for Partners Two Months Post-RTA

(Reunion)........................................................................................... 222

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Table 27. Comparing Quality of Life Domain Satisfaction for Single

Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners

at Reintegration................................................................................. 241

Table 28. Comparing Well-Being Between Single Expeditioners, Partnered

Expeditioners, and Partners at Reintegration................................... 245

Table 29. Changes in Outlook at Reintegration for Single Expeditioners,

Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners............................................ 247

Table 30. Predicting Positive and Negative Change Scores at Reintegration

for Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners.... 250

Table 31. Qualitative Response Profiles for Single Expeditioners at

Reintegration..................................................................................... 253

Table 32. Qualitative Response Profiles for Partnered Expeditioners at

Reintegration..................................................................................... 257

Table 33. Qualitative Response Profiles for Partners at Reintegration............ 263

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. The Stress-Shield model of resilience.............................................. 43

Figure 2. Model of factors influencing single and partnered expeditioner

adaptation to the pre-departure period............................................. 110

Figure 3. Model of factors influencing partner adaptation to the

pre-departure period......................................................................... 114

Figure 4. Mean HSCL-21 scores across the absence period for single

expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners experiencing

an absence of three-six months........................................................ 142

Figure 5. Mean HSCL-21 scores across the absence period for single

expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners experiencing

an absence of seven-10 months........................................................ 144

Figure 6. Mean HSCL-21 scores across the absence period for single

expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners experiencing

an absence of 11-14 months............................................................. 146

Figure 7. Mean HSCL-21 scores across the absence period for single

expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and partners experiencing

an absence of 15-18 months............................................................. 148

Figure 8. Model depicting factors that influence single and partnered

expeditioner adaptation during the absence period.......................... 156

Figure 9. Model depicting factors that influence partner adaptation during

the absence period............................................................................ 161

Figure 10. Model depicting factors that influence single expeditioner adaptation

during reunion.................................................................................. 213

Figure 11. Model depicting factors that influence partnered expeditioner adaptation

during reunion................................................................................... 218

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Figure 12. Model depicting factors that influence partner adaptation during

reunion............................................................................................. 223

Figure 13. Model depicting factors that influence single expeditioner adaptation

at reintegration................................................................................. 254

Figure 14. Model depicting factors that influence partnered expeditioner

adaptation at reintegration................................................................ 256

Figure 15. Model depicting factors that influence partner adaptation at

reintegration...................................................................................... 260

Figure 16. Mechanisms underpinning psychological adaptation in Antarctic

populations........................................................................................ 295

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LIST OF APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: Participant Information Sheets............................................. 346

APPENDIX B: Participant Consent Forms................................................... 350

APPENDIX C: Participant Demographic Questionnaire............................... 353

APPENDIX D: Modified Family Functioning Style Scale............................ 355

APPENDIX E: Pre-Departure Interview Schedules for Expeditioners and

Partners ................................................................................ 359

APPENDIX F: Stepwise Regression Equations Predicting Quality of Life

Satisfaction at Pre-Departure for Single Expeditioners,

Partnered Expeditioners, and Partners.................................. 361

APPENDIX G: Stepwise Regression Equations Predicting Well-Being at

Pre-Departure for Single Expeditioners, Partnered

Expeditioners, and Partners.................................................. 366

APPENDIX H: Reunion Interview Schedules for Expeditioners and

Partners................................................................................ 370

APPENDIX I: Stepwise Regression Equations Predicting Positive and

Negative Change at Two Months Post-RTA (Reunion)

for Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and

Partners................................................................................ 373

APPENDIX J: Reintegration Interview Schedules for Expeditioners and

Partners................................................................................ 376

APPENDIX K: Stepwise Regression Equations Predicting Positive and

Negative Change at 12 Months Post-RTA (Reintegration)

for Single Expeditioners, Partnered Expeditioners, and

Partners................................................................................. 379

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CHAPTER ONE

LIVING AND WORKING IN ANTARCTICA

1.1 The Antarctic Environment

Antarctica is frequently cited as the coldest, driest, windiest, and highest

continent on Earth. Average annual temperatures range from -10° Celsius on the coast

to -60° Celsius at the interior (Australian Antarctic Division, 2009a). These frigid air

temperatures limit precipitation to approximately 200-1000 millimetres per annum (of

which most is snow), rendering Antarctica the worlds largest desert (British Antarctic

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Survey (BAS), 2007). Further compounding the effects of the cold dry climate are fierce

katabatic winds, particularly in coastal regions where they reach an average speed of 40

kilometres per hour and have been recorded at speeds of 327 kilometres per hour (AAD,

2009b).

The nature of this environment renders it impossible to sustain human life

without the aid of technology and complex operations, and its geographic isolation

limits the availability of external assistance in medical and other emergencies (Decamps

& Rosnet, 2005; Lugg, 2005). Challenges associated with the physical environment,

climate, and geographic isolation inherent within Antarctica increase the risk of injury

or even death to those who reside there (Palinkas & Suedfeld, 2007). For these reasons

Antarctica has further been identified as one of the most extreme and unusual

environments on Earth (Suedfeld, 1991). In addition to the physical risks and demands

placed on those working in this environment, Antarctica also poses additional and

unusual social and psychological challenges for expeditioners which need to be

negotiated to enable adaptation to occur.

Antarctica as an Extreme and Unusual Environment (EUE)

Extreme and unusual environments (EUEs) are those which pose extraordinary

physical, technological, social, and psychological challenges for individuals who inhabit

them and require significant, complex, and deliberate action for successful adaptation

and performance (Barnett & Kring, 2003; Kanas & Manzey, 2003; Suedfeld, 1991;

Suedfeld & Mocellin, 1987). The previously identified characteristics of the Antarctic

environment clearly fulfil these criteria.

It has been proposed that EUEs can be principally defined according to physical,

psychological, and social/interactive parameters (Suedfeld, 1991). Physical

characteristics of an environment that contribute to classification as an EUE

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significantly deviate from those required for optimal human functioning, and within the

Antarctic environment specifically relate to temperature and humidity; light-dark

cycles; availability of basic necessities such as food, water, and shelter; and the

landscape itself (Suedfeld). In short, the physical parameters of the environment are

significantly removed from those required for optimal human performance and survival

(Suedfeld & Steel, 2000) and are significantly removed from the routine experience of

most human communities (Suedfeld & Steel). The nature of environments such as

Antarctica and the extremes of human performance demonstrated within them means

that the psychological, social, and physiological experiences of people residing there

can be studied nowhere else (Fiennes, 1993; Rachman, 1984; Segal, 1986; Suedfeld,

1998). For this reason, EUEs such as Antarctica have been referred to as ‘natural

laboratories’ for the study of human health and performance under physical,

psychological, and environmental stress (Shurley, 1974; Gunderson, 1974; Suedfeld,

1998).

Psychological parameters associated with EUEs relate more to individual

perceptions and responses to the environment, as opposed to the environment itself.

Although there are some EUEs (such as Antarctica) which people are likely to find

intrinsically challenging, the specific experience within EUEs can differ between

individuals residing within the same environment (Levine & Ursin, 1991; Sandal, Leon,

& Palinkas, 2006) and may relate to differences in self-perception, preparedness for the

experience, personality characteristics, and motivation (Suedfeld, 1991). Therefore it

has been argued that these differences are not directly influenced by the environment

itself, but the meaning the individual attributes to their experience (Levine & Ursin).

Individual perceptions and responses may also be influenced by social/interactive

parameters including group cohesiveness, leadership, and structure (Suedfeld).

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Social/interactive parameters of an environment that contribute to its

classification as an EUE are primarily associated with the degree of person-environment

fit (Suedfeld, 1991). In addition to the level of perceived control over the experience

(Suedfeld) factors that influence this experience in Antarctica include the availability of

and familiarity with communication technologies (Suedfeld) such as email. The

availability of and satisfaction with interpersonal interactions particularly during the

Austral Winter when environmental conditions restrict movement beyond station

confines which limits opportunities to regulate social interactions (Carrere & Evans,

1994; Lugg, 2004).

Another factor influencing the experience of social/interactive parameters may

relate to the availability of and satisfaction with pre-existing support networks (i.e.

family and friends) that can help shape perceptions of the environment as well as

expeditioners’ general orientation towards life. This is an important consideration when

investigating the processes of psychological adaptation and resilience and their

relationship to positive and negative change within Antarctic populations. To date this

component of experience has been largely overlooked and represents an important

opportunity for growth within the field of Antarctic Psychology.

Antarctica as an Isolated and Confined Environment (ICE)

Isolated and Confined Environments (ICEs) are environments in which the

challenges associated with sustaining human life in extreme and unusual environments

are further compounded by physical, psychological, and/or social isolation and

confinement within a specific geographic location (Suedfeld & Steel, 2000). Due to

physical and geographic isolation, ICEs cannot be easily entered or exited even in

medical or other emergencies (Decamps & Rosnet, 2005; Lugg, 2004). Furthermore all

vocational, social, recreational, and personal activities occur within a restricted physical

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space (Suedfeld, 1998). This is in contrast to more routine environments in which

individuals can separate the different aspects of their identity by both physical and

temporal demarcations.

Thus in addition to the hostile physical environment, there are psychological and

social challenges associated with repeated interactions between individuals of diverse

backgrounds whom depend on each other as a matter of necessity rather than choice

(Sandal & Palinkas, 2006). These environmental restrictions require highly adaptive

group functioning to promote optimal psychological and behavioural health among

group members (Sandal & Palinkas). It is arguable however that the nature of

interactions with external parties (i.e. family and friends) may also impact the health of

individuals by influencing their general approach to interpersonal interactions as well as

the psychological resources available to negotiate challenging social dynamics.

The challenges associated with physical and psychological isolation from

existing social networks engendered by Antarctic employment, and the restrictions on

personnel movement beyond the station confines (particularly during the Austral

Winter), identify Antarctica as an ICE. Investigations into the human experience of

ICEs have primarily occurred within polar environments including Antarctica and have

identified that residents strongly emphasise a need for privacy, time away from other

residents, personalised space, flexibility in routine, and novelty of experience (Bluth,

1982; Connors, Harrison, & Akins, 1985; Earls, 1969; Eberhard, 1967; Stuster, 1986).

Additionally, such research has identified factors which influence human adaptation,

and therefore performance, within ICEs. These factors include the physical conditions

of the environment (including temperature, weather conditions, and light-dark cycles),

the habitability of the environment (including facilities and supplies for personnel),

personnel characteristics (including number, heterogeneity, individual and group

attributes, leadership style, previous experience, and interpersonal cohesion), and

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program characteristics (including tasks, workload, duration, danger, and

communication with external agents) (Kanas & Manzey, 2003; Sandal, 2000; Sandal &

Palinkas, 2006). However, the nature of processes underlying how people adapt to this

environment (and develop a capacity of sustained well-being and performance) has been

less extensively researched. Understanding adaptive capacities and how they are

enacted is essential to the process of identifying, for example, training and support

needs required to facilitate such adaptation.

Despite the challenges associated with ICEs, evidence indicates that these issues

pose minimal threat to performance and functioning (Leon et al., 1989), and that people

can experience positive psychological outcomes and growth in response to the ICE

experience (Oliver, 1979; Mocellin & Suedfeld, 1991; Suedfeld & Steel, 2000; Carrere

& Evans, 1994). Possible explanations for the experience of positive outcomes

associated with ICE residence propose that individuals who apply for such employment

are highly motivated, and this motivation promotes high levels of performance (and

therefore potential for growth) (Palinkas, Gunderson, Holland, Miller, & Johnsen, 2000;

Sandal & Palinkas, 2006), and that psychological reactions to the environment are

strongly influenced by interpersonal and cultural factors, as opposed to the physical

environment (Sandal & Palinkas; Ritsher, Kanas, Gushin, & Saylor, 2005).

Other researchers have indicated that the absence of time-pressures and stressors

routinely encountered in the home setting are also associated with this psychological

enhancement (Palinkas et al., 1995; Sandal, 2000). The impact of re-encountering these

stressors upon return is not extensively documented, nor is the experience of partners

who are dealing with additional challenges engendered by the expeditioner’s absence

and the impact that this may have on expeditioner functioning and performance.

1.2 The Australian Antarctic Program

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The Australian Antarctic Division (AAD) coordinates Australia’s Antarctic

program. As a division of the Department of Environment, Water, Heritage, and the

Arts its charter is to ensure Australia’s Antarctic interests are advanced (AAD, 2007). In

turn, funding and resources are controlled by the Australian government and are

dependent on satisfactory research progress.

Australia is one of 20 nations that maintain a constant human presence in Antarctica

through undertaking scientific research at permanent stations. The Australian Antarctic

Division (AAD) administers the Australian Antarctic Program. The Australian Antarctic

Program has four primary goals:

1. Maintain the Antarctic Treaty System and enhance Australia’s influence in it;

2. Protect the Antarctic environment;

3. Understand the role of Antarctica in the global climate system; and

4. Undertake scientific work of practical, economic, and national significance.

To enable undertakings that assist in achieving these goals, Australian personnel use

and maintain three permanent research stations on the Antarctic continent (Mawson,

Davis, and Casey) and a sub-Antarctic station on Macquarie Island. All stations are

equipped with modern buildings that contain living quarters, research laboratories,

power houses, stores, workshops and other operational facilities that enable human life

to be sustained for long periods in these physically and psychologically challenging

environments (Lugg, 2005) that would otherwise be incapable of sustaining human life

(Decamps & Rosnet, 2005).

Each year the AAD sends approximately 200 personnel to Antarctica and Macquarie

Island, approximately 15-20 of whom will spend the winter at each of the four research

stations (AAD, 2007). Typically, up to 45 percent of a research station population will

have wintered before (AAD, 2007). The majority of personnel travel to Antarctica for

the Austral Summer season (October through March), which is the most favourable time

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to conduct outside (field) work in science, as well as building maintenance (AAD,

2007).

The majority of personnel are employed on short-term contracts (three-15 months)

that do not extend beyond their return from Antarctica. Within this subset, some

personnel remain contracted to external organisations such as the Australian Bureau of

Meteorology, Australian universities, and the Australian Defence Force during their

Antarctic employment. In this way some expeditioners have to negotiate competing

(and at times conflicting) organisational demands and agendas, which may influence the

nature of adaptation to their role.

The men and women who work in Antarctica are drawn from all over Australia and

around the world after successful completion of comprehensive application interviews

and thorough medical and psychological testing (AAD, 2007). The procedures involved

in the selection process serve the dual purpose of identifying individuals who posses

qualities associated with enhanced performance in the Antarctic environment (‘select-

in’ procedures) such as task ability, sociability, and emotional stability (Gunderson,

1973) and excluding applicants who are not suitable for employment due to factors

(such as inadequate preparation, insufficient vocational skills, or psychiatric

disturbance) which may negatively impact their own performance, as well as the

performance and well-being of others, whilst working in Antarctica (‘select-out’

procedures) (Palinkas, Glogower, Dembert, Hansen, & Smullen, 2001; Suedfeld &

Steel, 2000).

There is a great emphasis placed on effective personnel selection given that

Antarctic expeditioners are required to live and work away from home for extended

periods of time with limited access to regular support systems, as well as the social and

economic costs that poor selection decisions can have on individual, social, and

organisational performance outcomes (Sarris, 2006; Sarris & Kirby, 2005). As a result

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the selection process has been refined over time such that early reliance on interview-

based selection (Taylor, 1987) has now been replaced by two-tier selection process: one

based on their professional skills, the other on their personal qualities. Professional

skills are assessed by certified qualifications, whilst personal qualities (e.g.

interpersonal style) are assessed with interviews, formal psychometric assessments

undertaken by a psychologist, and direct observation of individuals in simulated tasks

relevant to Antarctica (e.g. problem solving abilities in groups; AAD, 2008d).

The relatively limited formal research that has investigated the pre-departure period

typically contrasts Antarctic populations with non-Antarctic populations. Such research

demonstrated that expeditioners report higher levels of introversion, agreeableness, and

intelligence (Gunderson & Nelson, 1966) whilst lower levels of anxiety (Butcher &

Ryan, 1974), competitiveness, verbal aggressiveness, negative instrumentality (Musson,

Sandal, Harper, & Helmreich, 2002) and subjective health complaints (Grant et al.,

2007) when compared to normative populations. Additionally, the primary focus of

such research has been to predict functioning during the Antarctic absence (thereby

facilitating selection processes) as opposed to maximising functioning within the pre-

departure period. Even less consideration has been afforded to the relationship between

functioning during the pre-departure period and subsequent performance during the

absence period. However, the nature of this relationship could be important as the

psychological status of expeditioners (assessed prior to commencing pre-departure

activities) could change as a result of their experiences during this period, potentially

influencing the degree of resilience and vulnerability demonstrated in subsequent stages

of Antarctic employment.

To date, research investigating the experience of Antarctic employment has

primarily focused on the performance and well-being of the expeditioner whilst working

in Antarctica, with numerous Antarctic researchers assessing expeditioner well-being

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and performance over the course of Antarctic absences. Although primarily limited to

expeditioners who experienced an Antarctic winter employment, it has been

consistently demonstrated that these measures fluctuate over time as a function of both

physiological and psychological mechanisms, and both internal and external events

(Bhargava, Mukerji, & Sachdeva, 2000; Brennan, Hall, Verplanken, & Nunn, 2005;

Decamps & Rosnet, 2005; Steel, 2001; Suedfeld & Steel, 2000; Weiss, Feliot-

Rippeault, & Gaud, 2007). However, due to the limited demarcation between work and

non-work roles at this time, a majority of the precipitants are work-related (Cravalho,

1996).

Whilst some authors have identified pre-existing personality variables associated

with better adaptation within the Antarctic environment including emotion-focused

coping, defensive hostility, openness (Grant et al., 2007), and emotional stability (Doll

& Gunderson, 1970) many argue that the identification of specific and stable personality

traits predictive of effective Antarctic employment is difficult (Gunderson, 1974;

Palinkas et al., 2000). However, the difficulty in identifying factors facilitative of

positive adaptation (and therefore performance and well-being) demonstrated by

expeditioners may be related to the methodological approaches employed in previous

research designs.

Typically, such research has employed quantitative measures applied once during

pre-departure and then again during the absence period. Compared to longitudinal

designs incorporating both quantitative and qualitative approaches to data collection,

such investigations do not allow for the mechanisms underlying change to be identified.

Furthermore, they assume that the characteristics or traits demonstrated by

expeditioners remain static between different phases of the Antarctic employment

experience, although considering the relative paucity of research linking pre-departure

25

experiences with well-being and performance outcomes ‘on the ice’, there is little

evidence to suggest that this is the case.

Additionally, whilst research has identified that post-return evaluations of Antarctic

employment demonstrate the existence of both positive (including increased self-

reliance (Taylor, 1974), self-satisfaction (Cravalho, 1996), tolerance of others, personal

insight, achievement motivation, and self-efficacy (Suedfeld, 2002), and decreased

long-term risk of hospital admissions compared to military personnel without Antarctic

experience (Palinkas, 1986) and negative outcomes (including relationship strain,

perceived missed opportunities (Taylor, 1969; Taylor & McCormick, 1987), disturbed

sleep patterns, declines in cognitive functioning, indecisiveness, emotional withdrawal,

and communication difficulties (Popkin, Stillner, Hall, & Pierce, 1978), the mechanisms

by which these outcomes are achieved have also largely been overlooked. This again

suggests that research investigating adaptation within Antarctic populations needs to

focus not only on the individual phases of Antarctic employment, but also the

relationships between them in order to facilitate positive outcomes in both the short and

long-term.

Examination of the existing literature indicates that there is a need to assess the

experiences encountered during pre-departure, absence, reunion, and reintegration

phases of Antarctic employment both independently as well as collectively. Independent

analysis of each phase of Antarctic employment allows for maximising strengths and

resilience at each time point, thereby enhancing short-term well-being and performance

of expeditioners. However, it is also necessary to examine the collective experience

spanning across all phases of employment to identify how functioning and well-being

patterns demonstrated during one phase may influence later adaptation, and in this way

promote interventions that enhance long-term well-being and performance. As existing

Antarctic Psychology literature does not address this issue, preliminary insights may be

26

gained from other populations which undergo prolonged vocational absences (e.g. the

military) although it is acknowledged that differences between these populations and

expeditioners may limit the validity of such comparisons.

In their review of the experience of prolonged vocational separations Busuttil and

Busuttil (2001) identified that the nature of individual, organisational, and relationship

dynamics demonstrated at each phase of the separation experience have the potential to

impact later adaptation and adjustment. Individual factors primarily related to coping

strategies and personality traits. Organisational factors primarily addressed provision of

appropriate support services as well as information dissemination. Relationship factors

focused on a combination of malleable (relationship dynamics including communication

and satisfaction) and non-malleable (relationship length) factors. For this reason, they

argued that each phase of the separation experience should be examined in detail, as

should the interrelationships between phases, to inform the development and

implementation of proactive prevention and/or intervention strategies. In particular, it

was argued that the comparatively under-researched pre-departure phase of employment

should be afforded equal attention to that traditionally provided the absence period

considering that pre-existing functioning patterns demonstrated at this time may provide

more insights and opportunities for interventions regarding post-return experiences than

that gained from the absence period alone (Busuttil & Busuttil).

This argument is consistent with findings reported by Hill (1949) who demonstrated

that within military populations two key variables correlated with reintegration

experiences related to pre-departure relationship functioning (length of relationship and

pre-departure relationship satisfaction). Implicit from such arguments is that the post-

return phase of employment engenders unique challenges that need to be understood, as

well as how preceding experiences may influence these. Furthermore, recent data has

demonstrated that inappropriate interventions based on inadequate understanding of the

27

total employment experience, or delivered at inappropriate times, can result in

prolonged difficulties at both the individual and family level (Busuttil & Busuttil).

When examining the experience of vocational separations it is apparent that the

demands placed on the employee and contexts in which these are undertaken vary

according to the phase of employment as well as the nature of individual and

relationship resources available to them. In order to identify factors that facilitate

positive adaptation at the individual, organisational, and relationship level at each phase

of the employment experience requires examination of each independent phase as well

as the relationships between them. Furthermore, it is important to focus on vocationally

specific challenges at each phase to ensure the applicability of research findings. Thus

the nature and intensity of demands placed on expeditioners during pre-departure,

absence, reunion, and reintegration need to be considered.

Employment within Australian Antarctic Research Programs

Individuals employed to travel to Antarctica or Macquarie Island to undertake

and support Australian Antarctic research programs are referred to as ‘Antarctic

expeditioners’. There are a diverse range of occupational categories subsumed under the

title ‘Antarctic expeditioner’ including both scientists and support personnel, and all are

critical in providing for a successful Antarctic program (AAD, 2007). The effective

selection and training of expeditioners, as well as ensuring the availability of support to

themselves and their families contributes to this success and to the physical and

psychological safety of the Antarctic community (both expeditioners and partners)

throughout the employment experience.

Personnel employed for a winter position (‘winterers’) usually commence work

with the Australian Antarctic Division between July and August each year (AAD,

2008b). Winterers travel by ship to Antarctica’s continental stations (Casey, Davis, or

28

Mawson) or to the sub-Antarctic station at Macquarie Island following a two to three

month training period, and usually remain at a station for between nine and 15 months

(referred to as ‘wintering over’) undertaking the primary task for which they were

employed (Godwin, 1991). Additionally, all personnel participate in housekeeping

duties and some may also volunteer for secondary tasks, such as fire officer or medical

theatre assistant.

In contrast, personnel employed for a summer position on an Australian

Antarctic Research program typically commence work with the Australian Antarctic

Division between August and September each year, departing by ship to Australia’s

Antarctic continental stations or Macquarie Island approximately two to three weeks

later. Typically referred to as ‘summerers’, expeditioners employed for a summer

position usually remain in Antarctica for periods between three to eight months,

depending on the nature of their employment and the specific programs being

undertaken at each station (AAD, 2007). Summer personnel are also required to

participate in housekeeping duties and some may have secondary tasks, however these

roles are mostly undertaken by wintering personnel (AAD).

For many expeditioners, both summer and winter personnel, employment within

the Australian Antarctic program requires relocating to Hobart, Tasmania for the period

immediately preceding their departure for Antarctica. The impact this has on pre-

existing individual, organisational, and relationship dynamics is not well understood,

and may have implications for adjustment and adaptation at later stages of Antarctic

employment. It is also arguable that the different training requirements between winter

and summer personnel may also affect this process, and therefore requires further

investigation.

Training for Antarctic employment

29

Regardless of the nature of their employment, all expeditioners are required to

participate in pre-departure station and field training programs designed to prepare them

with the knowledge and skills to ensure the safety and well-being of themselves, others,

and the environment whilst in Antarctica. The training program provided by the AAD

has been subject to ongoing revision based on facilitator and participant feedback, and

has resulted in publication of an expeditioner handbook as well as a separation brochure

which has subsequently informed the practices adopted by NASA regarding preparation

of departing personnel (Ayton, 2009, personal communication).

The training consists of lectures, films, demonstrations, activities, and

discussions in a variety of disciplines designed to give a clear indication of what to

expect while in Antarctica (AAD, 2008b). Particular emphasis is given to situations and

problems associated with individual, social, organisational, and familial functioning that

may occur during the year and how to handle them (AAD, 2008b). Whilst partners do

not directly participate in this pre-departure training program they are able to access

information and support through the Expeditioner Training and Family Liaison Officer

(ETFLO) who, on behalf of the Australian Antarctic Division, is committed to ensuring

that expeditioners, family, and friends are aware of, and have access to, resources in

preparation for Antarctic separation (AAD, 2007). Additionally, the ETFLO is able to

assist with issues in respect to separation, communication with people in Antarctica, and

provide supportive contact to those seeking help. General services provided by the

ETFLO often involve organising gifts to be sent to the partner remaining at home, that

information resources are provided regarding the Antarctic employment experience,

basic counselling and referral to the Employee Assistance Program when more complex

or serious emotional reactions occur (AAD, 2007).

The duration of the training program ranges from two weeks to three months,

with wintering personnel required to undertake more comprehensive preparation than

30

their summer counterparts (AAD, 2008b). Throughout the training period expeditioners

typically work a minimum of eight hours daily, although this increases as the departure

date approaches such that it is not uncommon to be undertaking administrative tasks

(e.g. station meetings) late into the evening (Boydell, 2008, personal communication).

The combined intensity and duration of pre-departure training schedules necessitate

long working hours, particularly for staff permanently employed by the AAD who

typically have a greater involvement in the preparation of equipment and a larger

administrative role prior to departure compared to contractual staff (Ayton, 2009,

personal communication).

When not engaged in training or preparatory work expeditioners are required to

assist with general tasks in support of expedition activities, such as preparing equipment

and supplies (AAD, 2007). Thus there is limited time outside of work-related activities

prior to departure for Antarctica. The impact of this on future adaptation of

expeditioners, and partners, is not well understood and requires further investigation.

1.3 Human Performance in Antarctica

An extensive body of literature testifies to the impact that the Antarctic

environment can have on human functioning. Whilst the experience of cold related

injuries such as hypothermia, frost bite, and frost nip (Cattermole, 1999; Hassi &

Makinen, 2000; Steine, Roseth, Sandbaek, et al., 2003) can largely be avoided through

adherence to occupational health and safety procedures, there are a number of other

physiological and psychological responses over which the expeditioner has limited

control. The influence of these challenges on individual, social, and occupational

functioning, both short and long-term, cannot be underestimated.

Whilst the duration of these symptoms varies depending on their nature and

severity, it is generally accepted that they are temporary in nature, peak during

31

midwinter, and largely resolve upon return from Antarctica (Benschop, Rodriguez-

Feuerhahn, & Schedlowski, 1996). In contrast, long-term positive and negative health

outcomes have been observed to persist in expeditioners after they return from

Antarctica (Palinkas, 1986) although the nature and course of these outcomes is not well

understood, particularly in comparison to experiences associated with the absence

period. Additionally, the impact of vicarious exposure to these challenges as

experienced by partners has not been systematically investigated and is not well

understood. Thus it is evident that further research investigating these processes is

warranted in order to better predict and address short and long-term outcomes

associated with each phase of the Antarctic experience for both expeditioners and

partners alike

One prominent symptom experienced by expeditioners during extended

Antarctic residence, and over which expeditioners can exert very little influence, is

varying degrees of sleep disturbance. Studies have estimated that sleep disturbances

affect approximately two thirds of all expeditioners in Antarctica (Palinkas, 1992;

Gander, MacDonald, Montgomery, & Paulin, 1991). Reported difficulties have included

difficulty falling asleep, staying asleep, or both (Natani, Shurley, Pierce, & Brooks,

1970; Usui, Obinata, Okado, Fukuzawa, & Kanba, 2000), and reductions in Stage III

and rapid eye movement (REM) sleep (Natani, et al.; Natani & Shurley, 1974). Within

the literature these difficulties have been attributed to a combination of factors

including; exposure to extreme light-dark cycles in the environment which can disrupt

circadian rhythms (Gander, et al.; Kennaway & Van Dorp, 1991), cold exposure

(Angus, Pearce, Buguet, & Olsen, 1979), and psychosocial stressors (Palmai, 1963;

Palinkas, Houseal, & Miller, 2000). Disrupted sleep can also attribute to feelings of

fatigue, another symptom associated with extended Antarctic residence (Mullin, 1960;

Natani & Shurley; Ikegawa, Kimura, Makita, & Itokawa, 1998).

32

Although there is mention of psychological difficulties in anecdotal accounts of

early Antarctic exploration (Cook, 1998; Jacka & Jacka, 2009; Palinkas, 1993), formal

scientific investigations into these phenomena did not occur until after the International

Geophysical Year (IGY) in 1957-1958. The primary precipitants for this new research

direction were the establishment of permanent research stations in Antarctica which

increased both the number of expeditioners and the duration of their residence, as well

as the identification of a case of schizoaffective disorder at one research station (Nardini

et al., 1962), and the experience of widespread interpersonal conflict among

expeditioners due to leadership difficulties at another (Behrendt, 1957). The limited

resources available to assist in such circumstances, and logistical difficulties associated

with evacuation of psychologically disturbed individuals, emphasised a need to prevent

the occurrence of extreme psychological distress in Antarctica (Palinkas & Suedfeld,

2007).

Since this time there have been extensive investigations into the psychological

experience of working in Antarctica with the aim of informing selection procedures,

thereby enhancing person-environment fit (Palinkas, 1986; Sarris & Kirby, 2007;

Suedfeld & Steel, 2000). Again this demonstrates an emerging issue requiring

systematic analysis of both the people undertaking Antarctic employment and the

environment in which this occurs such that these factors can be incorporated into

training needs analysis thereby facilitating an enhanced ability to engage strategies

associated with positive adaptation.

Numerous studies have identified that the primary psychological challenges

associated with extended Antarctic residence involve individual adjustment to the

physical and social environment; the lack of physical, psychological, and social novelty

for extended periods; and the absence of social support from family and friends

throughout the expeditioner’s time ‘on the ice’ (e.g. Palinkas, 2000; Sandal, Leon, &

33

Palinkas, 2006; Stuster, Bachelard, & Suedfeld, 1999; Suedfeld & Steel, 2000). In

particular, the effects of separation from family and friends, especially intimate partners,

have been reported as a major stressor for expeditioners (Godwin, 1991; Taylor, 1973)

and are a common reason for seeking counselling from the station medical officer

(Palmai). Furthermore, researchers have indicated that prolonged isolation from family

and friends may precipitate mood or adjustment disorders in expeditioners (Palinkas, et

al., 2000), and may also exacerbate pre-existing conditions including personality or

substance use disorders (Strange & Youngman, 1971) that were not identified in the

selection process.

Although some researchers identified personality characteristics associated with

affective stability (Leon, Atlis, Ones, & Magor, 2002; Steel, Suedfeld, Peri, & Palinkas,

1997) and social compatibility (Palinkas et al., 2000) as contributing to enhanced

human performance in the Antarctic environment, other researchers have demonstrated

that personality characteristics generally have limited predictive ability in terms of

behaviour and performance in Antarctica. Researchers have identified two reasons for

this discrepancy. Firstly, there is a high degree of self-selection among Antarctic

expeditioners which results in smaller variations in personality characteristics than is

demonstrated in the general population (Rivolier, 1997; Steel et al., 1997; Taylor,

1987). Secondly, it appears that conditions associated with Antarctic employment –

such as organisational practices (Sarris, 2006; Sarris & Kirby, 2005), leadership styles

(Schmidt, Wood, & Lugg, 2004; Schmidt, Wood, & Lugg, 2005), isolation,

confinement, and environmental hazards (Carver & Scheier, 1994) – have a greater

impact on human performance (both physical and psychological) than more stable

characteristics such as personality (Carver & Scheier; Holahan & Moos, 1987).

Despite careful screening and selection procedures, research indicates that a

proportion of expeditioners will experience psychological distress associated with

34

Antarctic residence. Whilst the incidence of symptoms sufficient to fulfil DSM-IV

diagnostic criteria are rare (approximately 4-5 percent of expeditioners), mood,

adjustment, and sleep related disorders account for 60 percent of these diagnoses (Lugg,

2005; Palinkas, et al., 2005). Additionally, subsyndromal symptoms of depression,

insomnia, anxiety (Gunderson, 1968; Natani & Shurley, 1974; Strange & Youngman,

1971), aggressive behaviour, difficulty in concentration and memory (Palinkas,

Glogower, Dembert, Hansen, & Smullen, 2001; Palinkas, Johnson, Boster, & Houseal,

1998), and the occurrence of mild fugue states have been associated with the Austral

Winter in Antarctica, and are often referred to as the “winter-over syndrome” (Palinkas,

et al., 1995; Strange & Klein, 1973).

Another pattern of psychological responses to Antarctic residence has been

labelled the ‘third quarter phenomenon’ (Bechtel & Berning, 1991) and refers to

seasonal variations in mood, psychosomatic complaints, interpersonal interactions, and

work performance with negative symptoms peaking shortly after mid-winter

(approximately the third quarter of employment duration) and resolving towards the end

of the Austral Winter (Decamps & Rosnet, 2005; Bhargava, Mukerji, & Sachdeva,

2000; Ikegawa et al., 1998; Palinkas et al. 1995a, 1995b, 1996; Palinkas & Johnson

1990). However, empirical evidence supporting the existence of specific, critical phases

in Antarctic adaptation has been equivocal (Bhargava, et al. 2000; Leon, et al. 2002;

Palinkas 2003; Palinkas, et al. 2004; Sandal 2000).

More recently, researchers have identified the experience of salutogenic effects

associated with Antarctic employment, particularly in individuals employed for summer

positions which are typically shorter in duration and enjoy more conducive weather

conditions (Sandal et al., 2006). Specific positive outcomes associated with Antarctic

employment experience have included increased levels of self-reliance (Palinkas, 1991),

self-efficacy (Kahn & Leon, 1994), self-growth (Care´rre et al., 1991; Natani &

35

Shurley, 1974; Oliver, 1991; Mocellin & Suedfeld, 1991), cooperativeness, and striving

towards important or challenging goals (Suedfeld, 2002).

Expeditioners have also been reported to make frequent reference to the positive

effects engendered by the grandeur of the physical environment, the experiences of

camaraderie and support amongst station members, and the sense of achievement in

overcoming the challenges of the Antarctic environment (Mocellin & Suedfeld, 1991),

with many considering their Antarctic residence as one of the best experiences of their

life (Oliver, 1991). These results indicate that the physical, psychological, and social

challenges associated with Antarctic employment are not inherently detrimental to

expeditioner functioning and performance. However the processes of psychological

adaptation and resilience and their relationship to positive and negative change have not

received adequate attention within existing Antarctic literature, nor have experiences of

Antarctic employment outside the expeditioners’ time ‘on the ice’. Identification of the

salient predictors of resilience and articulation of the mechanisms linking them to

adaptive outcomes may enable proactive prevention and intervention strategies to focus

on enhancing this capacity throughout the experience of Antarctic employment, from

pre-departure through reunion and reintegration.

Furthermore, from the review of the literature presented above, it is increasingly

apparent that these predictors are likely to extend beyond the individual to include

organisational and relationship factors and span all phases of the employment

experience. Awareness of the interdependence between these factors has been

accommodated in research investigating the experience of military populations (e.g. van

Breda, 1999), expatriate managers (Adler & Ghadar, 2007; Andreason, 2003), and

rescue workers (Paton et al., 2008). Although initiated by Taylor and McCormick over

30 years ago, the shift in focus of Antarctic psychology to include the experiences

beyond expeditioners to partners has not been pursued. As a result, this facet of

36

Antarctic employment experiences remains under-researched and not well understood.

It is also unclear to which results from other organisational cohorts can be generalised

to the Antarctic experience.

A partial explanation of this deficit may relate to the difficulty in recruiting and

retaining partners who are geographically dislocated not only from the expeditioner, but

often from one another. Additionally, retention of expeditioners post-return is often

undermined by this same geographic dislocation which can be compounded by repeated

vocational absences in short succession - by either returning to Antarctica, or pursuing

other remote employment opportunities (Taylor & Shurley, 1971) such as those

afforded by mining operations. Furthermore, the relevance of such research may not be

immediately clear to expeditioners or partners, although evidence investigating the

experience of expatriate managers and their partners indicates that this second

explanation is unlikely as these populations have demonstrated a ready willingness to

provide insights into their experiences in the hope that it may improve the quality of life

experienced by themselves, as well as others who later enter the organisation

(Andreason, 2008; Shaffer & Harrison, 2001; Shaffer, Harrison, Luk, & Gilley, 2000).

Thus it would seem that although there are inherent challenges associated with

the recruitment and retention of participants within Antarctic populations, particularly

regarding provision of longitudinal data, the potential insights into mechanisms

underlying positive and negative adaptation outweigh the impediments as detailed

above. Traditionally, research focusing on Antarctic populations has attracted high

levels of participation and it has been repeatedly commented on the willingness of such

individuals to consent despite the potential of research designs to be intrusive or

invasive (Taylor, 1987). Furthermore, evidence from other populations who experience

extended vocational absences indicates that there is likely to be a willingness to

37

contribute to such research programs, particularly if the benefits from doing so are seen

as personally relevant.

38

CHAPTER TWO

THE WORK-FAMILY INTERFACE

2.1 The Work-Family Interface

The interrelationship between work and non-work roles has been examined from

several perspectives, with an emphasis on investigating the employee experience of the

work-family interface and its implications for performance of work and family roles.

Contemporary conceptualisations of the work-family interface propose that although

39

primarily considered an organisational factor work related demands can interfere with

family related responsibilities (Work Interference with Family - WIF) and family

related responsibilities can interfere with work related demands (Family Interference

with Work - FIW) (e.g., Adams, King, & King, 1996; Greenhaus, Collins, Singh, &

Parasuraman, 1997; Netemeyer, Boles, & McMurrian, 1996; Thomas & Ganster, 1995).

The processes associated with WIF and FIW differ according to the source of

the interference, whether imposed from the work or family domain (Frone, 2003).

Whilst WIF is primarily influenced by factors generated within the work domain, the

effects of WIF primarily occur within the family domain (e.g. Adams, et al., 1996;

Frone, 2000; Frone, Russell, & Barnes, 1996; Frone, Russell, & Cooper, 1997). For

example, sources of work-family interference may include career identity salience

which refers to how much effort is expended in executing work demands and therefore

the level of performance demonstrated in the work role, which is an important

consideration in extreme environments such as Antarctica where a reduction in effort

has the potential to negatively impact not only the individual expeditioner, but also

those relying on their contributions to ensure the safety, productivity, and well-being of

all station members (Adams et al., 1996; Beutell & Wittig-Berman, 1999; Major, Klein,

& Ehrhart, 2002); work-role overload which may be precipitated in Antarctic

populations by long-work hours necessitated during the pre-departure period, as well as

the intensity and challenges of work schedules inherent whilst working in Antarctica

(Frone et al., 1997; Major et al.; Parasuraman et al., 1996; Wallace, 1997); schedule

inflexibility which within Antarctic populations is largely influenced by environmental

and climactic constraints rather than purely bureaucratic policies (Berman, 1997); and

organisational culture (Fried, 1998; Hochschild, 1997; Major et al.; Perlow, 1995).

The resultant effects of these work related sources of interference limit the

availability of the individual to participate in the family domain, and therefore incur

40

sanctions within the family realm, including relationship deterioration (Bakker,

Demerouti, & Dollard, 2008; Brett, Stroh, & Reilly, 1992). Conversely, as FIW is

principally influenced by factors within the family domain the resultant consequences

primarily affect performance in the work domain (e.g. Brotheridge & Lee, 2005;

Burke& Greenglass, 1999; Frone, 2003). However, due to the paucity of research

investigating the concurrent experience of expeditioners and partners, the degree to

which both WIF and FIW occur and become problematic within Antarctic populations

is not clear.

More recently, research has identified that WIF and FIW can be further

differentiated according to whether the interference is internally (psychologically) or

externally (behaviourally) generated (Carlson & Frone, 2003). Internally generated

interference occurs when one domain mentally impinges on the other through thoughts

and ruminations (Carlson & Frone). In contrast, externally generated interference occurs

when the demands in one domain physically inhibit or prevent participation in the other

by taking time away from performing responsibilities (Carlson & Frone). Considering

the requirements on expeditioners to be physically present within the work domain for

long periods both prior to and during the absence period, it is arguable that a high

degree of external WIF will be experienced. It is also possible that this degree of

external engagement may engender more work-related ruminations, leading to high

levels of internal WIF being reported. In contrast, increasing amounts of time away

from home suggest that external FIW will be low in Antarctic populations, although

internal FIW may be more likely due to the emotional bonds with family and friends

which may engender relationship-related ruminations whilst in the work domain.

Interference between work and family domains has been associated with a

number of negative outcomes for the individual including decreased productivity,

absenteeism, and poor morale (e.g. Bartone, Adler, & Vairkus, 1998) as well as other

41

physiological, cognitive, social, emotional, and performance problems (e.g. Klein,

1996) and employee retention difficulties (Greenhaus, Parasuraman, & Collins, 2001;

Hammer, Bauer, & Grandey, 2003; Wang, Lawler, Walumbwa, & Shi, 2004).

Experience of these decrements in functioning may be compounded by the

challenges inherent within the Antarctic environment, and are potentially more

hazardous considering the limited ability to evacuate individuals in the case of serious

psychological or physiological impairment. Furthermore, experienced expeditioners

constitute a valuable organisational resource which may be lost should high levels of

negative interference between work and family roles be experienced. Additionally,

negative outcomes are also experienced within the family domain including family

distress (Frone et al., 1992), decreased well being of family members (Burke, Weir, &

DuWors, 1980), increased marital tension (Brett, et al., 1992) and decreased family

satisfaction (Kopelman, Greenhaus, & Connolly, 1983).

However, whilst the majority of research within this field has emphasised

negative outcomes associated with interference between work and family roles there is

increasing evidence to indicate that positive effects can result (Barnett, Marshall, &

Pleck, 1992; Stevens, Minnotte, Mannon, & Kiger, 2007). In fact, some researchers

have identified that positive experiences associated with interactions between work and

family roles often outweigh the experience of negative interactions (Bernas & Major,

2000). Specific positive outcomes associated with interference between work and

family roles include increased role flexibility (Hughes, Galinksy, & Morris, 1992),

positive psychological spill over (Larson & Almeida, 1999; Piotrkowski, 1979),

enhanced self-esteem and self-efficacy (Barnett, 1999; Grimm-Thomas & Perry-

Jenkins, 1994), and increased perceptions of social support (Carlson & Perrewe, 1999).

Considering research findings that expeditioners report enhanced self-esteem,

self-efficacy, and social support following Antarctic employment it warrants

42

investigation as to whether these outcomes are facilitated by positive interference

between work and family roles.

Knowledge of antecedents and consequences associated with each source of

interference, and interrelationships between these constructs, is important for both the

individual and the organisation as these forms of inter-role conflict have the potential to

undermine performance and satisfaction in both work and relationship domains (Killien,

2004). It is necessary to understand both the type and nature of the work-family

relationship and their antecedents if these issues are to be managed effectively to

promote positive adaptation and well-being within Antarctic populations both within, as

well as the transitions between, various phases of the employment experience.

Most research investigating the work-family interface has examined this

relationship within a context in which work constitutes a relatively stable influence on

the employee’s life. Importantly, from the perspective of understanding the relationship

between family dynamics and work-family relationships, the point of selection for

Antarctic work corresponds to a shift in the nature of this relationship, and one that has

different, or asymmetric implications for the relationship.

Within this context, work-family interference is likely to be influenced by

changes associated with new working arrangements (e.g., temporary relocation to

different parts of the country, extended work hours) engendered by Antarctic

employment. Simultaneously, family-work issues become important as a result of the

significant changes to familial interaction patterns which have the potential to create

additional demands for the expeditioner as they consider issues associated with their

impending departure. In addition to issues associated with the well-being of individuals

within the relationship, this issue may have important implications for expeditioner

stress. Concerns regarding the challenges to be faced by themselves and their partner

during their absence can represent a potential stressor for expeditioners which may

43

negatively impact on job performance, a particularly unwanted outcome in a hostile

environment such as Antarctica.

The consequences associated with interference between work and family roles

have significant implications for organisations engaged in Antarctic work. One

implication concerns the organizational desire to promote employee well-being, safety,

and effective working practices. The other reflects the fact that experienced

expeditioners represent an important resource for the organisation in that they are

already trained, better equipped to successfully adapt to Antarctic conditions, are more

aware of difficulties associated with Antarctic employment, better suited to undertake

positions of leadership, and represent an important resource for new expeditioners in

that they can share their knowledge and coping strategies in order to assist adaptation

once in Antarctica. However, present estimates indicate that only 45 percent of

expeditioners return for subsequent Australian Antarctic seasonal employment (AAD,

2000).

By addressing various sources of WIF and FIW within Antarctic populations, it

may be possible to further enhance the employment experience for expeditioners and

partners alike, which in turn may positively contribute to adaptation throughout

Antarctic employment, thereby facilitating enhanced employee performance, well-

being, and potentially increasing retention rates.

Organisations which emphasise that high levels of commitment, loyalty, time,

and energy be expended at work at the expense of engaging in other personal and

familial roles have been termed ‘greedy institutions’ (Coser, 1974; Segal, 1986). In this

way organisations such as the military, off-shore oil exploration, remote mining

operations, deep-sea fishing ventures, and Antarctic programs may be considered

‘greedy institutions’ in that they engender physical (and to a degree psychological)

separation from family members for varying amounts of time prior to and during the

44

active employment phase (and usually involve working in high risk environments

during separation), as well as devoting large amounts of physical and psychological

resources to these work-related endeavours.

It has thus been argued that ‘greedy institutions’ such as these may increase the

likelihood of experiencing both internal and external work interference with family

(Segal, 1986; Vinokur, Pierce, & Buck, 1999). However, by definition families also

demand high levels of commitment, loyalty, time, and energy be provided by members

and in this way can also be classified a ‘greedy institution’ (Coser & Coser, 1974;

Segal, 1986). Considering the nature of employment being undertaken largely precludes

external family interference with work, it is probable that feelings of guilt and

frustration may be engendered by the inability to physically participate in the family

domain and that these ruminations are likely to increase the likelihood of experiencing

internal family interference with work within such populations. However, considering

the tangible and intangible supports provided by the ETFLO on behalf of the AAD, it is

possible that some of this interference may be managed more adaptively, if not reduced,

for both expeditioners and partners alike.

Research investigating these relationships has demonstrated that there are

moderate to high levels of external and internal FIW and moderate to high levels of

internal WIF reported by both the absent individual as well as their partners during

vocational absences (Andreason, 2008; Segal, 1986; Vinokur, Pierce, & Buck, 1999).

However, the level of distress reported as a result of these sources of interference varied

as a function of the availability of organisational supports. Specifically, it has been

demonstrated that employees working within organisations in which support services

were made readily available to both the absent individual as well as their partner, and in

which institutional norms facilitated use of such services, reported more positive

benefits associated with interference between work and family roles (Vinokur et al.).

45

2.2 The Experience of Vocational Separation

There are a number of vocational roles which involve routine, prolonged

separations from family including those associated with Antarctic employment,

extended space missions, military assignments, remote mining operations, fishing

operations, disaster response teams, off-shore drilling rigs, or those whose employment

is in another city (Vormbrock, 1993). However, apart from being considered an

analogue for extended space missions (Lugg, 1994; Lugg & Shepanek, 2009; Palinkas,

et al., 2000; Suedfeld & Weiss, 2000), there are few similarities beyond prolonged

separation from family between Antarctic and other types of employment.

Although there are hazards associated with the Antarctic environment, these

differ significantly from the nature of hazards encountered by disaster response teams

(e.g. high intensity, short-term exposure to transient extreme and unusual environments

typically precipitated by natural hazards) as well as those engendered by human conflict

(e.g. fluctuating intensity and exposure to extreme and unusual environments typified

by purposeful infliction of morbidity and mortality upon those with whom the conflict

lies) as is the case within military populations. Individuals employed within remote

mining operations, fishing operations, off-shore drilling rigs typically experience shorter

separations than those experienced by Antarctic populations and do not encounter the

nature and degree of challenges posed by the Antarctic environment.

Furthermore, evacuation in the case of personal or family emergency is readily

facilitated in most other employment settings – this is not the case for Antarctic

expeditioners, particularly during the austral winter when climactic conditions largely

prohibit travel to and from the continent which, at the best of times, is significantly

more isolated and confined than those encountered within other populations who

experience vocational separations (DeCamps & Rosnet, 2005; Lugg, 2004).

46

For these reasons findings derived from other populations may not readily

generalise to the Antarctic employment experience, therefore investigation into the

unique experience of Antarctic populations is warranted. If it is determined that there is

considerable overlap between this and other forms of employment, recommendations

and strategies derived from other populations may be applied to the Antarctic

employment context to enhance well-being and performance. However, if it transpires

that Antarctic employment is influenced by unique factors not demonstrated within

other populations then application of such recommendations and strategies would be ill-

founded and potentially detrimental to the health and well-being of expeditioners and

their partners.

Research indicates that reactions to separation demonstrated by family members,

particularly intimate partners, reflect characteristics of the separation experiences

including duration, frequency, prior experience, and intervening stressors (Vormbrock,

1993). Additionally, reactions differ between the departing family member, and those

left behind (Logan, 1987; Pincus, Houseal, Christenson, & Adler, 2003). Knowledge of

these differences and how they impact present and future functioning for both the

partner and the employee is an important consideration in the development of

intervention programs at both the organisational, community, and individual level. It

also has implications for the training of those who will design and deliver programs and

may have implications for organizational change in order to incorporate the implications

of these dynamics. This then warrants research investigating the experiences of partners

and expeditioners separately as well as collectively, and to do so in the context of the

period of their engagement with the organization, to provide a more comprehensive

understanding of the unique and interdependent nature of these issues when considering

adjustment and adaptation at later stages of the employment experience.

47

Limited research has examined the experience of adjustment to vocational

separation from the partner’s perspective, despite evidence for the reciprocal effect

between the employed individual’s adjustment and that of their partner (Andreason,

2007; Shaffer & Harrison, 2001). For this reason it has been argued that existing models

of adjustment to novel work arrangements (which arguably include Antarctic

employment) are inadequate, and need to be revised to include a more holistic approach

including both the employed individual and their partner (Andreason; Shaffer &

Harrison). This argument is further emphasised by data indicating that partner

dissatisfaction or adjustment difficulties influence the social, emotional, and vocational

functioning of the absent individual and have even been associated with early return

from an assignment (Andreason; Mendenhall & Oddou, 1985; Schaffer & Harrison).

A number of models detailing the experience of vocational separation have been

proposed, with considerable overlap in the phenomena described and most being

developed through an understanding of the military experience. Although the

generalisability of such models is questionable considering the differences under which

military deployment is undertaken compared to other vocational separations, they may

inform approaches to the study of other populations through providing a basic

framework of experience. Existing models indicate that each stage of the employment

experience is characterised by a time frame, as well as specific individual,

organisational, and relationship challenges that family members must negotiate.

Whilst the number of stages and challenges posed to families differs between

models, they all contain components relating to pre-departure, absence, reunion, and

reintegration at the individual level as well as that of the relationship unit and

demonstrate that each phase of the separation experience poses unique challenges for

both the absent individual as well as family and friends left behind (Logan 1987).

Furthermore, research indicates that the dynamics of reunion and reintegration are

48

predictable from the functioning patterns adopted during the preceding phases of the

separation experience (Busuttil & Busuttil, 2001; Hill, 1949; McCubbin, Thompson,

Thompson, & McCubbin, 1993; Somerfield & McCrae, 2000) which provides further

impetus for investigating the interactive nature of these experiences to inform proactive

intervention strategies.

Pre-departure

The pre-departure period encompasses the period of time from when an

individual begins preparations for employment through to their physical departure from

home. The length of the pre-departure period varies according to the type of

employment being undertaken (Logan, 1987; Pincus, et al., 2003), and in some

instances exceeds that of the physical absence.

Commonly reported symptoms experienced by both the departing individual and

their partner during pre-departure include emotional lability, physical and psychological

distancing (Pincus, et al., 2003), anger, sadness, guilt, and frustration (Bey & Lange,

1974; Decker, 1978; Hill, 1949; Knapp & Newman, 1993). The increased physical,

psychological, administrative, and work-related demands encountered during this period

can further exacerbate these challenges and destabilise existing relationship functioning

patterns, particularly relating to physical and psychological intimacy and

communication (Pincus et al.). The level of satisfaction associated with the experience

of the pre-departure period has the potential to influence the nature of relationship

interactions during subsequent stages of employment (Busuttil & Busuttil, 2001).

The limited formal research that has investigated the pre-departure period within

Antarctic populations typically contrasts Antarctic populations with non-Antarctic

populations. Such research indicates that expeditioners report higher levels of

introversion, agreeableness, and intelligence (Gunderson & Nelson, 1966) whilst lower

levels of anxiety (Butcher & Ryan, 1974), competitiveness, verbal aggressiveness,

49

negative instrumentality (Musson, Sandal, Harper, & Helmreich, 2002) and subjective

health complaints (Grant et al., 2007) when compared to normative populations.

However, the affective experiences and processes underlying adaptation to this phase of

employment remain largely unknown.

Even less is known regarding the partner experience of Antarctic employment.

To date, only one published study has examined the concurrent experience of

expeditioners and partners during the pre-departure period. Although limited to only 12

participants, Taylor and McCormick (1987) identified that neither participant category

demonstrated high levels of distress during this period. Furthermore, results indicated

that compared to expeditioners, partners reported higher levels of satisfaction regarding

the employment decision and lower levels of anxiety regarding potential illness or

injuries occurring during the absence period although the mechanisms underlying these

outcomes were not investigated.

Absence

Traditionally, the period of absence has been the most intensively researched

aspect of vocational separation. Spanning the duration of the physical absence between

the individual and their family, progression through this period seems to occur in a

predictable stage wise manner. Immediately following departure both partners and

absent individuals experience conflicting emotions of relief and despair, accompanied

by a temporary escalation in psychological and somatic complaints (Hill, 1949; Logan,

1987; Pincus et al., 2003). Redistribution of roles and responsibilities results in the

establishment of new routines, thereby further altering pre-existing individual and

relationship functioning patterns (Hill, 1949; Logan, 1987; Pincus et al., 2003) which

can pose further challenges (both positive and negative) during this and subsequent

periods.

50

The expeditioner experience of the absence period is well documented.

Numerous studies have identified that the primary psychological challenges associated

with extended Antarctic residence involve individual adjustment to the physical and

social environment; the lack of physical, psychological, and social novelty for extended

periods; and the absence of social support from family and friends throughout the

expeditioner’s time ‘on the ice’ (e.g. Mullin, 1960; Palinkas, 2000; Sandal, Leon, &

Palinkas, 2006; Suedfeld & Steel, 2000; Taylor, 1987; Wood, Lugg, Hysong, & Harm,

1999). However, whilst the effects of separation from family and friends, especially

intimate partners, have been reported as a major stressor for expeditioners (Godwin,

1991; Taylor, 1973) the concurrent experiences of partners remain under-researched.

Reunion and Reintegration

Although most researchers combine discussions of the reunion and reintegration

processes, critical analysis of research evidence indicates that there are distinct

differences in the experiences associated with each of these phases of employment. The

reunion phase of employment begins upon the absent individual’s physical return to

their home environment and involves physical and psychological adjustment to the

physical and social milieu.

Although there are discrepancies in the theorised duration of this period, most

estimates indicate that the reunion period spans two-three months post-return before

more long-term adaptation processes begin (Blount & Curry, 1992; Kelley, 1994;

Logan, 1987; Rabb, Baumer, & Wiesler, 1993). Numerous authors have identified that

the reunion period typically encompasses a ‘honeymoon’ phase which is typified by

excitement and positive interactions, gradually overshadowed by awareness and

acknowledgement of adjustment difficulties which can lead to negative affective

experiences and interpersonal interactions (Norwood, Fullerton, & Hagen, 1996; van

Breda, 1997).

51

In contrast, the reintegration period is a more complex phenomenon which

involves physical and psychological adaptation (as opposed to adjustment) to the

physical and social environment, and for this reason some authors have argued the most

challenging aspect of vocational absences (USUHS, 2004). It is arguable that these

challenges are primarily related to changes that may have taken place in both the

expeditioner and well as the partner during the absence period, precipitated by

differences in experiences relating to routines, responsibilities, social networks, work

demands, and the like.

Similar to theories of the reunion period, there are discrepancies in the theorised

temporal onset and duration of this period; however most estimates indicate that the

reintegration period begins approximately two-three months post-return, and can

continue for up to one year or more, dependent on the circumstances and experiences

associated with the absence period (Logan, 1987; USUHS, 2004). Researchers

examining adaptation and reintegration experiences in other populations have

demonstrated a pattern of functioning characterised by heightened levels of negative

symptoms in the early stages immediately following the challenging event and gradual

regression to pre-departure levels of functioning over time (Brickman & Campbell,

1971; Brickman, Coates, & Janoff-Bulman, 1978; Dunn & Fleming, 2001; Headey &

Wearing, 1989; Kelley et al., 2001; Lucas, Clark, Georgellis & Diener, 2003).

Studies investigating post-return functioning of expeditioners have identified

both positive (e.g. Palinkas, 1986) and negative (e.g. Taylor, 1969) experiences

engendered by the Antarctic employment experiences, however have not detailed the

underlying processes that facilitated these outcomes. Furthermore, the focus has been on

the demands and factors that individuals need to adapt to as opposed to identifying

predictors of the level of adaptation demonstrated. Thus in addition to expanding the

research focus to include all phases of the Antarctic employment experience as well as

52

both expeditioner and partner experiences, it is also necessary to identify factors that

explain observed differences in levels of coping with, and adapting to, the demands

associated with Antarctic employment.

Considering the argument advocating an emphasis on adaptation processes and

outcomes within this community it is necessary to work within a theoretical framework

that accommodates these issues such as that provided by the salutogenic paradigm that

accommodates the potential for adaptive and salutary outcomes to arise following

challenging experiences. Two processes in particular, resilience and adaptation, become

important in the context of applying this paradigm.

53

CHAPTER THREE

RESILIENCE AND ADAPTATION

3.1 Resilience and Adaptation

The term resilience is often used to imply an ability to ‘bounce back’ following

exposure to challenging events that have the potential to undermine well-being and

performance. However, because challenging events may result in fundamental changes

in the context in which people live their lives (e.g., changes in family dynamics or

responsibility), more recent definitions have been expanded to encompass the

development of an enhanced capacity to deal with future events (Paton et al., 2008).

54

Consequently, the definition adopted here argues that resilience is a process that

facilitates positive adaptive capacity (Klein, Nicholls & Thomalla, 2003). Resilience

thus defines the capacity of individuals, organisations, and relationship units to draw

upon their own individual, collective and institutional resources and competencies to

cope with, adapt to, and develop from the demands, challenges and changes

encountered following exposure to challenging events (McCubbin, et al., 1993; Paton et

al.).

Previous research has identified multiple factors that facilitate resilience and

hence adaptive outcomes including: access to quality social support, age (although

results have been contradictory depending on nature of challenging situation

experienced), self-efficacy, use of problem-focused coping strategies (Paton, Millar, &

Johnston, 2000), the ability to attribute meaning to the experience (Britt, Adler, &

Bartone, 2001; Hart & Cooper, 2001; North et al., 2002), a supportive organisational

climate (Hart & Cooper; Burke & Paton, 2006), empowerment (Conger & Konungo,

1988; Paton et al.), and interpersonal trust (Siegrist & Cvetkovich, 2000). Thus it is

evident that resilience resources are associated with individual, organisational, and

community (including family) factors, providing further impetus for research

encompassing measurement of each of these domains.

In contrast, the term vulnerability is used to imply susceptibility to harm if

exposed to events that have the potential to undermine well-being and performance

(Cardona, 2003; Gallopin, 2006), and is often used to denote ‘risk’ of experiencing

negative sequelae (Cardona). Consequently, the definition adopted here argues that

vulnerability is a pre-existing condition of the individual and/or environment that

increases the risk of experiencing negative outcomes in response to challenging

situations (O’Brien et al., 2004).

55

Previous research has identified multiple factors associated with increased

vulnerability to negative outcomes following exposure to challenging events including:

lower levels of education (Rutter & Quinton, 1977; Sameroff et al., 1987; West &

Farrington, 1977), lower socio-economic status (Luthar, 1991), limited access to or

satisfaction with social support (Thoits, 1984), emotion focused coping, an unsupportive

organisational climate, chronic exposure to negative experiences (Paton et al., 2008),

and external locus of control (Werner & Smith, 1982).

Thus vulnerability and resilience can be conceptualised as discrete dimensions

that concurrently influence the ability of individuals, organisations, and communities to

experience positive adaptation following exposure to challenging situations. As these

factors can interact with one another, it is necessary to assess the relative contribution of

both vulnerability and resilience in order to develop comprehensive models of

adaptation outcomes (Paton et al., 2008). In this way understanding and managing

resilience involves adopting a perspective that assumes that salutary outcomes occur

when individuals and groups can use their psychological and physical resources and

competencies in ways that allow them to render challenging events coherent,

manageable, and meaningful (Antonovsky, 1990), whilst not precluding the experience

of negative outcomes engendered by pre-existing vulnerability factors.

Exposure to challenging events can create a sense of psychological

disequilibrium that represents a situation in which the existing interpretive frameworks

or schema that guide expectations and actions have lost their capacity to organize

experience in meaningful and manageable ways (Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Paton, 1994).

The challenge is thus to identify those factors that can be developed prior to exposure

that reduce vulnerability towards experiencing negative outcomes and enhance an

individual’s capacity to develop schema that broaden the range of (unpredictable)

experiences that can be rendered coherent, meaningful and manageable (Frederickson et

56

al., 2003; Paton, 1994; 2006). In this way the likelihood of experiencing resilient

outcomes is enhanced.

Whilst most research has investigated vulnerability, resilience and adaptation at

the level of the individual, there is increasing awareness that a comprehensive

understanding of resilience must integrate individual, organisational, and relationship

perspectives (Paton et al., 2008). This argument is based on the fact that both

organisational and relationship environments define the context within which

individuals experience and interpret events, and within which future capabilities are

nurtured or restricted (Paton, 2006). At present the most comprehensive model of

resilience within the literature is the Stress-Shield model.

The Stress-Shield model of resilience (Paton et al., 2008) was developed to

explain the processes contributing to resilience in police officers and proposes that

resilience reflects the extent to which individuals and the groups to which they belong

can capitalise on resources and competencies (both psychological and physical) in ways

that allow challenging events to be rendered coherent, manageable, and meaningful

(Paton et al.). As such, this model incorporates organisational, team, and individual

perspectives in order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the resilience

process and in this way differs from previous models that focus solely on either

individual or organisational factors. Furthermore it acknowledges the contexts in which

individuals experience and interpret events and their consequences, and within which

future capabilities are nurtured or restricted (Paton, 2006).

Specifically, the Stress-Shield model of resilience identifies that individual level

factors of conscientiousness, hardiness, and coping interact with organisational level

factors of climate and support to influence the degree of trust, empowerment, and

growth that is experienced by the individual (see Figure 1).

57

Figure 1. The Stress-Shield model of resilience. Solid lines indicate positive influences

on empowerment (and thus adaptive capacity and growth). Dashed lines indicate

pathways with a negative influence on empowerment (Paton et al., 2008).

However, the Stress-Shield model does not account for familial influences to be

acknowledged in the resilience and adaptation process. Previous researchers have

consistently demonstrated that even if only one family member is directly exposed to

the challenging situation, other members of the family unit are indirectly affected by the

impacts that changes in the individual’s functioning have on pre-existing family

functioning and relationship dynamics (Stinnet & DeFrain, 1985; Walsh, 1996, 2003).

In turn, these same researchers have demonstrated that family processes

(including the presence of an intimate relationship, and family level coping strategies)

mediate the degree of adaptation demonstrated in response to the challenge thereby

necessitating family/relationship level factors be included in any comprehensive model

of resilience and adaptation. Furthermore, considering the unique nature of Antarctic

employment and distinct differences from other forms of employment (including police

work from which the above model was primarily derived, and which differs in terms of

the duration and nature of experiences and separations from family members) the degree

58

to which existing models of resilience can account for adaptation in Antarctic

populations is not known.

59

CHAPTER FOUR

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES WITHIN ANTARCTIC RESEARCH

4.1 Methodological Issues within Antarctic Research

The physical parameters of the Antarctic environment are significantly removed

from those required for optimal human performance and survival (Suedfeld & Steel,

2000) and are significantly remote from the routine experience of most human

communities (Suedfeld & Steel). In particular, chronically low temperatures, blizzards

and low humidity prohibit the ability to survive without complex man-made

technologies and supports. The degree of geographic isolation from other continents and

communities (including existing social support networks) also contributes to

60

Antarctica’s classification as an EUE. It is these stressors that warrant human

functioning in Antarctica be singled out for investigation.

The nature of environments such as Antarctica and the extremes of human

performance demonstrated within them in response to the inherent stressors (e.g.

isolation, confinement, and extreme climate) means that the psychological, social, and

physiological experiences of people residing there can be studied nowhere else

(Rachman, 1984; Segal, 1986; Fiennes, 1993; Suedfeld, 1998). For this reason,

environments such as Antarctica have been referred to as ‘natural laboratories’ for the

study of human health and performance under stress (Shurley, 1970, 1974; Gunderson,

1974; Suedfeld, 1998). Despite this, comparatively limited research funding is directed

towards the study of psychological functioning of expeditioners within Antarctic

employment settings.

However, whilst the challenges inherent within the Antarctic environment

provide opportunities to study the limits of human performance, they also impose

challenges in conducting research within Antarctic settings. One of the most consistent

issues raised is that geographic dislocation reduces the amount of control over the

completion of assessment tasks, and often requires the assistance of personnel such as

station leaders and medical officers to recruit and retain participants, and in some cases

collect data (Taylor, 1987). Although Fuchs (1963) reported occasional resistance to

research being conducted in these settings, it appears that this is a rare occurrence with

most research programs actively encouraging psychological research participation as

evidenced by the plethora of research publications focused on Antarctic populations.

However, there have been instances in which the nature of such research

programs have negatively impacted station morale (Siople, 1959) resulting in

discontinuation (Nardini, Hermann, & Rasmussen, 1962). For this reason researchers

concerned about the validity of test responses (Blackburn, Shurley, & Natani, 1973)

61

have incorporated less invasive data collection procedures such as observation or self-

report (Rivolier, 1973; Crocq, Rivolier, & Cazes, 1973). Contemporary researchers

advocate a multimodal approach to data collection within Antarctic populations (Saal,

Downey, & Lahey, 1980). However, this too can be problematic if personnel feel

constrained due to being subject to observation or rating by other members on station

(Taylor, 1987).

The nature of participant selection within Antarctic populations deviates from

processes advocated in psychological research in terms of random selection,

assignment, and representativeness (Millon & Diesenhaus, 1972). Taylor (1987) also

described difficulties in data collection associated with longitudinal assessments in

which participants withdraw cooperation prior to completion thereby requiring

exclusion of data. Longitudinal assessments are also difficult to execute due to often

limited time outside of work-related tasks to complete assessments, as well as difficulty

with follow-up post-return (Taylor). It may be for this reason that a proportion of post-

return data has been collected retrospectively from expeditioners (e.g. Sarris, 2006),

rather than during the period immediately following their return from Antarctica. Whilst

this allows some insights to be gained regarding the post-return experience,

retrospective data obtained in this manner suffers from methodological constraints

associated with a lack of validity.

Retrospective data has been consistently shown to have low correlations with

actual experiences due to the influence of memory processes (at both encoding and

retrieval) as well as new experiences that have occurred during the intervening period

between the event and the retrospective account which can influence the strength and

valence of recollections (also known as response-shift bias) (Bernard, Killworth,

Kronenfeld, & Sailer, 1984; Henry, Moffit, Caspi, Langley, & Silva, 1994; Howard,

1980). Although researchers such as Palinkas (1986) have circumvented the use of

62

retrospective data by studying military personnel who have wintered in Antarctica (and

for whom up-to-date records of residence are kept) the generalisability of such findings

to civilian populations may be limited.

Thus challenges associated with undertaking Antarctic research can be both

extreme and unusual in line with the environment in which it is conducted. However,

despite these issues longitudinal research programs incorporating both quantitative and

qualitative assessment procedures that facilitate assessment of experiences as they occur

is most conducive to developing a comprehensive understanding of factors that promote

resilience and adaptation as well as both positive and negative change over time within

this population. Such knowledge is essential to further refining training and support

programs to maximise the likelihood of positive outcomes at the individual,

organisational, and relationship levels which in turn may enhance the well-being,

productivity, and retention of Antarctic personnel. However, it also necessitates

obtaining information on multiple domains of functioning without over-burdening

participants who have limited time outside of work-related activities to complete

research-related tasks. Therefore the current study adopted a cross-lagged mixed-

method longitudinal approach to maximise data collection whilst not requiring

excessive time commitments from participants.

63

64

CHAPTER FIVE

THE CURRENT RESEARCH

5.1 The Current Research

Examination of the existing literature concerning the effects of vocationally

induced separation on families reveals two major deficits. Principally, it has adopted a

pathogenic orientation. Whilst not precluding the experience of adverse consequences

arising from the separation experience, there is increasing recognition that both positive

and negative outcomes often coexist simultaneously after exposure to ‘adverse’ events

(Linley & Joseph, 2004). Furthermore, evidence indicates that positive consequences

often outweigh the negative consequences in these situations (Tedeschi & Calhoun,

1995, 1996). For this reason the systematic, predictable, and repetitive aspects of

exposure to extreme environments within a professional capacity make understanding

65

adaptation and growth within such populations so important. It is also evident that the

issues surrounding prolonged separation from family members extends beyond military

personnel to include lesser studied populations including those involved in remote

mining operations, off-shore drilling rigs, extended space missions, and Antarctic

research programs. Furthermore, the marked differences in the nature of employment

tasks between military and non-military populations suggest that application of models

of adaptation between these cohorts may be inappropriate.

Existing research on the psychological issues that affect returning Antarctic

expeditioners testifies to the coexistence of both positive and negative outcomes derived

from their experience ‘on the ice’ (Palinkas, 2003; Taylor, 1973; Wood et al., 2000).

However the predominant focus of such research has been limited to adjustment outcomes

rather than the processes that underlie adaptation - processes which are likely to include

individual coping mechanisms, organisational demands, and family functioning patterns

(Houtzager, et al., 2004). Identification of the salient predictors of resilience and

adaptation, and articulation of the mechanisms linking them to adaptive outcomes for

expeditioners and partners alike may enable intervention strategies to focus on enhancing

this capacity throughout the employment experience.

Resilience and vulnerability mechanisms are discrete and operate concurrently, and

both must be examined if a comprehensive understanding of reintegration is to be

developed. Adopting a salutogenic perspective, the present study investigated the

experience of Antarctic employment for single expeditioners, partnered expeditioners, and

partners from pre-departure through to reintegration in an effort to identify factors which

facilitate positive and negative adaptation. This was achieved through:

1. Identifying factors that promote psychological resilience and adaptation in

Antarctic expeditioners and describing their relationship to positive and negative

change arising from the expedition experience,

66

2. Identifying factors that promote psychological resilience and adaptation in

Antarctic expeditioners partners and describing their relationship to positive and

negative change arising from the separation experience, and

3. Describing the quality and nature of the reintegration experience by comparing

the processes and outcomes of each of the above, and their implications for the

process of reintegration over a 12 month period.

Additionally, the current study examined the impact of ship versus air-based

personnel movement on these processes. On the 11th of January 2008 the first air-based

transportation of Australian Antarctic expeditioners via a purpose-built, Australian

operated air-link occurred (AAD, 2008). Prior to this the Australian Antarctic research

program relied on ship-based transportation of all personnel and supplies. The

introduction of the Australian-Antarctic air-link allows improved access to each of

Australia’s Antarctic research stations (Casey, Davis, and Mawson). In turn this enables

more efficient transportation of scientists to, from, and across the continent enhancing

Australia’s scientific research capabilities (AAD, 2006a). It also allows more rapid

access to the continent in the event of emergencies (e.g. medical evacuations) (AAD,

2006b) whilst simultaneously reducing the environmental impacts of transportation

methods on the continent (AAD, 2006b).

From the expeditioner perspective, one of the primary benefits associated with

this shift in transportation arrangements is that it reduces the length of time that they are

required to stay in Antarctica. Prior to the introduction of air-based travel within the

Australian Antarctic program, the length of expeditioner absences were dependent on

shipping schedules rather than the amount of time required to complete the task for

which they were employed. Thus the new transportation arrangements may also entice

individuals who previously declined Antarctic employment and research opportunities

due to the length of absence from home. For example, anecdotal evidence indicates that

67

more women who have family responsibilities that preclude prolonged absences may be

more likely to undertake short-term Antarctic research opportunities afforded by the

advent of air-based personnel movement.

However, from a social-psychological perspective there are additional factors

beyond the benefits imbued by improved access to Antarctica and the reduced

environmental impact of transportation processes to consider in the shift from ship to

air-based personnel movement – namely, the impact these new arrangements have on

expeditioner adaptation and functioning. Under the pre-existing ship-based

transportation arrangements the return voyage from Antarctica could span two weeks or

more (AAD, 2009). During this time expeditioners are gradually exposed to greater

numbers of people and new social contexts as they interact with expeditioners from

other stations, as well as those on familiarisation voyages, arts fellowships, and head

office and vessel staff.

In contrast, expeditioners who return to Australia (RTA) via plane will touch

down in Hobart, Tasmania, approximately 4.5-5 hours after leaving Antarctica having

been exposed only to those others on the flight and flight staff (AAD, 2006a). The

impact of this reduced transit time on the physical, psychological, and social

functioning on the expeditioner is not known. However it may compound challenges

associated with adjustment to an environment with significantly different physical and

social parameters from Antarctica.

In regards to the physical parameters, expeditioners will be relocated from the

Antarctic environment which is characterised by low temperatures, humidity, and

environmental stimulation to Hobart which is significantly warmer, more humid, and

contains sights, sounds, and smells from which the expeditioner has been sheltered for

some time. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the environmental stimulation experienced

upon RTA via ship can be overwhelming for expeditioners who have had a

68

comparatively more gradual exposure to environmental changes than that which will be

experienced by those returning via plane. In this way it could be anticipated that these

feelings of being overwhelmed may be exacerbated by the reduced transit time inherent

within plane-based travel.

In regards to the social parameters, expeditioners will be relocated from a social

environment which has been characterised by enforced interactions engendered by

station life and a general lack of social novelty (Carrere & Evans, 1994; Sandal &

Palinkas, 2006; Suedfeld, 1998). Furthermore, research has demonstrated that unique

social norms and communication patterns can develop within Antarctic populations who

winter together which may not be easily understood outside of these contexts. In

contrast, social environments outside Antarctica are characterised by greater social

novelty, interactions with a greater number of individuals and more control over the

nature, frequency, and duration of such contact. Returning from Antarctica by ship

allows gradual exposure to new social environments and larger numbers of people

which may facilitate better adaptation to non-Antarctic environments more readily than

returning by plane which does not provide for the same level of social stimulation.

The process involved in negotiating changes in the physical and social

environment encountered upon return from Antarctica place significant demands on the

psychological resources of expeditioners. As such, it is likely that they would

experience decrements in subjective health and well-being at this time. However,

considering that previous researchers have identified that expeditioners demonstrate

adaptive coping patterns that facilitate adjustment to challenging environments (Watts,

Webster, Morley & Cohen, 1993) it is likely that any distress encountered upon return

from Antarctica will be short-lived and will largely resolve over time.

Other nations operating research programs within Antarctica that also utilise air-

based transportation of expeditioners and supplies include the United States of America,

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New Zealand, United Kingdom, Italy, Argentina, Chile, and Russia (AAD, 2006a).

However, no published research exists regarding the impact of a shift from ship-based

to air-based transportation on expeditioner health and well-being. In this way the shift

from ship to air-based personnel movement within the Australian Antarctic program

offers a unique opportunity to investigate the impact of differing transportation methods

on expeditioner health and well-being. Such knowledge can then be integrated into

existing training and support programs to ensure that they effectively meet expeditioner

needs.

Thus the aim of this component of the study was to investigate the impact of a

shift from ship to air-based personnel movement in Australian Antarctic populations.

Specifically, it aimed to assess whether expeditioners who experience ship-based RTA

can be differentiated from those who experience plane-based RTA based on subjective

health and well-being response profiles. In consideration of the differences in social and

environmental contexts encountered with a rapid return facilitated by air-based transport

it was hypothesised that expeditioners returning via plane would experience

significantly lower levels of health and well-being (as indicated by higher HSCL-21

scores and negative change scores as measured by the CiOQ, lower quality of life scores

and lower positive change scores as measured by the CiOQ) than those returning by

ship when assessed two months post RTA. However, in light of the adaptive capacity of

Antarctic expeditioners noted by previous research it was further hypothesised that

these differences would become insignificant at 12 months post RTA.

5.2 Method and Design

In order to achieve these outcomes the current research project adopted a

lagged cohort, longitudinal design incorporating both quantitative and qualitative

methods of data collection. The longitudinal design accounted for the time frame

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within which adaptation and growth takes place and allowed repeated measures

assessment of expeditioners and partners during pre-departure, absence, reunion, and

reintegration experiences associated with Antarctic employment. Assessment spanning

the duration of Antarctic employment in this manner was essential to the process of

constructing a comprehensive model of adaptation within this population. It also

allowed for the influence of unanticipated individual, organisational, and relationship

factors to be accommodated within the analysis. Lagged cohorts allowed examination

of contextual influences on adaptation (over time) and consistency of these, as well as

facilitated comparison of the two modes of transportation. Details regarding

participant numbers and demographics within each cohort are reported in Table 1.

The original sample comprised 482 expeditioners and 182 partners, however as

incomplete data sets were excluded from the analyses, the final sample comprised 423

expeditioners and 149 partners within the study sample representing retention rates of

87.76% and 81.87% respectively. There were no significant differences between

excluded and non-excluded participants on quantitative pre-departure measures of

individual, organisational, or relationship functioning (p>.05 for all comparisons).

Twenty-three of the 59 excluded expeditioner response profiles were omitted from

analyses as post-return data was not provided following a change of contact details

that were not provided to the researcher. Thirty expeditioner response profiles were

excluded due to incomplete provision of absence data (i.e. not all monthly measures

were completed). Four expeditioner response profiles were omitted as they returned to

Antarctica prior to completing the 12 month follow-up assessment, and two were

omitted due to early exit from Antarctic employment due to illness or injury. In

contrast, 13 partner response profiles were omitted due to incomplete provision of

absence data whilst 20 partners withdrew from the study upon relationship dissolution.

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These partners did not provide complete data sets as a result of their relationship

dissolution and were therefore also omitted from analyses.

All participants retained in the final sample completed all quantitative

assessments. Furthermore, a subset of 49 (26 male, 23 female) single expeditioners, 64

(52 male, 12 female) partnered expeditioners, and 97 (18 male, 79 female) partners

elected to complete semi-structured interviews at pre-departure, during the absence

period, upon reunion and reintegration. Analysis of quantitative indices indicated that

these participants did not differ significantly from those participants who did not

participate in the interview process.

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Table 1

Sample Characteristics of Participants Providing Complete Data Sets

Demographic Variable Category Expeditioners (N=423) Partners (N=149)

Cohort 1(n) 2(n) 3(n) Total(n) Cohort 1(n) 2(n) 3(n) Total(n)

Age (years) 20-29 43 32 39 114 6 5 5 16

30-39 87 51 34 172 34 23 24 81

40-49 31 34 33 98 6 11 7 24

50+ 12 14 13 39 9 7 12 28

Sex Male 119 103 82 304 10 7 7 24

Female 51 37 31 119 43 47 35 125

Previous experience Yes 64 72 59 195 31 20 19 70

No 77 93 58 228 26 31 22 79

Length of expeditioner 3-6 49 61 52 162 29 19 16 64

absence (months) 7-10 6 7 4 17 21 27 18 66

11-14 81 59 64 204 3 5 3 11

15+ 11 15 14 40 4 2 2 8

Involved in romantic relationship Yes 87 101 94 282 69 37 43 149

No 43 58 40 141 0 0 0 0

Method of return to Australia Ship 173 131 100 404 55 46 16 117

Plane 0 0 19 19 0 0 32 32

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The quantitative measurement instruments were selected on the grounds that

each comprised both resilience and vulnerability elements relevant to individual,

organisational, and relationship dimensions, thereby allowing the mechanisms that

may underpin positive and negative change in all participant categories to be explored.

The quantitative instruments incorporated within the present studies are detailed in

Table 2, as are details regarding reliability within the present studies.

Due to the exploratory nature of this research project, qualitative research

methodology was also employed. Qualitative research facilitates exploration of

participant thoughts and actions (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) beyond that provided by

quantitative assessment procedures. Qualitative research can be used to extract intricate

details such as thought processes, emotions, feelings and lived experiences, as well as

social, cultural and organisational phenomena (Flick, 2006; Strauss & Corbin) and as

such is able to assist in articulating both independent and interdependent aspects of the

lived experience, which is of particular relevance within the current study which aims to

investigate the differential and collective influence of individual, organisational, and

relationship factors both within and between each phase of the Antarctic employment

experience for expeditioners and partners alike. Qualitative techniques offer an

investigation method using participants’ own words to provide detailed evidence of

experience that cannot be easily gained from observation (Patton, 2002), nor reflected in

quantitative data collection procedures.

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Table 2

Summary of Quantitative Measures Incorporated Within Studies

Assessment Measure Construct Reliability Description

Category (Cronbach’s α)

Individual COPE Inventory Coping .79-.87 A 60-item multidimensional coping instrument

designed to assess 15 conceptually distinct

methods of coping. Participants respond to the

statements by indicating the extent of their

agreement along a 4-point Likert scale, ranging

from 1 “I usually don’t do this at all” to 4 “I

usually do this a lot”. A total score is not

obtained, however higher scores on each coping

subscale indicate greater use of that strategy.

Life Orientation Test-Revised Optimism .89 Consists of 10 coded items; 3 statements

described in a positive manner, 3 statements

described in a negative manner, and 4 non-

scored items. Participants respond to the

statements by indicating the extent of their

agreement along a 5-point Likert scale, ranging

from 0 "strongly agree" to 4 "strongly disagree’.

Scores are calculated by summing responses to

statements, except those recorded on the non-

scored items. Scores obtained on the LOT-R

range from 0-24, with higher scores indicating

higher levels of optimism.

Hopkins Symptom Checklist Health and well-being .86-.93 Comprises three subscales assessing performance

(21 item version) difficulties, general distress, and somatic distress,

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Table 2 (continued)

Summary of Quantitative Measures Incorporated Within Studies

Assessment Measure Construct Reliability Description

Category (Cronbach’s α) as well as providing a total distress score.

Participants to report how stressed they have been

within the past 7 days according to a 4-point

Likert scale, in which 1= not at all and 4=

extremely. Possible scores for each of the

subscales range from 7 to 28, with higher scores

indicating higher levels of distress. Total scores

range from 21-84, with higher scores also

indicating higher distress and lower levels of

health and well-being.

WHOQOL-BREF Quality of Life .68-.85 Assesses four conceptually distinct areas of

functioning: physical, psychological, social

relationships, and the environment. Participants

respond to 26 statements by indicating the extent

of their satisfaction along a 5-point Likert scale,

ranging from 1 “not at all” to 5 “very much”.

Scores are scaled in a positive direction so that

higher scores indicate higher levels of quality of

life.

Personal Growth Initiative Growth potential .87 Consists of nine statements rated along a 6-point

Likert scale, ranging from 1 “strong disagree” to

6 “strongly agree”. Scores are calculated by

summing the responses on the items, with higher

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Table 2 (continued)

Summary of Quantitative Measures Incorporated Within Studies

Assessment Measure Construct Reliability Description

Category (Cronbach’s α) scores indicating higher levels of personal

growth initiative.

Organisation Work-Family Interface Scale Work-family interface .74-.88 Assesses the degree to which responsibilities

within the work domain impinge upon home

duties (work interference with family), as well as

the degree to which responsibilities associated

with the home environment impinge upon work

level duties (family interference with work).

Participants respond to 12 statements by

indicating the extent of their agreement along a

5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 “not at all”

to 5 “almost always”. Possible scores for each

Interference Scale range from 3 to 15, with

higher scores indicating greater interference.

Relationship Family Functioning Style Scale Relationship dynamics .69-.87 Comprising 26 items, the FFSS measures

relationship strengths and capabilities. The FFSS

yields 13 individual subscale scores reflecting

five dimensions. Participants respond to

statements by indicating the extent of their

agreement along a 5-point Likert scale ranging

from 1 “not at all like my relationship” to 5

“almost always like my relationship”. Higher

scores indicate the presence of higher levels of

the relationship dynamic being

examined within the relationship unit.

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Procedure

Data were collected from expeditioners and partners prior to departure, during

the absence period and upon return from Antarctica according to the schedule outlined

in Table 3.

Stage One: Prior to departure the previously listed questionnaires were

distributed to consenting participants in person, electronic or standard mail to collect

data on individual, family, and organisational functioning at this time. Completed

questionnaires were returned with the reply-paid envelopes provided, or in cases

where distributed electronically by email.

Stage Two: During the Antarctic absence data was collected monthly from

expeditioners using structured diaries in an electronic format. Partners remaining in

Australia were concurrently assessed using pen and paper format. The diaries

contained the HSCL-21 as well as qualitative items assessing positive and negative

experiences to date and were completed on a monthly basis during the separation

period.

Stage Three: Two months post-return to Australia structured interviews were

conducted with consenting expeditioners and partners, with the data obtained being

used to construct the cognitive representations of the reunion experience. The

interviews were conducted either face-to-face or over the telephone, taking

approximately 40 minutes to complete. Questionnaires were also used to collect data

on individual, organisational, and relationship functioning as well as positive and

negative change at this time.

Stage Four: Twelve months post-return to Australia structured interviews were

again conducted with both expeditioners and partners, with the data again being used

to construct cognitive representations of the reintegration experience. The degree of

shift in schematic components between two and twelve months post-return provided a

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Table 3

Phases and Nature of Data Collection and Analysis Incorporated Within the Present Studies

Stage Methods Measures Analysis Strategies

Pre-Departure Self-report survey responses Individual: COPE Inventory Univariate ANOVAs

(Stage 1) Life Orientation Test-Revised Hierarchical Regression Analyses

Hopkins Symptom Checklist-21

WHOQOL-BREF

Personal Growth Initiative

Organisational: Work-Family Interface Scale

Relationship: Family Functioning Style Scale

Semi-structured interviews Assessed individual, organisational, and family factors Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis

Absence Self-report survey responses Individual: Hopkins Symptom Checklist-21 Univariate/Repeated Measures ANOVAs

(Stage 2) WHOQOL-BREF

Qualitative survey questions Assessed individual, organisational, and family factors Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis

Reunion Self-report survey responses Individual: Hopkins Symptom Checklist-21 Univariate/Repeated Measures ANOVAs

(Stage 3) Changes in Outlook Questionnaire Hierarchical Regression Analyses

Organisational: Work-Family Interface Scale

Relationship: Family Functioning Style Scale

Semi-structured interviews Assessed individual, organisational, and family factors Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis

Reintegration Self-report survey responses Individual: Hopkins Symptom Checklist-21 Univariate/Repeated Measures ANOVAs

(Stage 4) WHOQOL-BREF Hierarchical Regression Analyses

Changes in Outlook Questionnaire

Organisational: Work-Family Interface Scale

Relationship: Family Functioning Style Scale

Semi-structured interviews Assessed individual, organisational, and family factors Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis

Note: WHOQOL-BREF = World Health Organisation Quality of Life Brief Inventory.

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measure of adaptation. Questionnaires previously administered at Stage Three were

readministered to both parties.

5.3 Analysis Strategies

Between-group differences on vulnerability and resilience variables measured

across the employment experience were analysed by a series of univariate ANOVAs.

A between-groups analysis was chosen to separate expeditioners from partners as the

objective nature of experiences occurring throughout Antarctic employment differ at

all time points, in that partners are not directly involved in the organisational

components (e.g. pre-departure training, working ‘on the ice’) and are therefore are

less likely to be influenced by these.

This assumption was tested at all data collection points by conducting a

correlational analysis which indicated that there were no significant correlations

(p>.05 for all comparisons) between expeditioner and partner quantitative response

profiles. From a methodological perspective, expeditioners and partners differed on a

key subject attribute variable (employment within the Australian Antarctic program)

which contraindicated the use of within-subjects analyses. As single and partnered

expeditioner response profiles were not significantly correlated (p>.05 for all

comparisons) they were also treated as between-subjects analyses.

The use of between-subjects analyses when examining differences between

single and partnered expeditioners was also supported from a theoretical perspective in

that researchers have demonstrated that the presence or absence of an intimate

relationship can (among other things) affect cognitive processing and interpretation of

challenging events (Egeland, Carlson, & Sroufe, 2009; Fagan & Polkovitz, 2007;

Patterson & McCubbin, 1984; Showers & Zeigler-Hill, 2004).

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Repeated Measures ANOVAs were used to assess within-group changes in

these variables over time within each participant category. Hierarchical regression

analyses were used to assess how resilience and vulnerability variables (obtained pre-

departure), mediated by positive and negative experiences (during separation),

predicted adjustment and adaptation (at both two and 12 months after return). The

dependent variable was the amount of positive and negative change reported by

participants, whilst the independent variables were those individual, organisational,

and relationship factors measured at pre-departure, absence, reunion, and reintegration.

Using Means-End Chain Theory as a conceptual framework, semi-structured

interviews were conducted with consenting expeditioners and partners (see Appendix E,

H, & J). Means-end theory (Gutman, 1982; Olson & Reynolds, 1983) offers a practical

metaphor to assess knowledge and meaning structures. The representation of cognitive

structures in memory advocated by the theory is based on the acknowledgement that

behavior may be linked to self. The central tenet of the theory is that meaning structures

stored in memory consist of a chain of hierarchically-related elements. The chain starts

with the behaviour components (attributes) and establishes a sequence of links with the

self concept (personal values) through the perceived consequences or benefits produced

by certain attributes of the behaviour. This forms a "means-end chain" in that attributes

are the means by which the behavior provides the desired consequences or values, i.e.

the ends. As such, Means-End Chain Theory enables articulation of the mechanisms

underlying behaviours and thought patterns, thereby facilitating comprehensive

understanding of psychological processes that facilitate adaptation

Adopting a Means-End approach, laddering techniques were used to elicit the

positive and negative outcomes experienced by both parties, as well as the rationales

that underpinned these outcomes throughout the Antarctic employment experience

(Bagozzi & Dabholar, 2000; Grunert & Grunert, 1995; Pieters, Baumgartner, & Allen,

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1995). Integration of the reasoning processes articulated within this forum enabled

identification of schematic representations of experiences in all participant categories.

The structured diaries distributed to expeditioners and partners provided

additional insights into the nature of the Antarctic absence experience and how these

circumstances contributed to restructuring of schemas over time. Interpretive

Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) strategies as detailed below were then concurrently

employed to further sort and categorise the data in order to identify salient themes.

IPA reflects an inductive approach (Smith, 2004) and does not attempt to test specific

hypotheses or prior assumptions (Reid, Flowers, & Osbon, 2003). As IPA reflects an

inductive approach (Smith) and does not attempt to test specific hypotheses or prior

assumptions (Reid, et al.) it enables integration of the reasoning processes articulated

within the interviews thereby facilitating identification of schematic representations of

experiences in all participant categories. Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis

(IPA) strategies as detailed below were then concurrently employed to further sort and

categorise the data in order to identify salient themes.

Open coding. Open coding refers to the process in which broad concepts are

identified within the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). During the open coding process

data was examined and compared for similarities and differences between response

profiles. Microanalysis (the line by line, phrase by phrase, or word by word analysis

necessary to generate initial coding concepts, their properties and dimensions)

facilitated the open coding process. Concepts, or phenomena, found to be conceptually

similar in nature are grouped under categories which are not influenced by prior

assumptions. In this way coding is lead by data, not previous literature or theory

(Charmaz, 2006).

Axial Coding. Whereas open coding segments data into separate pieces and

distinct codes, axial coding works to reassemble the fractured concepts. Axial coding

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establishes links between categories, sub-categories and concepts. Thus whilst open

coding aids generation of concepts and labels of phenomena, axial coding is used for

explanation and to develop understanding of the identified themes.

Selective Coding. When saturation was achieved and no new response

categories were identified, selective coding was undertaken (Dey, 1999). Selective

coding focuses on identifying a core category, a central phenomenon around which all

other categories are integrated (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The core category exists in a

theoretical framework, a matrix in which other categories and concepts are related

(Dey). Selective coding acts to integrate the theory, refining categories and

relationships (Dey). In this stage coding becomes further removed from the initial data

producing a more generalisable model (Charmaz, 2006) which can then be used to

inform intervention programs aimed at enhancing outcomes in the area of interest.

Inter-rater reliability addresses the consistency of the implementation of a rating

system (in this instance, IPA) and determines the extent to which two or more

individuals agree on the categories and relationships between these derived from

qualitative data (Dey, 1999). In other words, inter-rater reliability refers to

standardisation in the coding of qualitative interview data. This is an important

consideration when subjectively coding data as it affects the generalisability of findings

(Tinsley & Weiss, 1975). Inter-rater reliability is typically expressed in terms of

correlational indices (Tinsley & Weiss), with Cohen’s Kappa being the most widely

used measure within the behavioural sciences (Perreault & Leigh, 1989). Kappa

explicitly recognises the likelihood of chance agreement between raters and removes it

from consideration according to the following equation:

K = (Fо-Fc) / (N-Fc)

Whereby N= number of judgements/codes made by each rater, Fo=the number

of judgements/codes on which the raters agree, and Fc=the number of judgements/codes

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for which agreement is expected by chance (Tinsley & Weiss). Higher Kappa statistics

indicate higher levels of agreement between independent raters, with an acceptable level

being greater than .60 (Tinsley & Weiss).

5.4 Ethical Considerations

This study was approved by the Australian Antarctic Division Ethics

Committee (Human Experimentation) and the Southern Tasmanian Human

Research Ethics Committee. This study was considered of low risk to participants

as no significant physical effects (e.g. physical harm, pain or discomfort) or

psychological effects (e.g. emotional distress, anxiety, or embarrassment), beyond

the normal experience of everyday life were expected. Furthermore, the

information obtained during the course of the study was not considered to be

prejudicial to participants in any manner, that is, there were no employment,

social, or legal implications from participating in the research.

Feedback from participants indicated that these assumptions were upheld,

and that many participants found the nature of the study allowed them to develop

further insights into both their individual and relationship functioning. Some

participants also identified therapeutic benefit in participation through providing an

avenue for their concerns to be aired without negatively impacting their

employment prospects. If circumstances arose where a participant self-identified a

requirement for formal interventions and supports the researcher would direct them

to the ETFLO officer at the Australian Antarctic Division whose role encompasses

referral to an Employee Assistance Program that can be accessed by expeditioners

and partners alike. However, this did not occur during the course of data collection

even in cases of relationship dissolution (n=20). The reasons for this were that

seven of these participants were already in contact with the ETFLO prior to

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reporting this experience, and the remaining 13 of these participants had obtained

either informal or formal supports prior to contacting me and did not wish for

ETFLO involvement.

No information that could identify any individual participant was disclosed to

any person or organization, including the Australian Antarctic Division. Anonymity was

protected by a de-identification procedure in which names were removed and replaced

by code numbers, and only the combined results of all participants are reported.

Preserving the anonymity of participants also required that no direct quotes be included

within the discussion of qualitative data due to the likelihood of the language,

colloquialisms, phraseology, or vernacular enabling identification of the individual who

provided the information. This is of particular importance when considering that

expeditioners spend long periods of time working with the same small group of

individuals and can become attuned to such mannerisms. Furthermore, all raw data

continues to be stored securely in the School of Psychology at the University of

Tasmania and is not accessible to anyone except the researcher.

Participants were informed of these provisions in the information sheet provided

to them when considering participation in the study (Appendix A). Furthermore,

informed consent (Appendix B) was obtained to ensure participants were apprised of

the nature of data collection and results feedback procedures, and remained aware of the

voluntary nature of participation.

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CHAPTER 6

THE PRE-DEPARTURE PERIOD

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6.1 The Pre-Departure Period

In contrast to the large amount of knowledge regarding the expeditioner’s

experience of life in Antarctica, very little is known about the experience leading up to

departure for Antarctic employment for expeditioners, and even less about the

experience of partners during this period. The importance of including this period when

researching adaptive processes stems from several factors including the differential

nature and impact of experiences between expeditioners and partners during this period,

the concurrent experience of both current and anticipatory stressors relating to changes

in both individual and relationship spheres, and the prolonged period over which these

challenges are negotiated.

One of the primary differences in the experience between expeditioners and

partners relates to the degree of involvement and control over events experienced during

this period. As the employed individual the expeditioner is involved in the formal

preparatory training and social networking associated with the pre-departure period. In

contrast, partners are largely excluded from this process due to pragmatic issues

including time constraints and geographic dislocation. Additionally, it is arguable that

due to higher levels of involvement in the pre-departure program, expeditioners will

also experience higher levels of perceived control over their experiences compared to

partners.

Another issue to consider is that whilst both expeditioners and partners are

negotiating experiences related to the pre-departure program they are also likely to be

cognitively and behaviourally preparing for future challenges associated with later

stages of Antarctic employment – primarily the absence period which requires

renegotiation of both work and family roles and the physical and psychological

boundaries between these. The degree to which current and anticipatory challenges are

simultaneously managed and the impact this has on well-being and performance during

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the pre-departure period for expeditioners and partners has not been investigated to date.

Similarly, the impact of prolonged exposure to these circumstances on both short and

long-term functioning is also not well understood. This too is a potential oversight in

understanding the mechanisms underlying both positive and negative change

considering that the pre-departure period can in some circumstances exceed the length

of time the expeditioner is physically working in Antarctica.

In summary, an understanding of the differential nature and impact of

experiences of expeditioners and partners during this phase of Antarctic employment

provides an avenue for measuring change over time (i.e. throughout the remaining

Antarctic employment experience) as well as identifying the mechanisms by which this

change occurs. In this way previous difficulties associated with selecting in desirable

personnel rather than selecting out inappropriate personnel may be overcome.

Termed the “pre-departure period”, this phase of employment extends from

when an expeditioner begins preparations for undertaking employment in Antarctica

through to their physical departure from Australia. Whilst task specific training

typically begins two to three months prior to departure, preparation for the experience

may begin up to 18 months or more prior to the event when the prospective expeditioner

first contemplates travelling to Antarctica in a professional capacity. Thus for some

expeditioners the duration of the pre-departure period may exceed the length of time

they spend working within Antarctica.

The nature and duration of the pre-deployment experience and implications for

adaptation in subsequent phases of Antarctic employment for both expeditioners and

partners are largely unknown. This appears to be a considerable oversight in light of

research which has demonstrated the interactive nature of processes undertaken at

different phases of employment experiences and subsequent impact on later functioning

(Busuttil & Busuttil, 2001), and effective implementation of pre-departure intervention

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programs in military populations to enhance functioning of both the deploying

individual and their partners (Van Breda, 1999). From this perspective, the pre-

departure period may represent a prime opportunity to effectively prepare expeditioners

and their partners to maximise positive adaptation throughout the Antarctic employment

experience thereby enhancing expeditioner functioning at the individual, relationship,

and organisational level.

Expeditioner Experiences of the Pre-Departure Period

The limited formal research that has investigated the pre-departure period within

Antarctic populations typically contrasts Antarctic populations with non-Antarctic

populations. Such research indicates that expeditioners report fewer subjective health

complaints than normative populations (Grant et al., 2007), although this may be an

artefact of the selection process eliminating those not physically and psychologically

capable of undertaking Antarctic employment. It has also been demonstrated that

expeditioners report higher levels of introversion, agreeableness, and intelligence

(Gunderson & Nelson, 1966) whilst lower levels of anxiety (Butcher & Ryan, 1974),

competitiveness, verbal aggressiveness, negative instrumentality (Musson, Sandal,

Harper, & Helmreich, 2002) and subjective health complaints (Grant et al.) when

compared to normative populations.

Additionally, the primary focus of such research has been to predict functioning

during the Antarctic absence (thereby facilitating selection processes) as opposed

maximising functioning within the pre-departure period Even less consideration has

been afforded to the relationship between functioning during the pre-departure period

and subsequent performance during the absence period. However, the nature of this

relationship could be important as the psychological status of expeditioners (assessed

prior to commencing pre-departure activities) could change as a result of their

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experiences during this period, potentially influencing the degree of resilience or

vulnerability demonstrated in subsequent stages of Antarctic employment.

Whilst some authors have identified personality variables associated with better

adaptation within the Antarctic environment including emotion-focused coping,

defensive hostility, openness (Grant et al.), and emotional stability (Doll & Gunderson,

1970) others argue that the identification of specific and stable personality traits

predictive of effective Antarctic employment is difficult (Gunderson, 1974; Palinkas et

al., 2000). However, the difficulty in identifying factors facilitative of positive

adaptation (and therefore performance and well-being) demonstrated by expeditioners

may be related to the methodological approaches employed in previous research

designs.

Typically, such research has employed quantitative measures applied once

during pre-departure and then again during the absence period. Compared to

longitudinal designs incorporating both quantitative and qualitative approaches to data

collection, such investigations do not allow for the mechanisms underlying change to be

identified. Furthermore, they assume that the characteristics or traits demonstrated by

expeditioners remain static between different phases of the Antarctic employment

experience, although considering the relative paucity of research linking pre-departure

experiences with well-being and performance outcomes ‘on the ice’, there is little

evidence to suggest that this is the case.

Additionally, whilst research has identified that post-return evaluations of

Antarctic employment demonstrate the existence of both positive (including increased

self-reliance (Taylor, 1974), self-satisfaction (Cravalho, 1996), tolerance towards

others, personal insight, achievement motivation, and self-efficacy (Suedfeld, 2002),

and decreased long-term risk of hospital admissions compared to military personnel

without Antarctic experience (Palinkas, 1986) and negative outcomes (including

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relationship strain, perceived missed opportunities (Taylor, 1969; Taylor &

McCormick, 1987), disturbed sleep patterns, declines in cognitive functioning,

indecisiveness, emotional withdrawal, and communication difficulties (Popkin, Stillner,

Hall, & Pierce (1978), the mechanisms by which these outcomes are achieved have also

largely been overlooked. This again suggests that research investigating adaptation

within Antarctic populations needs to focus not only on the individual phases of

Antarctic employment, but also the relationships between them in order to facilitate

positive outcomes in both the short and long-term.

In contrast, research on other populations experiencing vocational absences (e.g.

military personnel, deep-sea fishers, oil-rig workers, expatriate managers) has focused

on the unique challenges experienced during the pre-departure period that require

successful negotiation in order to maximise individual performance and well-being

whilst away. The influence of demographic characteristics, as well as individual,

organisational, and relationship resources have been investigated in an effort to identify

cohorts more vulnerable to distress as well as develop targeted intervention strategies to

assist such individuals. In order to develop a comprehensive understanding of Antarctic

employment experiences similar research agendas need to be incorporated within

Antarctic research paradigms.

Factors Influencing Pre-Departure Experiences

There are a number of vocational roles which involve routine, prolonged

separations from family including those associated with Antarctic employment,

extended space missions, military assignments, remote mining operations, fishing

operations, disaster response teams, off-shore drilling rigs, or those whose employment

is in another city (Vormbrock, 1993). However, apart from being considered an

analogue for extended space missions (Lugg, 1994; Lugg & Shepanek, 2009; Palinkas,

Gunderson, Holland, Miller, & Johnson, 2000; Suedfeld & Weiss, 2000), there are few

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similarities beyond prolonged separation from family between Antarctic and other types

of employment.