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How Anthropologists Can Succeed in Business: Mediating Multiple Worlds of Inquiry

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Abstract

Marketing research and advertising strategic planning offer viable and financially attractive career options for anthropologists because many businesses seek deep understandings of consumer lifestyles and brand use. As professionally trained anthropologists operating in the corporate world, we see a bright future for anthropologists, but we believe that there are merits in broadening the typical anthropological approach to incorporate additional theory and methods from other social and behavioral sciences, particularly psychology. The embrace of other perspectives by anthropologists in marketing and advertising is essential because executives in these businesses use principally psychological models of human agency that view consumers as operating on individualistic levels. Although marketing and advertising executives are generally aware of the interaction o.f culture, behavior, and attitudes, they are often indifferent to this process. This can stoke contentious debates between anthropologists and their clients. We suggest that business anthropologists lnust learn the language and culture of their corporate clients, as they would learn the language and culture of their iJ~forlnants in the field. In the process, they vvill better connect with clients' vvays of thinking and iJnprove their own chances ofbusiness success.
How Anthropologists
Can
Succeed
in
Business:
Mediating Multiple
Worlds
of
Inquiry
Robert
J.
Morais
Weinman
Schnee
Morais
Inc.
Timothy
de
Waal
Malefyt
BBDO Advertising
and
Parsons
(New School
for
Design)
Marketing research
and
advertising strategic planning offer viable and financially attractive
career options
for
anthropologists because many businesses seek deep understandings
of
consumer lifestyles and brand use.
As
professionally trained anthropologists operating
in
the
corporate world, we see a bright future
for
anthropologists, but we believe that there are merits
in
broadening the typical anthropological approach to incorporate additional theory and
methods from other social
and
behavioral sciences, particularly psychology. The embrace
of
other perspectives by anthropologists
in
marketing
and
advertising is essential because
executives
in
these businesses use principally psychological models
of
human agency that view
consumers as operating
on
individualistic levels. Although marketing and advertising executives
are generally aware
of
the interaction o.f culture, behavior,
and
attitudes, they are often
indifferent to this process. This can stoke contentious debates between anthropologists and their
clients.
We
suggest that business anthropologists lnust learn the language and culture
of
their
corporate clients, as they would learn the language
and
culture
of
their
iJ~forlnants
in
the field.
In the process, they
vvill
better connect with clients'
vvays
of
thinking
and
iJnprove their own
chances
of
business success.
INTRODUCTION
In a review
of
two combating books on Captain Cook's life and death in the Pacific, Clifford
Geertz notes;
Anthropology is a conflicted discipline, perpetually in search
of
ways
to
escape its
condition, perpetually failing to find them
...
fissllres within cultural anthropology as such,
the heart
of
the discipline, have proved increasingly prominent and less easy to contain.
(Geertz, 1995, p.4)
This paper addresses one such conflict and, not incidentally, the specific
cultural/psychological conflict that Geertz describes in his book review. What is curious is how
this conflict plays out today, not only in the halls
of
academia, but also in the world
of
business.
International Journal
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Business Anthropology Vol. 1(1) 2010
Page 45
Anthropology in Anlerican Business
The presence
of
cultural anthropology as a research methodology in American industry has
expanded dranlatically over the past decade. A range
of
works now address the rise
of
anthropology as a methodology for business research and as a way
of
looking at how businesses
function, many with special attention to marketing and advertising (Baba, 2006; Cefkin, 2009;
Jordan, 2003; Malefyt, 2009; Malefyt and Moeran, 2003; Malefyt and Morais, forthcoming;
McCracken, 2009; Moeran, 1996, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2010; Morais, 2007, 2009a, 2010;
Schudson, 1984; Squires and Byrne, 2002; Sunderland and Delmy, 2007; Tian, 2005; Tian and
Walle, 2009; Wasson, 2000; Zukin, 2005).
In the United States, anthropologists can be found in
manufacturing companies, advertising agencies, consulting firms and other business enterprises
engaged in new product development, communications research, design, and strategic planning,
among many job functions. Anlerican industry offers a viable and financially attractive career
option for anthropologists because many businesses seek deep llnderstandings
of
consumer
lifestyles and brand use. As professionally trained anthropologists operating in the corporate
world, we see a bright future for anthropologists, but we believe that there are merits in
broadening the typical anthropological approach to incorporate additional theory and methods
from other social and behavioral sciences, paliicularly psychology. Through our own careers in
marketing and advertising research, we have experienced the use
of
psychology as the core
method and analytical framework for understanding consumer behavior. In our work at different
companies, one a marketing research firm, the other an advertising agency, we integrate both
psychological and anthropological approaches. That is what our clients want, need, and expect.
Beyond arguing for theoretical and methodological illtegration
of
approaclles tllat are
psychological and anthropological, we see this tactic
as
a kind
of
advanced applied
anthropology, working, as it were, between two or more distinct cultures witll different
perspectives.
The contrasting
of
perspectives in business, and specifically in the marketing and advertising
industries, are represented by anthropologists who think and do anthropology
per
se (often
ethnography in business practice) alld their clients, mallufacturers and advertising and design
agencies, who think mainly in terms
of
psychology (Sunderland and Denny, 2003, p.190-191).
We, along with Sunderland and Denny, observe that marketing and advertising executives use
principally psychological models
of
human agency that view consumers
as
operating on
individualistic levels. This perspective corresponds
to
marketing models
of
purchase decision-
making and the ways that marketers and advertisers appeal to consumers through advertising,
package design, price incentives in
COllpons,
retail store shelf placement, and so on. To access
consumer attitudes and behavior, marketing and advertising professionals typically rely on
psycll0logical tools. This process ranges from the explicit application
of
psychological theories
such as Maslow's Hierarchy
of
Needs (Malefyt, 2003; Maslow, 1968),
to
questions that are
asked
of
respondents regarding individual perception, intention, and behavior, which rely on
methods such as personal histories and projective techniques. As anthropologists, we know that
consumers are subject to cultural systems, beliefs, and values that impact their cognition and
behavior (McCabe and Malefyt, 2010). Although marl(eting and advertising executives are
generally aware
of
the interaction
of
culture, behavior, and attitudes, they are often indifferent to
this process. Their research and strategic planning methodologies are constructed as
if
consumers
select goods for themselves and others from an individualized mode. Even when marketing and
advertising companies hire anthropologists to conduct etlmographic studies, as Sunderland and
Denny point out, '
...
ethnographic inquiry
is
too often embraced as a means to obtain a deeper
International Journal
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Business Anthropology Vol. 1(1) 2010
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psychological understanding
ofa
target audience' (2003, p.188). This way
of
thinking can stoke
contentious debates between anthropologists and their clients.
In
fact, Sunderland and Denny speak
of
marketers and anthropologists
as
'talking past' one
al10ther (2003, p.188). We are not surprised. We have experienced the
san1e
discursive
incongruence and, in our work, we have developed ways to ameliorate the problem. This is the
heart
of
the matter at hand. Business anthropologists must learn the language and culture
of
their
corporate clients, as they would learn the language and culture
of
their il1fonnants in the field. In
the case
of
marketing and advertising, practicing anthropologists should integrate psychology
with anthropology to create hybrid research methods and analysis
t11at
will serve the business
problem and the anthropologist-client business relationship. We will illustrate our argument
by
showing how, as anthropologists in corporate America, we mediate between and an10ng multiple
cultures. We intend
to
convey that our integrated approach relies on anthropological skills
of
listening, interpreting, and conversing across and between modalities. As we converge
disciplines, we bridge the domains
of
business and anthropology. In the process
of
learning about
our respondents' ways
of
thinking and being, we better connect with our clients' ways
of
thinking and being. We contend that anthropologists in business who retain their "pure"
anthropological perspectives without regard for their clients' perspective risk their business jobs
and, in fact, are not practicing as anthropologists should - as keen observers and navigators
of
different cultures.
Despite the penchant in marketing and advertising for psychological analysis, anthropologists
seem reluctant to expand their anthropological perspective. These anthropologists, like
Sunderland and Denny (2003), frame their work in marketing research as a disciplinary
prizefight: psychology versus anthropology. From our perspective, rather than stress disciplinary
competition, we propose that difference be seen in terms
of
con1plen1entarity, and have
attempted to educate industry in this regard (Morais, 2009b). We also suggest, and will illustrate,
that a means to expand anthropology's contribution to business
is
to convince industry that
anthropology is about more than just ethnography; it entails a way
of
observing behavior and
asking questions, even in a focus group or other research and analytical settings (cf. Morais
2010). As we incorporate both psychological and anthropological modes
of
inquiry, we find that
many business executives, il1different
to
academic theory, welcon1e any perspective that will
gain them access
to
the ways their customers think and behave. Through our convergent
methodology and analysis, we secure both consumer insights and client acceptance.
Anthropology
and
Psychology: A
Brief
History
During anthropology's formative years, culture and personality was a dominant sub-field,
stimulated
by
the early work
of
Mead (1928) and Benedict (1934) and later by Kardiner and his
associates (1945), Whiting and Child (1953), Hallowell (1967, org. 1955), and Sapir (1970),
among others. By mid-century, culture and personality suffered critical blows (Bock, 1980,
p.131). Unbowed, but certainly influenced
by
critics, anthropologists produced a spate
of
books
during the 1960's and 1970's on culture and personality, its successor
in
name, psychological
anthropology, and the related sub-discipline
of
cognitive anthropology, (see, for example,
Barnouw, 1973; Cole and Scribl1er, 1974; Hunt, 1967; Hsu, 1972; Levine, 1973, 1974; Spradley,
1972; Tyler, 1969; Wallace, 1961). These schools
of
thought were not immune to additional
reevaluation (Harris, 1968; Shweder, 1979a, 1979b, 1980), but evidence that psychological and
cognitive anthropology remained vibrant through the 1980's and 1990's
is
found
in
publications
by Shweder and Levine (1984), Schwartz, et al. (1992) and D'Andrade (1995), among others,
International Journal
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Page 47
and in more recent work by and Shweder (2003) and
D'
Andrade (2008) along with the enduring
vitality
of
Ethos, the journal
of
the Society for Psychological Anthropology
(http://ethos.anthro.illinois.edu).
The theories
al1d
research techniques
of
psychological and cognitive anthropology have much
to offer business, especially marketing and advertising, as do methods and concepts from
psychology that anthropologists have not typically used, e.g., deprivation scenarios,
personification as a projective technique, locus
of
control, mindfulness, cognitive dissonance,
and
so
forth.
In
our work, we have found that marketing and advertising executives value a close
examination
of
the relationship between culture driven beliefs, rituals, and classification systems
and consumer perceptions, attitudes, and purchase motivations. The convergence
of
disciplines
informing this examination is an evolutionary step for psychological anthropology that will help
advance the sub-discipline and seCllre livelihoods for anthropologists who choose
to
engage in
business practices.
ANTHROPOLOGISTS AND CLIENTS: A
WAY
TOWARD MEDIATION
For anthropologists to bridge the cross-cultural gap that we have described, they must accept a
duality in their role. They must retain their identity as anthropologists able to make contributions
in a business setting and they must also il1corporate the perspective
of
their clients who pay the
bill for their research. The following case study illustrates the need for duality in an advertising
agency-client relationship, one similar to the anthropologist-client relationship.
The president
of
an American advertising agency was under extreme pressure.
He was informed
by
his agency's largest client the previous day that the account
was being placed in review, meaning that the client intended to ask competing
agencies to 'pitch' for the assignn1ent. His agency had much
to
lose, and the
president called a meeting with senior account management and creative staff
to
detern1ine a plan
of
action to protect their assignment. He explained the
conditions
of
the competitive pitch. All
of
the participating agencies would
present creative work written to the same strategy, the work would be tested
among consumers, and the assignment would be awarded to the agency whose
creative work achieved the best test scores. He noted, plaintively, that he "saw
this conling" because the client had expressed dissatisfaction with recent agency
creative work and the interpersonal chemistry between senior agency and client
executives was increasingly poor. He said
11e
considered resigning the account,
but felt that the future
of
the agency would be in jeopardy. He contended that the
agency had an opportunity to demonstrate their superior understanding
of
the
client's brand and surprise the client with winning work. As he ended his
summary
of
the position the agency was now in, the president said that one
of
the
reasons the agency was in this predicament was because they had been not been
sensitive enough to the client's way
of
doing business. He underscored that
agency executives' relationships with the client were tense and creative
presentations had not gone well in recent months; even when creative ideas were
sold
to
the client, the client did not seem happy. Then the agency president said,
'We
have to be like them and not be like them'. He meant that,
to
win back the
client's
loyalty~
the agency needed to do a better job
of
understanding and
International Journal
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48
adapting to the client's corporate culture, their interactional style, their operational
processes, and the kind
of
creative work that they were most likely to accept. At
the same time, he said, the agency must demonstrate a distinctive creative voice;
otherwise why would the client retain them? After this meeting, the agency went
to work. They tried to deliver on the president's objectives. However, after
several months, the agency lost the account to a competitor.
The agency president's phrase -
"We
have to be like them and not be like them" - expresses
the duality that anthropologists engaged in marketing research must practice. Business
anthropologists must "be like them"
in
that they must learn and function effectively within their
client's cultllre or risk alienating them. At the same time, business anthropologists
lTIUst
"not be
like them" and retain their distinctive professional identities, which provides value to their
clients.
We
know from our experience that an effective way to attain this duality in marketing
and advertising research projects
is
to accept the notion
of
a convergence between clients'
psychological mode and our own cultural perspective. This duality is not duplicitous; it is a way
to mediate the cultural divide that otherwise leads to anthropologist-client contentiousness and,
ultimately, incompatibility.
CONVERGENCE IN ACTION
To illustrate
Ollr
argllment, we have selected two case studies from successful projects that each
of
the authors has managed that demonstrate how ideas and methods from psychology and
al1thropology offer complementary
meal1S
of
probing how consumers think and feel. We seek to
show that blending methods and theories from these two disciplines leads to productive results
for marketers and for the researcher-client relationship.
We
have focused on n1arketing research,
which is our domain, bllt we have no doubt that, together, psychology and anthropology can
benefit other areas
of
industry.
Understanding the "Dinner Dilemma"
An
international client who specializes in a packaged food sought
to
better understand how
middle class An1erican women typically create a family meal for each day
of
the week. The
advertising agency assigned to
t11is
project decided to use in-home ethnography conducted
by
anthropologists (including one
of
the authors) and observed shopping patterns
of
consumers to
understand the ways in which women thought about, prepared, and created meals for their
family. The research Inethods for the project included a blend
of
psychological and
anthropological methods such as observations and interviews around meal planning, preparation,
and meal-time consumption. In addition, before the scheduled eth110graphic visit, the
anthropologists who conducted the research asked each woman to keep an in-depth journal
of
her
daily thoughts and feelings around meal planning over the course
of
a week. These combined
approaches led to new thinking about the role
of
women in meal preparation.
The anthropologists discovered that
botl1
experienced and novice home cooks receive and
share recipes and meal ideas through a social network
of
other women, including women in their
family, female friends, neighbors, female associates at work, and in the local cOlnmunity. The
anthropologists reported that when women searched for meal ideas they typically were informed
about a recipe or meal idea from a fellow female worker, female friend or relative, and then
carried
Ollt
the recipe or checked for close alternatives on websites, cookbooks,
or
magazines.
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This learning reflected the powerful influence
of
personal connections in the daily task
of
generating meal ideas for the family. The idea
of
a "successful family meal" intertwined both
food features (i.e., combination
of
vegetables, meat, and starch), and the relational outcome
of
such meals (family enjoyment and socializing). Success was determined
by
what family
members liked to eat, and the resulting shared feelings
of
happiness and togetherness such meals
produced. For exanlple, a sister might strongly recommend a meal idea or recipe that she had
used successfully to make a "happy luea] occasion," and pass this "family recipe" to her sibling
or other women. Indeed, the anthropologists discovered that the world
of
food and recipes is
highly contextual
of
lived situations, where food is intertwined with personal stories and social
connections. As Harris points out, "Food, so to speak, must nourish the collective mind before
-it
can enter
an
empty stomach" (1985, p.15). Food is ultimately social and personalized, since face-
to-face connections significantly influence meal ideas, choices and outcomes.
The success
of
this project lay in coalescing an understal1ding
of
the range
of
psychological
states that women bring to meal preparation, along with an anthropological perspective on the
importance
of
social exchange in meal ideas and recipes. Especially insightful was the analysis
of
won
len's
daily journal logs, since women wrote about their varying emotional states, such as
when they felt creative, inspired, bored, and even frustrated, at coming up with meal ideas on a
regular basis. In addition, the anthropologists discovered tllat women resolve such frustrations
through sharing infonnation with other women who might be experiencing similar emotional
states. As Maslow writes, healthy individuals are motivated by higher order
l1eeds
in which
sharing their "potentials, capacities and talents" helps fulfill a sense
of
Inission (Maslow, 1968,
p.25). In this way, a friend or sister with whom recipes are exchanged occupies the same
psychological space as another familiar
or
close wonlan, and the sllaring
of
meal ideas helps to
identify and align women with similar thoughts and feelings abollt cooking for their families. By
blending a psychological perspective on cooking as it relates to the emotional state
of
the self,
witll an anthropological perspective on social networking and recipes producing relations
of
reciprocity, the anthropologists discovered that strong emotions were attached
to
the idea
of
recipes
as
"recreating the family" as a social unit through the family meal.
These insights fronl the anthropologists helped the advertising agency create a range
of
strategic and tactical marketing solutions to assist women in planning their weekly meals,
beyond just using recipes from the client's website and nlagazine. For example, the ad agency
reconlmended that the client's website could retain a psychologist to offer tips and advice on a
website for new and experienced cooks on how to deal with feelings
of
stress in preparing the
family meal, i.e., offering website content that addressed the whole person, responding
to
her at a
moment
of
need in her particular life stage, and providing her the space to connect with the
client's brand. The advertising agency also suggested ways for women
to
expand their meal
options and offer recipe ideas for friends and advice on how to set up meals for different
occasions and events, as well as starting local cooking classes for beginner cooks. Finally, the
agency employed a lTIulti-disciplinary approach to cover the range
of
women's emotional and
activity states in thinking, planning, and creating meals for their family. The agency applied
creative ideas that reflected modes
of
self-identity that Belk spells out as
"doing'~
states and
"being" states (Belk, 1988). The client praised the agency's findings and recommendations, and
has since implemented many
of
the suggested marketing plans.
International Journal
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Breakfast
Cereal
and
High Stakes Experience
The U.S. cereal market is clllttered with brands that compete for a place on the consumer's
palate. In this case study, the client needed to learn how their brand could increase consun1er
selection in-store during consumers' "nl0ment
of
choice." Instead
of
conducting in-store
observations, the usual research choice for this kind
of
inquiry, the client asked the research
compal1Y
to explore consumer responses in a focus group setting. It was agreed between the
client and the research supplier that a combination
of
psychological and anthropological methods
would generate insights on the breakfast experience (when n10st cereal is consunled), the client's
brand and competitive brands, and drivers
of
brand choice. Ninety minute in-depth one-on-one
interviews were arranged with
13
consumers. Prior to the sessions, consumers created collages
with images that illustrated how they feel when eating the client's brand and how they feel when
eating other kinds
of
breakfast foods (non-cereal). The use
of
images as metaphors to elicit
respondent commentary is a technique used
by
many n1arketing research con1panies, championed
by
Zaltman (2003), and was a tool for early psychologically-driven anthropological studies in the
form
of
the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) (Bock, 1980, p.96-105). Respondents also kept
two-week diaries concerning their breakfast experience and took photographs
of
home eating and
breakfast food storage places, techniques that some marketers consider ethnographic (Malefyt,
2009). During the il1terview sessions, the respondents were exposed to a model
of
a supermarket
shelf-set with a wide range
of
brands, tasted the client's brand and competitive brands, and were
asked about their feelings, beliefs, and rituals surroundil1g breakfast. A variation on life history
elicitation was incorporated, mirroring efforts in anthropology dating back
to
Dyk's
early
Navaho work (1967, [1938]) and following a central practice in psychotherapy (Gabbard, 2005;
McWilliams, 1999, p.42). Respondents were asked to describe childhood breakfast eating
experiences and to imagine their current life without their preferred brand, a deprivation exercise
with questions centering on their degree
of
loss and food substitutions.
This project called for an anthropological perspective on the meaning
of
food during a
specific eating occasion, for a psychological perspective on an eating experience, informed
by
observed consumption, and additional insights into consumer's attitudes and feelings about their
brand. Analysis revealed that breakfast is a liminal space, an in-between ritual time dllring which
transformations occur (Turner, 1964, 1969). Early morning is a transitional period, when
consumers move over a threshold from sleep to waking, fronl their private to public self. The
breakfast cereal brand they consume during the liminal phase is central to the content
of
their
transformational experience. The client's brand's sensate attributes
of
sweetness and crunch
made respondents feel happy, optilnistic, and even joyful. This finding, first discovered during
the interviews, was underscored during observation
of
consumption
of
the client's brand. The
positive feelings were expressed when respondents experienced a cascade
of
enjoyable flavors
and textures. Drawing on a psychological definition
of
mindfulness, it was concluded that eating
this brand was mindful because it stimulated a charged awareness
of
a sensate experience (cf.
Bishop et aI., 2004, for psychological definitions
of
mindfulness). The researchers and their
clients agreed could this quality
of
experience could help the client's brand gain "ownership"
of
breakfast. Other findings informed an understanding
of
breakfast and the brand. From a
cognitive classification perspective, there was a sharp distinction between weekdays, which
entail purpose and preparation, and weekends, which are more relaxed and loosely structured.
Through the discussion
of
the collages and detailed description
of
the consumption
of
the client's
brand and other breakfast options, breakfast was revealed to be psychologically linked to
ownership, and be territorial, with consumer phrases such as: "My breakfast";
"My
time";
"My
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51
zone." These findings helped the research and client team realize that breakfast is high stakes;
the wrong breakfast, e.g., donuts, can negatively affect eating choices for the remainder
of
the
day, compromising mood, productivity, and self-image.
This research provided the client with a deep understanding
of
their brand and the means to
position it in the marketplace more competitively. The study contributed an anthropologically
informed analysis
of
the transformational nature
of
breakfast and the psychological attendants
of
that time. As expressed in the Creative
Brief
that would serve as a guide for advertising
development, the client's brand releases the consumer's best, most optimistic
self
at the start
of
their day (paraphrased here for confidentiality). After the study was completed, the client lauded
the research
team's
layering
of
anthropological and psychological methodologies and analysis,
and rewarded the research company with numerous additional projects. When new projects were
assigned to the research company, the client Insight Director asked the research company to
blend psychological
al1d
anthropological approaches. She commented repeatedly that the appeal
of
the research company lies largely in its ability to engage in this kind
of
hybrid research.
CONCLUSION: FROM MUTUAL EXCLUSIVITY TO MUTUAL BENEFIT
Epistemologically, the academic disciplines
of
psychology and anthropology have clear
distinctions, but in consumer marketing and research practices, the units
of
analysis are often
conflated.
We
see this conjoining
of
methodologies and theoretical approacl1es as enlinently
useful for llnderstanding consumer behavior and commodity selection, and for helping to bridge
conceptual divides between business executives and the anthropological researchers they hire.
We
have argued for what Wilson (1998) calls consilience. In this context, it is a convergence
of
psychology and anthropology toward both heuristic and occupational ends (cf. Belk, 1988, for a
nlultidisciplil1ary analysis
of
possessions). As we have contended, the successful application
of
convergence will require changes in the way business anthropologists think about their work and
il1teract with their research subjects and their clients.
We
believe that this interdisciplinary
synthesis will positively shape the future
of
anthropologists in corporate work. It merits serious
consideration
by
PhD students who are interested in pursuing a career in applied antl1fopology.
As Sllnderland and
D~nny
(2003) note, the cultural perspective
of
anthropology has value in
and
of
itself, and the distinction between anthropological and psychological questions should be
recognized.
We
agree, conceptually. However, rather than launch a battle with marketing and
advertising executives in an effort to educate them about differences between anthropology and
psychology, we believe it is wiser to consider how psychological and anthropological ideas
interact in the interest
of
consumer understanding. We connect individuals to cultural processes
and consider how ideas, beliefs, and actions surrounding wellness, shopping behavior, cooking,
and food consumption behavior and other domains provide solutions to marketing challenges.
This is what our clients ultimately want. They distain theoretical distinctions but they embrace
practical knowledge that can lead
to
brand growth. In this way, we educate our clients gradually
on anthropological concepts, such as rituals, social exchange, and other cultural processes,
without engaging
in
contentious debates about "an anthropological approach."
Being anthropologists in advertising and marketing research affords us a position in which we
are able to play with accepted practices
of
psychology, expanding them to be more
anthropological and to integrate psychological methods and modes
of
thinking with
anthropological ones. We are not alone (cf. Rapaille, 2006, for a popularized approach). In this
sense, the business world may provide more freedom than academic settings in which to
International JOllmal
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integrate the two disciplines because business applications are less concerned with purity
of
theory, method, application, and more about answering questions with marketplace value. Many
anthropologists succeed in business while retaining theoretical purity. Other practitioners face
clients who find an exclusively anthropological perspective limiting or too arcane to be
of
value.
For the latter segment, convergence between anthropology and psychology will open
opportunities in applied anthropology as it makes the work and the working relationships
of
anthropologists ill business more robust.
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