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Abstract

This study investigated 898 parents’ and adult children’s reasons for estrangement in light of research on interpersonal attributions and the relational consequences of perspective-taking. Three primary categories emerged: estrangement resulted from intrafamily, interfamily, or intrapersonal issues. Within each category, the frequency of parents’ and children’s reasons for estrangement differed significantly from each other. Parents reported that their primary reason for becoming estranged stemmed from their children’s objectionable relationships or sense of entitlement, whereas adult children most frequently attributed their estrangement to their parents’ toxic behavior or feeling unsupported and unaccepted. Parents also reported that they were unsure of the reason for their estrangement significantly more often than did children. Examining estrangement from the perspective of both parents and adult children offers potential avenues for family reconciliation and future communication research.
University of Nebraska - Lincoln
DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln
Papers in Communication Studies Communication Studies, Department of
2015
Giving Voice to the Silence of Family
Estrangement: Comparing Reasons of Estranged
Parents and Adult Children in a Non-matched
Sample
Kristen Carr
Texas Christian University
Amanda Holman
Creighton University
Jenna Abetz
College of Charleston
Jody Koenig Kellas
University of Nebraska-Lincoln, jkellas2@unl.edu
Elizabeth Vagnoni
Estranged Stories
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Carr, Kristen; Holman, Amanda; Abetz, Jenna; Koenig Kellas, Jody; and Vagnoni, Elizabeth, "Giving Voice to the Silence of Family
Estrangement: Comparing Reasons of Estranged Parents and Adult Children in a Non-matched Sample" (2015). Papers in
Communication Studies. 66.
h=p://digitalcommons.unl.edu/commstudiespapers/66
1
digitalcommons.unl.edu
Published in Journal of Family Communication, 15: 2015
DOI: 10.1080/15267431.2015.1013106
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC .
Used by permission.
Giving Voice to the Silence of Family Estrangement:
Comparing Reasons of Estranged Parents and Adult
Children in a Non-matched Sample
Kristen Carr1, Amanda Holman2, Jenna Abetz3, Jody Koenig Kellas4 & Elizabeth Vagnoni5
1. Department of Communication Studies, Texas Christian University
2. Department of Communication Studies, Creighton University
3. Department of Communication, College of Charleston
4. Department of Communication Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
5. Estranged Stories
Abstract
This study investigated 898 parents’ and adult children’s reasons for estrangement in light of re-
search on interpersonal attributions and the relational consequences of perspective taking. Three
primary categories emerged: estrangement resulted from intrafamily, interfamily, or intrapersonal
issues. Within each category, the frequency of parents’ and children’s reasons for estrangement
differed signicantly from each other. Parents reported that their primary reason for becoming es-
tranged stemmed from their children’s objectionable relationships or sense of entitlement, whereas
adult children most frequently attributed their estrangement to their parents’ toxic behavior or feel-
ing unsupported and unaccepted. Parents also reported that they were unsure of the reason for their
estrangement signicantly more often than did children. Examining estrangement from the perspec-
tive of both parents and adult children offers potential avenues for family reconciliation and future
communication research.
Traditionally, family scholars study parent-child relationships as though they are enduring and per-
manent; thus, it is not surprising that research exploring why these relationships dissolve is rela-
tively scarce. Perhaps because of these normative assumptions about the permanence of parent-child
relationships, the effects of family estrangement can be devastating to those who experience it.
Parent-child estrangement, or the decision to discontinue communication by either parent or child,
occurs when the parent-child bond has been signicantly damaged (Friedlander & Walters, 2010),
yet the reasons for discontinuing this relationship vary widely.
Reasons for estrangement from extant research include traumatic experiences of family violence,
abuse, neglect, (Drozd & Olesen, 2004; Friedlander & Walters, 2010), and parental misbehavior
such as repetitive explosive outbursts or intense marital conict (Kelly & Johnston, 2001), espe-
cially after divorce (Campbell, 2005). The majority of researchers investigating the reasons for
parent-child estrangement, however, seek out individuals estranged as a result of a specic circum-
stance. In other words, existing knowledge of parent-child estrangement reects researchers’ a priori
decisions about its possible causes. Asking participants to select the most salient contributing fac-
tors surrounding their own experiences (e.g., divorce, abuse) provides an important foundation for
parent-child estrangement. However, we know of no study, to date, that allowed estranged parents
and children to provide open-ended explanations for why they are estranged. Therefore, the initial
2 Carr et. al. Journal of family CommuniCations 2015
purpose of this study is to examine the reasons given by both parents and adult children for family
estrangement.
Because parents and children are unlikely to discuss their estrangement with each other—and are
therefore unlikely to understand each other’s reasoning—an additional goal of this study is to un-
derstand how parents and adult children uniquely make sense of the circumstances surrounding their
estrangement. The ability to understand, attend to, and conrm others’ perspectives is positively
associated with family satisfaction, cohesion, adaptability, and perceptions of family support (Koe-
nig Kellas, 2005; Trees & Koenig Kellas, 2009). Thus, the opportunity to understand one another’s
point of view may be an important rst step for researchers and practitioners in helping families
cope with their estrangement.
Making Sense of Estrangement
Because of the social expectation of permanence for parent-child relationships, the dissolution of
parent-child bonds requires a valid reason to avoid negative sanctions (McCall, 1982). Yet, the ab-
sence of verbal communication between estranged parents and children suggests that estrangement
may be best understood through internal sense-making processes such as attribution and perspective
taking. Because individuals operate as “naïve scientists” to understand the cognitive and communi-
cative processes in explaining others’ behavior (Manusov & Spitzberg, 2008), examining how these
attributions for estrangement vary may provide important insight to families who have become
estranged.
Attribution theory focuses on the degree to which individuals’ causal loci for behavior is internal
or external (Heider, 1958). Internal causes are those that are associated with the disposition and
characteristics of an individual, whereas externally located causes attribute behavior to some envi-
ronmental factor, such as an illness or injury. Individuals who believe that their relational partners’
positive behavior is intentional and voluntary, and that their negative behavior is unintentional and
involuntary are making relationship-enhancing attributions, which are associated with increased
relational satisfaction and adjustment (Holtzworth-Munroe & Jacobson, 1985; Manusov, 1990).
Conversely, people who assign internal causes to negative behavior and external causes to positive
behavior make distress-maintaining attributions, which often result in anger, conict (Canary &
Spitzberg, 1990) and perhaps, estrangement.
Thus, it seems likely that parents’ and adult children’s reasons for their estrangement offer insight
into their unique sense-making processes. When faced with problematic behavior, people cogni-
tively and discursively construct reasons for self- and other-behavior, and these cognitive and com-
municative constructions have relational consequences. In the context of parent-child estrangement,
understanding the reasons parents and adult children provide lends insight into this understudied but
consequential family phenomenon. Thus, we asked:
RQ1: What reasons do parents and adult children provide for their estrangement?
In addition to examining parents and children’s explanations for their estrangement, it may also
be useful to examine how, if at all, parents’ reasons vary from adult children’s reasons. Because
differing perspectives may be at the heart of the conict and misunderstanding that characterizes
estrangement, it seems likely that parents and adult children provide different accounts for their
estrangement as well. Thus, understanding how parents and children’s perspectives diverge is an
important step in providing practical suggestions for families coping with estrangement.
The ability to take another’s perspective and communicate that understanding to others has been
identied as a signicant predictor of family satisfaction, adaptability, and family functioning (Koe-
GivinG voiCe to the silenCe of family estranGement 3
nig Kellas, 2005; Trees & Koenig Kellas, 2009) and is predictive of empathic concern (Takada &
Levine, 2007). Given the positive links between perspective taking and relationship functioning
(Long & Andrews, 1990), estranged relationships are likely characterized by differences in, or lack
of, perspective taking. Examining how parents’ and children’s attributions for estrangement differ
offers a window into how they make sense of their relational difculties and may provide an im-
portant rst step in helping estranged parents and children to understand each other’s perspectives.
To gain an understanding of how parents’ and children’s perspectives differ as evidenced by their
attributions for estrangement, we also asked:
RQ2: How do parents’ and adult children’s reasons for estrangement vary?
Method
Participants
Data for this study were collected as part of a larger research project on parent-child estrangement
initiated by the fth author as the creator and moderator of a website providing social support for
estranged parents and adult children. Participants consisted of a nonmatched sample of 546 par-
ents and 352 adult children (N = 898) who were recruited from various websites associated with
estrangement. The online survey asked participants to provide basic demographic information, the
details surrounding the estrangement, and to respond to the open-ended prompt of “From your point
of view, please briey describe what you believe to be the reason for the estrangement.”
In the parent sample, nearly 93% (n = 507) were female, and the majority was Caucasian (95%, n =
520). Although the majority of parents resided in the United States (86%, n = 470), responses were
recorded from 11 other countries (11.9%, n = 65). The mean age of the parents was 56 years (SD =
7.64) and they had been estranged from their children for about ve years (M = 5.35, SD = 5.60).
Adult children participants were also predominantly female (82%, n = 290), Caucasian (87%, n =
308), and resided in the United States (77%, n = 273). The mean age of estranged adult children was
nearly 40 years old (M = 39.76, SD = 10.36) and they reported being estranged from their parent(s)
for approximately nine years (M = 8.59, SD = 8.75), beginning at age 31.
Data Analysis
To identify parents and children’s reasons for their estrangement, the open-ended data were coded
in a series of steps. Consistent with Vangelisti, Crumley, and Baker’s (1999) coding procedures,
all responses were examined and initial thematic categories were derived using analytic induction
(Bulmer, 1979). An additional twenty percent of the data were reviewed based on this preliminary
list of categories, allowing thematic categories to be redened, collapsed, or expanded as necessary,
resulting in a nal list of 14 reasons for parent-child estrangement. Early in the coding process,
we were open to the possibility that the list of reasons would differ between parent and adult-child
samples. However, we discovered that the reasons provided were similar enough to be categorized
under one coding scheme encompassing both parents and children.
Each response was rst read in its entirety to obtain a global sense of its theme. If a single theme
emerged as the reason for estrangement (e.g., physical abuse, divorce), the corresponding code was
assigned. If the reason for estrangement spanned more than one theme (i.e., several themes were
listed in one response), the theme that was the most developed in length or description was selected
as the primary theme. After all data were coded, twenty percent were checked for consistency across
coders. In this sample, Cohen’s Kappa indicated acceptable reliability among coders (κ = .80, 83%);
all disagreements were resolved through discussion and one nal code was assigned.
4 Carr et. al. Journal of family CommuniCations 2015
GivinG voiCe to the silenCe of family estranGement 5
6 Carr et. al. Journal of family CommuniCations 2015
GivinG voiCe to the silenCe of family estranGement 7
Results
The research questions guiding this study sought to rst examine parents’ and adult children’s rea-
sons for estrangement (RQ1) and then to identify how parents and children vary in their explana-
tion of the circumstances surrounding estrangement (RQ2). The results of RQ1 demonstrated that
across both parent and child groups, three overarching categories emerged, indicating that estrange-
ment resulted from intrafamily, interfamily, or intrapersonal issues. Intrafamily issues suggested
that estrangement resulted from negative behavior occurring between estranged family members.
Interfamily reasons indicated that estrangement resulted from situations or issues existing outside of
the estranged family relationship. Intrapersonal reasons suggested that estrangement resulted from a
personality characteristic of oneself or a family member. Within these three overarching categories,
reasons for estrangement were categorized into 14 themes. A fourth category was created to include
themes of unsure/don’t know and uncodable. Denitions of each category, theme, and examples
from both parents and children are available in Table 1.
To answer RQ2 and understand how parents and children varied in their reasons for estrange-
ment, a cross-tabs contingency analysis revealed signicant differences in the frequency with which
parents and children discussed their estrangement as the result of intrafamily interfamily, or intraper-
sonal issues. Follow up pairwise comparisons were then conducted to assess the specic differences
among these groups, indicating that, when compared to children, parents’ reasons for estrangement
tended to result from more interfamily χ2(1) = 56.12, p < .001 and intrafamily reasons, χ2(1) = 5.37,
p < .05, whereas children reported signicantly more intrapersonal attributions χ2(1) = 44.38, p <
.001 than did parents. To further assess these variations between parents and children’s reasons for
estrangement, we then conducted a series of pairwise comparisons to determine if the frequency of
each theme differed between parents and children. Rather than reporting results from all 14 pairwise
comparisons textually, we use asterisks in Table 1 to indicate additional statistically signicant (p <
.05) differences between parents and children in categories and themes.
Discussion
This study examined reasons provided by parents and adult children for their estrangement and
identied how these reasons differed between estranged children and parents. Previous research
on estrangement has focused on predetermined situational occurrences such as divorce (Campbell,
2005), alcoholism, abuse (Drozd & Olesen, 2004; Friedlander & Walters, 2010), or other forms of
parental misbehavior such as intense, negative outbursts and repetitive conict (Kelly & Johnston,
2001). Although these events contributed to estrangement, few parents and adult children reported
these as their primary reasons for the dissolution of the parent-child relationships in this large-scale
study. For the children in our study, the main reasons for estrangement stemmed from their percep-
tion of their parents’ toxic behavior, or feeling unsupported and/or unaccepted. Parents, in contrast,
most frequently attributed estrangement to their children’s objectionable relationships outside the
family.
Overall, analyses indicated that parents cited signicantly more intra-and interfamily reasons
for their estrangement than did children, suggesting that situational or family stressors played a
more prominent role for parents than did their estranged child’s character or personality. For many
parents, estrangement was the result of external circumstances; if absent, estrangement would likely
have not occurred. In contrast, children cited signicantly more intrapersonal reasons for their es-
trangement, signifying that children viewed their reason for estrangement as a consequence of the
characteristics of their parents; an unfortunate but inevitable ending, barring signicant personality
changes. These differences are demonstrated by the variations between parents’ and children’s ex-
perience of each category and theme discussed below.
8 Carr et. al. Journal of family CommuniCations 2015
Within the intrafamily category, parents often discussed estrangement as related to their own
divorce or their child’s entitled behavior more frequently than did children. These differences have
several interesting implications. First, existing research on parent-child estrangement has focused
primarily on divorce as the impetus for estrangement, but just 13.2% of parents and 2.3% of children
reported this as their primary reason for becoming estranged. The signicant difference in parents’
and children’s experiences may reect their respective attributional biases, in that parents tended to
blame estrangement on sources outside of themselves, and children tended to attribute estrangement
to the personal characteristics of their parents. Additionally, parents report entitlement as the reason
for estrangement more frequently than do children. It is interesting to note that even when children
did report entitlement as the reason for being estranged, they generally cited this as their perception
of their parents’ perspective, rather than as self-reection or an admission of misbehavior.
Of those parents and children providing interfamily reasons, signicantly more parents attributed
their estrangement to their children’s objectionable relationships. Although parents discussed their
children’s destructive or hurtful behavior in this category, the reason for the change in their person-
ality was generally attributed to the inuence of the objectionable person. Children, however, often
indicated that their parents’ inability to accept their dating partner or spouse resulted from their
parents’ narrow-minded personality. Additionally, children discussed their parents’ self-centered be-
havior as a relatively stable characteristic that allowed little opportunity for change. Interestingly,
relatively few parents recognized their own role in their children’s self-centered behavior, suggest-
ing that they may have been excessively supportive or overly accommodating to their children. Pa-
rental self-reection was not as prevalent, however, when parents reported the reason for estrange-
ment as unloved and/or unsupported. Overwhelmingly, parents discussed their children’s perception
of being unloved, but were uncertain of their own role in creating these feelings. Children, on the
other hand, were explicit about the reasons for feeling unloved, and often attributed these causes to
stable and internal characteristics of their parents.
Collectively, the differences outlined here suggest that parents tended to discuss estrangement as
the result of external factors (e.g., objectionable relationships), whereas children cited their parents’
internal personal characteristics (e.g., toxicity). However, the data suggest that both parents and
children are more likely to explain estrangement in terms of the parents’ behavior, perhaps reecting
a social expectation that parents are primarily responsible for maintaining the parent-child relation-
ship.
Contribution to the Literature
These variations in experiences of estrangement contribute to the existing body of research in sev-
eral ways. First, nearly all of the existing research on parent-child estrangement has assumed that
estrangement occurs during adolescence (Friedlander & Walters, 2010; Kim, 2006), whereas the
average age of estrangement for this sample was 31 years old. Although much of the research on
parent-child estrangement has grown out of the literature on parental alienation and divorce, this
constituted only 15.5% of the total sample’s attributions for estrangement. Family events such as
divorce played a role in many of the participants’ reasons for becoming estranged, but, like parent-
adolescent conict, was frequently one piece of a larger relational puzzle.
One of the most predominant variations in parents and children’s reasons for their estrangement
in the current sample is well supported by attribution theory. Specically, these results suggest
that when explaining estrangement, parents tended to make more external attributions about the
estrangement (e.g., divorce), whereas children made attributions that were internal to the parent.
Overall, however, the data suggest that both parents and children are more likely to explain es-
trangement in terms of the parents’ behavior. If parents are socially expected to take more responsi-
bility for estrangement from their children, it is not surprising that they would make more external,
GivinG voiCe to the silenCe of family estranGement 9
uncontrollable attributions for their own actions. Research on the fundamental attribution error,
which suggests that people are more likely to attribute internal causes to others’ negative behavior
(Ross, 1977), may help to explain children’s attributions. Specically, children in this study tended
to attribute estrangement to the negative, internal, stable characteristics of their parents (i.e., self-
centeredness, toxicity). However, as illustrated by the fundamental attribution error, the causes of a
person’s behavior are rarely this simple or straightforward, and thus children’s assessment of their
parents’ behavior may be incomplete or inaccurate.
In addition to the variation in the nature of their attributions, parents were not as condent in
the verity of their attributions for estrangement as were children, and their accounts were less de-
veloped. Parents often speculated or listed multiple “options” as reasons for estrangement, whereas
children were much more convinced as to the reason they were estranged from their parents. This
has signicant implications when viewed through the lens of perspective-taking as the ability to take
the perspective of others, especially during times of difculty or stress, has very real consequences
for family relationships (e.g., Koenig Kellas, 2005). At the same time, children were even less likely
to incorporate their parents’ perspectives about estrangement than were the parent sample. Teaching
parents and children how to communicate in a way that supports each other’s perspective during
times of family crisis may result in more generous attributions for each other’s behavior.
The silence that inherently characterizes estrangement makes this a particularly difcult issue
for families to address. Many parents’ reasons for their estrangement were fraught with confusion,
bewilderment, and pain as they attempted to grapple with their estrangement from their child. Re-
building a broken relationship requires the effort of both the parent and estranged child, but mis-
understanding one another’s reasons for estrangement is likely to make any effort at reconciliation
difcult. Thus, although familial experiences with estrangement are likely unique, there is consider-
able benet for both estranged parents and children to understand each others’ perspectives, even
in a general sense.
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
There are several limitations to this study that should be considered. First, recruiting participants
through an online support community may lead to different perspectives than recruiting from the
general population because these participants may have spent more time disentangling their own
reasons for estrangement already. Additionally, because the majority of parents in this study were
female, it may be salient to examine estrangement more closely from fathers’ perspectives. Finally,
because there are limitations to cross-sectional data, future research should study estrangement lon-
gitudinally, as estrangement commonly unfolds over time.
Given the signicant distress experienced by estranged parents and children (Baker, 2005; Kim,
2006), our primary focus is on generating conclusions with practical value. Understanding how
parents and children uniquely make sense of the circumstances surrounding their estrangement has
signicant utility for researchers, practitioners, and family members alike. With a richer knowledge
of why the parent-child bond becomes severed, researchers might explore the long-term impact of
parent-child estrangement over time. Given that toxicity is the primary reason children report for
estranging themselves from their parents, practitioners might consider ways to help parents under-
stand how their children see their communicative patterns as hurtful or toxic, which may serve as a
mechanism for better understanding their children’s perspective.
Likewise, it may be benecial for adult children to reevaluate their previously-held attributions
of parental toxicity, especially when a signicant amount of time has elapsed since the estrange-
ment. By denition, estrangement involves the absence of verbal communication between parents
and children. Offering a synthesis of large-sample reasons for estrangement from the perspective
10 Carr et. al. Journal of family CommuniCations 2015
of both parents and children offers a communicative link for either of the estranged individuals to
be self-reective. Based on the difculty both parents and adult children experienced in under-
standing each others’ reasons for estrangement, it seems that developing the skills associated with
communicated perspective-taking may be particularly salient as a preventative and reconciliatory
mechanism in parent-child relationships.
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... Differences in values (i.e., religious views, political views, choice of careers, etc.), anger surrounding events that took place within the parents' marriage (i.e., decisions to divorce), intolerance and misunderstanding of children's sexual and gender identity, and disapproval of the child's choice of life partners are some of the many reasons why the parent-child relationship become strained. From the perspective of the parents, the "causes" of estrangement (lack of contact/limited contact) often involve feelings that the child is prioritizing other relationships over the parent-child relationship, including their relationship with the other parent and their relationship with their romantic partner (Agllias, 2016;Carr et al., 2015;Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2021: Reczek et al., 2023. Researchers doing work in familial estrangement have shown that mismatched expectations about family roles and relationships, criticism and judgment relating to divorce, mental health difficulties, and emotional abuse were among the top reasons why adult children decided to discontinue a relationship with their parents (Bland, 2019). ...
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It is not uncommon for parents to experience estrangement from their adult children. While therapeutic techniques exist to assist in the reunification of these strained relationships, many parent-child relationships will, unfortunately, never reconcile. REBT is an effective therapeutic modality for the treatment of individuals experiencing emotional disturbance (often feelings of guilt, shame, and anger) related to their adult children’s decision to sever contact. The teaching of unconditional self-acceptance, unconditional acceptance of the family member who has decided to sever contact, and the disputation of rigid and extreme attitudes related to their estrangement make it a practical therapeutic approach for individuals experiencing the loss of desired contact with their family members.
... They may also encounter partner uncertainty regarding their emerging adult child's view of the relationship (e.g. why have they distanced themselves from me?; Carr et al., 2015), or relational uncertainty regarding the nature of their dyadic bond (e.g. will we define this as a parent-child relationship or a friendship going forward?; Jablonski & Martino, 2013). ...
... It is just one way of working and is not a substitute for training in psychotherapeutic or psychological models, although I am conscious that not everyone reading this will come from a psychotherapy or psychology background. I would encourage all professionals to continue to explore other approaches, particularly those that address working with complex relational dynamics and their impact on psychological wellbeing, as research highlights the role mental health issues, emotional distress, and trauma can play with estrangement, either in response to an estrangement (Agllias, 2011a;Dattilio & Nichols, 2011) or as a catalyst for an estrangement (Carr et al., 2015). This book is also not a replacement for actual clinical experience in a recognized field of study, although I hope my own experiences are helpful to all. ...
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Family estrangement and the stigma attached to it are complex phenomena affecting a great number of people in various ways. In response, Navigating Family Estrangement offers a deep dive into the reality of being estranged in contemporary society. This practical guide looks at how to effectively help estranged adults achieve better outcomes from a variety of perspectives. The author explores the difficulties of working with estrangement, including professional roadblocks such as the six biases that prevent connecting with a client's experience. He delves into the unique seven-step Estrangement Inquiry Model that aims to provide important insight into a client's family history, map out the present estrangement dynamic, and highlight the types of interventions to support their needs. Combining research from a range of different fields with the author's decade of clinical experience, the book is supplemented with five comprehensive case studies to demonstrate the practical strategies that address estrangement challenges. This book offers a clear and collaborative approach to a topic that will be relevant for a range of professionals, including psychotherapists, psychologists, counsellors and social workers.
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Allegations of family violence, child abuse, and alienation often occur in the same contested child custody case. Custody eval-uators often are poorly trained in forensic assessment of allegations of domestic violence and allegations of alienation. The authors of this article suggest language that is designed to differentiate between cases in which the term alienation is appropriate, as in non-abuse cases, and when it is best to use other language such as estrangementsabotaging, and counter productive protective parenting in cases where there is abuse. This article describes a decision tree that is designed to assist evaluators in identifying the causes of multiple allegations of maltreatment and abuse.
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Two studies were conducted to investigate the link between the themes of stories individuals feel describe their family and the way people evaluate their family relationships. Individuals described a story characterizing their own family and then re-told that story so that it reflected an ‘ideal’ family. The themes that emerged from these stories, as well as the discrepancies between the themes portrayed in the two stories, were examined. Findings indicated that the themes typifying people’s stories about their own family were associated with individuals’ family satisfaction. Stories reflecting care, togetherness, adaptability, reconstruction, and humorwere positively linked to satisfaction, whereas those portraying disregard, hostility, chaos, divergent values, and personality attributeswere negatively related to individuals’ feelings about their family. The themes characterizing people’s stories about what they saw as the ‘ideal’ family, by contrast, were unrelated to satisfaction. But, as expected, the discrepancies between many of the themes represented in people’s own family stories and those portrayed in their ‘ideal’ stories were associated with the way individuals felt about their family relationships. Furthermore, the way people perceived their own family stories was linked to their beliefs that, at some point, their own stories would change to become more like their ‘ideal’ stories.
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This study investigates the extent to which actor‐partner points of view influence the outcomes of conflict messages on perceptions of communicator appropriateness, effectiveness, and global competence. Actors perceived themselves as more competent and appropriate than partners judged them. Correlation analyses revealed that actor‐partner perceptual associations generally were strongest for distributive behaviors (i.e., anger, criticism, sarcasm), then avoidance, and then integration. Regression analyses indicated that the partner's perceptions of the actor's competence were affected more than were actor's self‐rated competence by conflict strategies. Both actor and partner judgments of global competence, general appropriateness, and effectiveness were primarily predicted by integration, and then by distributive behaviors; while specific appropriateness judgments were primarily predicted by distributive behaviors. The findings generally support the attributional approach used to explain actor‐observer judgments of actors’ communicative competence.
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This article suggests ways in which attribution theories can explain the interpretation processes involved in understanding nonverbal behavior. An experiment examined attribution choices for nonverbal messages between romantic partners. Couples (N = 63) were videotaped while playing a game of “Trivial Pursuit.” During the interaction, one member of the dyad manipulated his or her nonverbal behaviors to appear positive at one point and negative at a second time period. If noticed, the partner made attributions for these behaviors. It was found that level of relational satisfaction correlated with perceptions of cause for nonverbal messages. In particular, negative behaviors were seen to be more intentional, stable, and controllable, whereas positive cues were perceived to be more external, unstable, and specific as relational satisfaction decreased. Further, satisfied couples were more likely to offer neutral motives for the negative behaviors of their partners. Overall, negative behaviors more commonly elicited overt attributions than did positive or baseline cues, but the number of attributions provided to account for the behaviors increased along with satisfaction level.
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• As the title suggests, this book examines the psychology of interpersonal relations. In the context of this book, the term "interpersonal relations" denotes relations between a few, usually between two, people. How one person thinks and feels about another person, how he perceives him and what he does to him, what he expects him to do or think, how he reacts to the actions of the other--these are some of the phenomena that will be treated. Our concern will be with "surface" matters, the events that occur in everyday life on a conscious level, rather than with the unconscious processes studied by psychoanalysis in "depth" psychology. These intuitively understood and "obvious" human relations can, as we shall see, be just as challenging and psychologically significant as the deeper and stranger phenomena. The discussion will center on the person as the basic unit to be investigated. That is to say, the two-person group and its properties as a superindividual unit will not be the focus of attention. Of course, in dealing with the person as a member of a dyad, he cannot be described as a lone subject in an impersonal environment, but must be represented as standing in relation to and interacting with another person. The chapter topics included in this book include: Perceiving the Other Person; The Other Person as Perceiver; The Naive Analysis of Action; Desire and Pleasure; Environmental Effects; Sentiment; Ought and Value; Request and Command; Benefit and Harm; and Reaction to the Lot of the Other Person. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) • As the title suggests, this book examines the psychology of interpersonal relations. In the context of this book, the term "interpersonal relations" denotes relations between a few, usually between two, people. How one person thinks and feels about another person, how he perceives him and what he does to him, what he expects him to do or think, how he reacts to the actions of the other--these are some of the phenomena that will be treated. Our concern will be with "surface" matters, the events that occur in everyday life on a conscious level, rather than with the unconscious processes studied by psychoanalysis in "depth" psychology. These intuitively understood and "obvious" human relations can, as we shall see, be just as challenging and psychologically significant as the deeper and stranger phenomena. The discussion will center on the person as the basic unit to be investigated. That is to say, the two-person group and its properties as a superindividual unit will not be the focus of attention. Of course, in dealing with the person as a member of a dyad, he cannot be described as a lone subject in an impersonal environment, but must be represented as standing in relation to and interacting with another person. The chapter topics included in this book include: Perceiving the Other Person; The Other Person as Perceiver; The Naive Analysis of Action; Desire and Pleasure; Environmental Effects; Sentiment; Ought and Value; Request and Command; Benefit and Harm; and Reaction to the Lot of the Other Person. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Chapter
Attribution theory is concerned with the attempts of ordinary people to understand the causes and implications of the events they witness. It deals with the “naive psychology” of the “man in the street” as he interprets his own behaviors and the actions of others. For man—in the perspective of attribution theory—is an intuitive psychologist who seeks to explain behavior and draw inferences about actors and their environments. To better understand the perceptions and actions of this intuitive scientist, his methods must be explored. The sources of oversight, error, or bias in his assumptions and procedures may have serious consequences, both for the lay psychologist himself and for the society that he builds and perpetuates. These shortcomings, explored from the vantage point of contemporary attribution theory, are the focus of the chapter. The logical or rational schemata employed by intuitive psychologists and the sources of bias in their attempts at understanding, predicting, and controlling the events that unfold around them are considered. Attributional biases in the psychology of prediction, perseverance of social inferences and social theories, and the intuitive psychologist's illusions and insights are described.
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This paper assessed the effectiveness of the application of the even-a-penny-helps strategy to recruiting volunteers by changing the wording to “even a few minutes would help.” The moderating, mediating, and direct impact of perspective taking and empathic concern were also investigated. Across conditions, the data (n = 55) were consistent with a model in which perspective taking leads to empathic concern, which in turn, leads to increased volunteering. Whereas more people volunteered (23%) in the even-a-few-minutes group than a direct request control group (14%), the difference was not statistically significant. The effectiveness of the even-a-few-minutes strategy, however, was moderated by perspective taking. The even-a-few-minutes strategy (50%) was substantially more effective than a direct request (5%) for individuals high in perspective taking but counterproductive (6% compliance vs. 33% in the control group) when used on people scoring low on perspective taking.
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Family stories work to construct family identity. Little research, however, has examined storytelling in families. This study examined storytelling content and process to assess the extent to which families jointly integrated or fragmented a shared sense of identity and how these discursive practices relate to family qualities. Results of a study involving 58 family triads indicate relationships between story theme (e.g., accomplishment vs. stress), person referencing practices (e.g., we-ness vs. separateness), and interactional storytelling behaviors (e.g., engagement, turn-taking). Moreover, story framing, perspective-taking, statements about selves-in-the-family, and identifying as a “storytelling family” emerged consistently as positive predictors of family satisfaction and functioning. The results offer a portrait of how families communicate identity and functioning in joint storytelling interactions and further position storytelling as a communication phenomenon worthy of consideration.
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Narratives help people make sense of difficult experiences. In addition, stories provide insight into people's conceptualizations of the world, including their understanding of their family relationships. Given these two functions of storytelling, the ways in which family members tell stories about difficult experiences together should reveal or reflect relational qualities. This project focused on how the family relational context relates to jointly-enacted sense-making behaviors as families tell stories of shared difficult experiences. Findings indicate that interactional sense-making behaviors, in particular coherence and perspective-taking, predict important family relational qualities. This suggests that family qualities affect and are reflected in the likelihood that family members will engage in productive sense-making behaviors as a unit when talking about a shared difficult experience.